Journal articles on the topic 'Soviet union - international relations'
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1
Slider, Darrell. "The Soviet Union." Electoral Studies 9, no. 4 (December 1990): 295–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(90)90014-y.
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Zou, Chengzhang. "INTERPRETING SINO-SOVIET RELATIONS IN SOVIET HISTORIOGRAPHY." Politology bulletin, no. 91 (2023): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2023.91.139-148.
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The interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography is a complex issue that reflects various stages in the history of the Soviet Union, portraying contradictions and transformations in the interaction between the two communist states. Exploring this topic allows us to unveil the evolution of relations, the impact of domestic and foreign policy factors on diplomatic ties, and the changing perceptions of China within the USSR. The article provides an overview of the history of relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Soviet Union. The main milestones in the history of these relations are highlighted, with a focus on key features and major events. The experience of cooperation between the Soviet Union and the PRC in the early stages of their relations, prior to the Sino-Soviet split, is examined. During the initial phase of Sino-Soviet diplomacy, Soviet historiography emphasized the solidarity of the two nations united by communist ideals. However, over time, discrepancies emerged, manifesting in the absence of a unified stance on international communism. Amid the Chinese Cultural Revolution, the USSR started perceiving its eastern neighbor as marked by radicalism and hostility. In the 1970s and 1980s, Soviet historiography began to highlight failures in relations, reflecting real divisions and competition. Research during this period focused on external challenges and the strategic significance of China for the USSR. The interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography indicates the complexity and dynamics of diplomatic ties between the two countries. It also reflects the internal political and geopolitical transformations occurring in both nations over time.
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Light, Margot. "The Study of International Relations in the Soviet Union." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 16, no. 2 (June 1987): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298870160020601.
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Yakupova, Dar'ya Viktorovna, and Roman Aleksandrovich Yakupov. "“Bread for the People and National Security”: Soviet commercial diplomacy during the period of détente." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2021): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.11.34328.
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The relevance of this research is defined by the need for analyzing the historical experience of adaptation of foreign economic activity of the Soviet State to the challenges of Western policy deterrence, the imperatives of which are being applied to Russia in the current context. The subject of this research is the Soviet grain procurement crisis and foreign policy ways for its overcoming. The object of this research is trade and diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the United States. The scientific novelty lies in elaboration of the concept of “commercial diplomacy” – the foreign economic activity of the USSR government aimed at solution of the domestic problems and tasks of modernization. Leaning on the newly introduced sources, the conclusion is made that the policy of commercial diplomacy implemented by the Soviet Union suggested the use of international dialogue within the framework of cooperation between the governments and public-private business circles on achieving the economic goals associated with the national interests of the Soviet Union. The critical need for grain procurement, discovery of the oil resources potential, and détente in the international relations between the two superpowers led to a new round in the Soviet Union – United States relations. It is underlined that grain and oil manifested as the factor of maintaining domestic political stability and the object of foreign policy exchange. The article answers the question: how the grain procurement problem has transformed from the economic into social issue, and the grain import has become the vulnerable spot of the Soviet Union in the ideological confrontation with the United States, and the object of international relations.
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Xhaferri, Manjola. "Albania's Diplomatic Relations with the Soviet Union during 1949-1960." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 9, no. 4. S1 (November 30, 2022): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv9n4s114.
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This paper corresponds to one of the most important periods of history relating to the national and international politics of the Albanian state, specifically the isolated political and state cooperation of Albania with the Soviet Union. The Albanian-Soviet relations were very important, as they determined not only the orientation of the Albanian internal politics but also externally the behavior that Albania had to maintain in the international arena, especially in its relationship with Western and neighboring allies. This paper specifically refers to the period from 1949, when Albanian-Soviet relations took their official form and capacity, until 1960 when these relations were destroyed. To better explain the reasons and causes for the establishment of these relations, many internal and external political situations have been touched upon, which go beyond the stated time limits of our study. The main goal of this paper is the analysis of the conditions in which these relations were established, and their unusual, bilateral cooperation in the political, economic, international, and military fields. Very important are the moments of establishing Albanian-Soviet relations, in their development and ending in the most peaceful way possible. According to Albanian-Soviet relations issues in the context of international relations and national security are very difficult, but on the other hand particularly interesting. As well as in the discipline of Security Studies, no writing is considered completely closed, because the past is related to the present, which determined the future. The purpose is enough and the three historical periods (past, present, and future) are quite well connected, without division. Our paper aims to approach this relationship from a new perspective of study, as to understand its true nature, which is also important in that, the authority that the Union Soviet exercised to oriented directly in the function of its interests. geostrategic, in investigating Albanian position. How much space was devoted to Albania in the international communist movement? How important was Albania for the Union Soviet? Not only the economic growth in the years 1950-1960, was an unusual phenomenon for the poor Albanian people, who came from a backward economic tradition, but also it was influential in the social development of Albanian society, housing, employment, health, the fight against illiteracy, Both education and culture, increased confidence in the communist government in Albania, which was part of perfect implementation of the Soviet model, not only politically but also socially. All the "Sovietization" of the Albanian state and society was away in the discipline of Security studies which, at that time, was used by the BS to realize its hegemony in the international arena. In conclusion, I would close with the phrase "Stalin was the political muse for Enver Hoxha this worship, who continued his policy until the end of his life and he refused to be destabilized. This turned out to be fatal both in relations with the Soviet Union and with all other countries and ended up in the greatest isolation of Albania until the regime fell in the year 1990 ”.
Received: 19 September 2022 / Accepted: 21 October 2022 / Published: 30 November 2022
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Campbell, John C., and Vladimir Voinovich. "The Anti-Soviet Soviet Union." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 2 (1986): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043039.
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Laird, Sally. "Soviet Union." Index on Censorship 17, no. 5 (May 1988): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534406.
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Lewis, Paul G. "Big brother: the Soviet Union and Soviet Europe." Studies in Comparative Communism 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(90)90063-r.
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Barmin, V. A. "Soviet Opposition to British Expansion in Xinjiang Province during the Period of National Movement of Indigenous Peoples in 1931–1934." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 1 (April 11, 2022): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-1-1-9.
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The article deals with the development of international relations in Central Asia in the 1930s. The research featured the relationship between England and the Soviet Union during the uprising of the indigenous peoples of Xinjiang against the Chinese administration in 1931–1934. The analysis involved recent publications and archival sources. The research clarifies the historical picture of the confrontation between Great Britain and the Soviet Union in Central Asia. London made persistent attempts to establish its control over the rebel movement in order to gain economic and political influence in the province, which it had lost in the 1920s. However, the reciprocal actions of the Soviet government proved effective and completely deprived Britain of any serious prospects in that region. The confrontation, its forms, methods, and results affected the entire complex of international relations in Central Asia. The conflict became the final episode of the Great Game, which later determined the predominant position of the Soviet Union in Central Asia. Contrary to the opinion of many western researchers, the USSR never intended to annex the territory of Xinjiang. The research summarizes the history of international relations in Central Asia.
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Croitor, Mihai. "Soviet–Albanian Political and Diplomatic Relations (1955–1961)." Transylvanian Review 31, no. 3 (May 19, 2024): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2024.1.10.
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The normalization of relations between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in 1955 was viewed with suspicion in Tirana. Dependent on Soviet economic aid, Albania publicly endorsed the new Soviet foreign policy, maintaining the line of ideological conformity. The secret report delivered by Nikita S. Khrushchev at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union worried decision-makers in Tirana. But again, Enver Hoxha did not protest, publicly supporting the decisions adopted during this congress. The emergence of Sino–Soviet differences during the June 1960 Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties led to a change in Albania’s stance within the international communist movement. Thus, unlike the other communist and workers’ parties, the Party of Labor of Albania adopted a stance of neutrality towards the Sino–Soviet polemic. Starting with August 1960, Albanian communists openly supported the stance of the Communist Party of China.
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Kovalchuk, A. "Twenty Years of Building International Relations on the Territory of the CIS: the Polish Perspective." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(27) (December 28, 2012): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-6-27-287-296.
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The article presents the main issues of international relations in the post-soviet area since the collapse of the Soviet Union, perceived by Polish political scientists as critical to the modern structure of relations in the region. Russia's foreign policy towards the CIS countries is the main aspects of discussion. The following issues relate to the bilateral relations with Russia, and domestic situation of former Soviet countries, as well as the institutionalization of cooperation within the CIS.
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Nunan, Timothy. "“Doomed to Good Relations”." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 39–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01056.
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Abstract This article sheds new light on the end of the Cold War and the fate of anti-imperialism in the twentieth century by exploring how the Soviet Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran achieved a rapprochement in the late 1980s. Both the USSR and Iran had invested significant resources into presenting themselves as the leaders of the anti-imperialist movement and “the global movement of Islam,” and both the Soviet and Iranian governments sought to export their models of anti-imperialist postcolonial statehood to Afghanistan. However, by the mid-1980s both the Soviet Union and revolutionary Iran were forced to confront the limits to their anti-imperialist projects amid the increasing pull of globalization. Elites in both countries responded to these challenges by walking back their commitments from world revolution and agreeing to maintain the Najibullah regime in Afghanistan as a bulwark against Islamist forces hostile to Marxism-Leninism and Iran's brand of Islamic revolution. This joint pragmatic turn, however, contributed to a drought in anti-imperialist politics throughout the Middle East, leaving the more radical voices of transnational actors as one of the only consistent champions of anti-imperialism. Drawing on new sources from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as well as sources from Iran, Afghanistan, and the “Afghan Arabs,” the article sheds empirical and analytical light on discussions of the fate of anti-imperialism in the twilight of the Cold War.
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Простакова, Юлия С. "Қарусыздану мәселесі және советтік мерзімді баспасөздегі «Батыстың» имиджі (1950 жылдардың екінші жартысы – 1960 жылдардың басы)." Qazaq Historical Review 1, no. 3 (September 29, 2023): 407–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.69567/3007-0236.2023.3.407.415.
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The article is devoted to the problem of representing the image of the "West" in the periodical press of the Soviet Union in the second half of the 1950s and 1960s through coverage of the issue of disarmament, which is one of the aspects of studying the international relations of the Soviet Union. During the period under review, it was the press that played a leading role in shaping a positive or negative image of foreign countries. The article attempts to analyze the transformation of the image of the “West” on the pages of the central periodicals of the Soviet Union. This period is presented in the Soviet press as a turning point in relations with Western countries. The amount of material devoted to disarmament is increasing. Unlike in the post-war decade, the main opponent of disarmament is Germany, not the United States. Also, Soviet propaganda increasingly divided the society of Western countries, separating the government and claiming the growth of supporters of the policy of the Soviet Union. The materials of the central periodical press of the Soviet Union led to the conclusion that in the second half of the 1950s, Western countries, led by the United States, continued to be presented as enemies on the pages of “Pravda” and "Izvestia." Despite this, the image of the enemy directly depended on the international situation and interstate relations and therefore underwent a certain transformation. The attitude towards Western countries has become more loyal in comparison with the post-war decade, and there have been fewer negative assessments.
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Sıvış, Efe. "The Raid in the Editorial Of ice of the Turkish Newspaper Tan, 1945, and its Impact on the State of Soviet-Turkish and US-Turkish Relations in the Post-WWII Period." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-1-197-213.
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The author examines the demonstrations carried out by university students in Istanbul on December 4, 1945 and the raid on the printing operations of the pro-Soviet Tan newspaper, known as the Tan Raid, in light of U.S. State Department documents, namely the related fi les in National Archives Records Administration. The infl uence of the Tan Raid on Turkey’s international relations is discussed in the context of Turkish-American and Turkish-Soviet relations. The Raid is regarded as a signifi cant incident since it coincides with the post WW2 period when Turkey’s relations with the Soviet Union had already deteriorated due to Moscow’s demands to revise the Montreux Convention by 19th of March 1945. Furthermore, Turkish-American diplomatic contacts in the aftermath of the Raid show Washington’s perspective on policy towards Soviet Union, as U.S. offi cials advised a moderate line to their Turkish counterparts. On the other hand, preparations for the Raid seem highly controversial since Turkish government offi cials did not strongly condemn the event and the police did not intervene against the protestors despite of their violent actions towards Tan and some left leaning bookstores. The slogans during the demonstration show its anti-Soviet character, which Ankara denied in order to decrease tensions with the Soviets by arguing that it was Tan ’s owner, the Sertel couple to whom the anger was directed, not the Soviet Union. The intelligence obtained by diplomats at the U.S. Embassy in Ankara, the meetings they conducted with Turkish politicians, their conclusions regarding the process leading up to the raid, and their opinions on Turkish-Soviet relations provide the background for the analysis.
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Schweitzer, Vladimir. "Bruno Kreisky and the Soviet Union." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021169179.
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The article is dedicated to the 110th anniversary of B. Kreisky (1911 – 1990), a prominent statesman of post-war Austria, one of the leaders of international social democracy. From 1959 to 1966 he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria. In 1970 ‒ 1983 he was in charge of the Government of that State. In 1976 – 1989, he was Vice-President of the Socialist International. Soviet issues were not only an integral part of his political interests, but also a topic of constant dialogue within the European establishment, an important subject of meetings with the leaders of the USSR. Being a critic of many aspects of the USSR's foreign and domestic policy, not accepting the communist interpretation of Marxism, he did not consider ideological contradictions an obstacle to contacts with the Soviet leadership on a wide range of international issues. The dialogue with the USSR touched upon the topics of European and international detente, events in the Middle East and various situations in the countries of the "Third World".
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Khudoley, Konstantin. "Soviet-Albanian Relations." Southeastern Europe 44, no. 3 (December 21, 2020): 392–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-44030003.
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Abstract The research problem scrutinized in this article is the identification of the factors that led to the formation within the Soviet bloc of a particular relationship between the hegemonic state – the ussr – and the smallest one – Albania. This study, based primarily on documents from Soviet archives, examines the causes for the emergence and growth of differences between the ussr and Albania, spanning the period from the death of Stalin to the open showdown at the meetings of the Communist Parties in Bucharest in 1960. Tirana embarked on the path of distancing itself from the Soviet Union, gradually drifting towards China, and began laying the foundation for its own special model of socialism. As a result, by the beginning of the 1960s, differences reached such a level that Soviet-Albanian conflict became inevitable.
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Marácz, László. "The Hungarian Fencing Elite in the Service of the Soviet Union." Erdélyi Társadalom 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.278.
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The Soviet Union was not part of the international sports circuit during the Interwar period. After the Bolshevik October Revolution, the newly formed communist state focused on developing its own political structures, which also affected sports in the Soviet Union. After the Second World War, the policy of isolation was given up and the Soviet sports management targeted the Olympic Games as a platform to demonstrate the superiority of the communist system by planning to win the Olympic medal tally. The Soviets considered fencing a class-hostile, ‘bourgeois sport’ and did not promote it among civilians during the Interwar period. This radically changed as soon as the Soviet political and sports leadership decided to participate in the Helsinki Olympic Summer Games of 1952. The 21 medals that the Olympic fencing competition had to offer became interesting for the medal ranking. Against the backdrop of the Cold War, knowledge and experience in fencing became highly relevant for the USSR. The geopolitical relations had changed after the Second World War; now, the Soviet Union was ruling over Central and Eastern Europe, and Hungary became one of its satellites. Hungary had a long fencing tradition and dominated international and Olympic fencing competitions, especially in saber, during the Interwar period. By the end of 1951, a delegation of Hungarian elite fencers and coaches was brought to Moscow to prepare Soviet fencers for the 1952 Olympic Games. Based on this exchange and its follow-up sessions in the first half of the 1950s, the success of the Soviet fencing team progressed quickly, and in the course of the 1960s, the Soviets took over the Hungarian hegemony in the Olympic discipline of fencing.
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Gluchowski, Leszek W. "Review: The Changing Soviet Union." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 47, no. 4 (December 1992): 859–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209204700416.
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Stollar, Lawrence B. "Vietnam and the Soviet Union." Studies in Comparative Communism 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(90)90057-s.
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Chernysheva, Elena, Vera Budykina, and Ekaterina Shadrina. "The Sino-Soviet Border Conflict in the Middle of the XX Century." Revista Gestão Inovação e Tecnologias 11, no. 4 (August 13, 2021): 4357–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47059/revistageintec.v11i4.2465.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities of relations between the USSR and the PRC in the middle of the XX century. In a short historical period, two countries with a similar ideology and political system shifted from relations of friendship and mutual assistance to military-political confrontation, which culminated in the armed conflict on Zhenbao (Damansky) Island in March 1969. A special interest of the Chinese side in good-neighbourly relations with the Soviet Union at the initial stage of the existence of the PRC (1949-1955) is described. The authors analyze the circumstances of the deterioration of relations between the two countries since Nikita Khrushchev assumed leadership of the USSR and the condemnation of the cult of personality of Joseph Stalin. Special attention is paid to the border issue in the relationship between the two countries. It presents the different views of the PRC and the Soviet Union on the tsarist treaties with China concluded in the second half of the XIX century. Moreover, the problem of ideological confrontation between the Soviet and Chinese leadership is considered; the publications of Soviet historians which assess the actions of the PRC leadership against the Soviet Union are analyzed. The nature of "cartographic aggression" and "great power chauvinism" is revealed. Besides, typological rhetoric, common and specific features in mutual accusations of the Soviet and Chinese sides are shown. The illegality of the territorial claims of the PRC, the betrayal of socialist ideals by its leadership, attempts to discredit the Soviet Union in the international arena, and the desire to undermine the world communist movement used to be the main theses in the research of the Soviet historians of the 1960s-1980s. It is concluded that the interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography was primarily propagandistic and closely related to the state interests of the Soviet Union.
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AL-MUGHAIRI, Alghalia Salim. "POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SOVIET UNION AND AFGHANISTAN SOVIET OCCUPATION OF AFGHANISTAN 1979-1989 AD AS A MODEL." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 07 (September 1, 2021): 215–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.7-3.19.
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The research deals with the study of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan during the period from 1979 to 1989 as an example of the political relations between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan, where the world witnessed the outbreak of the Cold War between the two poles: the Soviet Union and the United States of America after the end of World War II in 1945 AD, and both of these two great powers were keen to highlight Its dominance in various aspects, especially the military, and this war received strong and strict international reactions, and the United States of America was one of the most prominent countries that condemned this war and demanded the withdrawal of the Soviet Union. The research aims to shed light on the roots of the interest of Russia and then the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and focus on the reasons that prompted the Soviet Union to launch war on Afghanistan and follow the events of the war and its escalation between 1979 and 1989 and focus on some international attitudes towards the war, especially the United States of America, and also clarify the reasons for the withdrawal of forces The Soviet Union of Afghanistan and its consequences. The research adopts the descriptive historical method, which was employed in deriving historical facts and talking about all aspects covered by the study, and the analytical method that was used in analyzing the information of documents and texts, and comparing them to reach information related to the subject of the study.
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SATTAR, Howra Abdul. "THE POSITION OF THE SOVIET UNION ON THE INDEPENDENCE OF KUWAIT IN 1961." Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.5.
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Since the end of World War II, the Soviet Union has sought to find a foothold in the Middle East, as it was waiting for the opportunity to penetrate the Middle East, especially the Arab Gulf, which is of international strategic importance. The British were in the region, and at the same time, it did not want to disturb his relations with the United Arab Republic, which supported the independence of Kuwait and rejected Abdul Karim Qasim's position on Kuwait's annexation of Iraq. This research attempts to study the Soviet policy towards the independence of Kuwait and how the Soviet Union reconciled its good relationship with Iraq and Egypt, and its rejection of Kuwait's distinguished relations with Britain. Key words: Kuwait, The Soviet Union, Kuwait and Iraq, The Independence of Kuwait.
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Snapkouski, Uladzimir. "Cooperation of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the Belarusian SSR in the UN during the Perestroika Period." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 30 (November 1, 2021): 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.113.
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The article examines the main directions of activity and forms of interaction between the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the Belarusian SSR in the UN and its specialized institutions during the years of perestroika (1985 - 1991). To disclose the topic, materials from the journal “International Affair” were used (reviews of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the foreign policy of the USSR, articles by the foreign ministers of the Union republics, primarily Ukraine and Belarus), book and journal publications of Union / Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian scientists, documents of the United Nations and foreign policy of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the Belarusian SSR. The author’s conscious emphasis on the union level reflects the real situation in relations between the Union Center and the republics in the Soviet federation during the perestroika period, when these relations rapidly evolved from the foreign policy dictate of the Center to greater autonomy of the republics in the international arena, which ultimately has led to the collapse of the USSR and the proclamation of independence all union republics. The article analyzes such issues as the new approach of the Soviet Union to the UN in the years of perestroika, the formation of new relations between the Union republics and the Center, diplomatic cooperation of Soviet delegations and representatives of socialist countries in the UN, Belarusian initiatives at the 45th session of the UN General Assembly (1990). During the years of perestroika, the Soviet leadership and the union Foreign Ministry did a tremendous job of clearing the rubble of the Cold War, developing broad international cooperation and integration the USSR into the world economy. The Belarusian and Ukrainian diplomatic services have made a significant contribution to this activity within the framework of the UN and its specialized agencies and have received much broader opportunities for realizing the national interests and needs of their peoples within the framework of radically renewed relations between the Union Center and the republics. The article is one of the first attempts in post-Soviet historiography to investigate the activities of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the BSSR in the UN and its specialized institutions during the period of perestroika
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Kubalkova, V., and A. A. Cruickshank. "The ‘New Cold War’ in ‘critical International Relations studies’." Review of International Studies 12, no. 3 (July 1986): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113919.
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In the historiography of the Cold War a small but active group of American historians influenced by New Left radicalism rejected the view prevailing in the USA at the time in regard to the assignation of responsibility for the beginning and continuation of the Cold War.1 Although their reasoning took them along different routes and via different perceptions as to key dates and events, there were certain features all US revisionists had in common (some more generally recognized than others). Heavily involved as they were in the analysis of the US socio-economic system, the Soviet Union was largely left out of their concerns and it was the United States who had been found the ‘guilty’ party. The revisionists, of course inadvertently, corroborated Soviet conclusions, a fact gratefully acknowledged by Soviet writers.2
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Kramer, Mark. "The Dissolution of the Soviet Union." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 188–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01059.
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Abstract In late December 1991—some 74 years after the Bolsheviks had taken power in Russia under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin—the Soviet Communist regime and the Soviet state itself ceased to exist. The demise of the Soviet Union occurred less than seven years after Mikhail Gorbachev became the leader of the Soviet Communist Party. Soon after taking office in March 1985, Gorbachev had launched a series of drastic political and economic changes that he hoped would improve and strengthen the Communist system and bolster the country's superpower status. But in the end, far from strengthening Communism, Gorbachev's policies of perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (official openness) led inadvertently to the collapse of the Soviet regime and the unraveling of the Soviet state. This article analyzes the breakup of the Soviet Union, explaining why that outcome, which had seemed so unlikely at the outset, occurred in such a short period of time.
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Kirpenko, Pavlo. "International Situation in Europe and USSR’S Foreign Policy prior to and after the Outbreak of World War II." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-6.
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The article is devoted to the international situation in Europe and USSR’s foreign policy before and after the outbreak of World War II. The author states that from the very begin¬ning the fascist regime in Germany was favourably received by Stalin’s USSR. Hitler also claimed that the German government was ready to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union. However, such a situation in the bilateral relations was short-lived. Seeking benevolence from Western European countries, Hitler assumed the role of an anti-communist crusader. With a view to strengthening the country’s security, countering Germany and fascism, Stalin gave up his ideological dogmas in line with the situation. Moscow came to vigorously support all politi¬cal forces, which were advocating closer relations with the USSR against fascism. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Stalin’s foreign policy suffered a total collapse, which was a devastating blow to the myth of his brilliance and sagacity. The glorification of fascism and the policy of its befriending came at a cost. Nearly 50 million Soviet citizens per¬ished in the war against the fascist Germany, of which 10 million were Ukrainian nationals. In Russia, both public officials and scholars still avoid the truth about the foreign policy activity of the Soviet leadership in 1939 and 1940s. In this regard, the Ukrainian histo¬rian and specialist in international relations, professor at Kyiv Pedagogical University Anatolii Trubaichuk was the first in the Soviet Union to tell the truth in his writings and lectures about the essence of the Soviet foreign policy before and after the beginning of World War II based on his profound scientific research. The author stresses that the search for full truth is to be continued. To that end, it is neces¬sary that all the archives in Russia be opened and access to documents relating to the period of World War II be provided. Keywords: World War II, foreign policy, Soviet Union, Stalin, Germany.
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Iancu, Dorin-Demostene. "Relations Between the Soviet Union and the Vatican, According to Soviet Documents." Annales Universitatis Apulensis Series Historica 28, Special (April 15, 2024): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/auash.2024.28.2.4.
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If Stalin’s religious policy underwent radical changes after 1943, when the Moscow Patriarchate was re-established, in the context of post- war international relations and the configuration of spheres of influence, Nikita Khrushchev returns to the attitude of persecuting the Orthodox Church in the Soviet Union since year 1958, the reasons being completely different from those of Stalin. But, towards the middle of the 1960s, a change in the anti-religious attitude took shape in Khrushchevs case as well. An example in this sense are two documents from the Soviet archives, which show Khrushchevs position towards the establishment of relations between the Vatican and the Soviet Union, reflected in the instructions sent by the Soviet leader to the USSR ambassador in Cuba and the meeting with the American journalist Norman Cousins, on which occasion he the issue of the release of the Greek-Catholic archbishop Slipyi was addressed in particular.
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Chernysheva, Elena, Vera Budykina, and Ekaterina Shadrina. "The sino-soviet border conflict in the middle of the XX century." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 3B (September 23, 2021): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173b1558p.331-336.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities of relations between the USSR and the PRC in the middle of the XX century. The authors analyze the circumstances of the deterioration of relations between the two countries since Nikita Khrushchev assumed leadership of the USSR and the condemnation of the cult of personality of Joseph Stalin. The nature of "cartographic aggression" and "great power chauvinism" is revealed. Besides, typological rhetoric, common and specific features in mutual accusations of the Soviet and Chinese sides are shown. The illegality of the territorial claims of the PRC, the betrayal of socialist ideals by its leadership, attempts to discredit the Soviet Union in the international arena, and the desire to undermine the world communist movement used to be the main theses in the research of the Soviet historians of the 1960s-1980s. It is concluded that the interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography was primarily propagandistic and closely related to the state interests of the Soviet Union.
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Singleton, Fred. "Finland's relations with the Soviet Union, 1944–84." International Affairs 61, no. 3 (1985): 530–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618731.
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Grieco, Joseph M. "Liberal International Theory and Imagining the End of the Cold War." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 11, no. 2 (May 2009): 192–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00359.x.
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Liberal international theory foresaw neither the end of the east–west rivalry nor the fall of the Soviet Union. However, from the 1960s up through the 1980s, several liberal international theorists put forward insightful analyses of the evolution of the cold war, its changing importance in world affairs and the problems that increasingly confronted the Soviet Union. Well before the fall of the Berlin Wall, several liberal international writers sensed that the cold war was abating, that this abatement was important for world politics and that the Soviet Union was having serious problems in maintaining its status as a superpower with an Eastern European empire.
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Ivanov, I. "Real Step in Post-Soviet Economic Integration." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2010): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-9-3-13.
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The script x-rays the phenomenon of the Customs Union between Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus as a milestone in the process of the CIS economic reintegration. Under review are centripetal and centrifugal forces behind this reintegration, the structure, instruments and goals of the Union to be upgraded into a Single Economic Space of the founding states, as well as international implications concerned, including relations with the EU and WTO.
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Marantz, Paul, and Paul Dibb. "The Soviet Union: The Incomplete Superpower." International Journal 43, no. 1 (1987): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202516.
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Handler, Joshua. "SOVIET UNION: The greening of Petropavlovsk." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 47, no. 8 (October 1991): 11–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1991.11460017.
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Goldberg, Joseph E. "Regime considerations of the Soviet Union." Comparative Strategy 9, no. 4 (September 1990): 371–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939008402821.
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Ägh, Attila. "The Soviet Union: Party and society." Studies in Comparative Communism 23, no. 2 (June 1990): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(90)90045-n.
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Stollar, Lawrence B. "The soviet Union and the Cuba." Studies in Comparative Communism 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(90)90059-u.
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Pipes, Richard. "The Soviet Union Adrift." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 1 (1990): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044695.
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Olcott, Martha Brill. "The Soviet (Dis)Union." Foreign Policy, no. 82 (1991): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1148644.
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Goble, Paul A. "Forget the Soviet Union." Foreign Policy, no. 86 (1992): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149188.
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Siromskyi, Ruslan, and Hanna Siromska. "“MY VISIT DID NOT REASSURE ME”: FROM THE HISTORY OF VISIT LESTER PEARSON’S TO THE SOVIET UNION (OCTOBER 5–12, 1955)." Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, no. 54 (November 3, 2022): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11608.
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The article examines the political background, organization and course of the official visit of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Canada Lester Pearson to the Soviet Union in October 1955. It is established that after ten years of mutual mistrust caused by the “Gouzenko case” (exposing the Soviet spy network in Canada), each side pursued its own goal of establishing contacts. Diplomatic searches for common ground between the two countries were made possible by a change of top leadership in the Soviet Union and a brief reduction in international tensions following the 1955 Geneva Summit, which expressed readiness to discuss acute international conflicts. Significantly, Pearson was destined to become the first high-ranking Western official to visit the Soviet Union since NATO’s founding. Pearson tended to be flexible in relations with the USSR, in particular, sought to take advantage of bilateral relations. Despite criticism of Soviet expansionist policies in the international arena and contempt for human rights within the country, he believed that it was in the West’s interest to maintain contacts with the USSR through trade in non-strategic goods and cooperation within the UN. For this he was sometimes accused of being too lenient with communism. At the same time, in the Soviet Union, Pearson was perceived as a cautious politician, “hostile” to their country. The visit of the Canadian official delegation led by L. Pearson to the Soviet Union was organized by the newly appointed Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Canada John Watkins (1954–1956). Watkins earned the support of the Soviet leadership, but fell victim to the newly formed KGB: they tried to turn him into an “agent of influence” by blackmailing him with leaked spicy information about the diplomat’s homosexual relations. In addition to Moscow, part of the Canadian delegation – only four people – visited Stalingrad, from where in the afternoon of October 11, 1955 arrived in Sevastopol. In addition to two hours of Soviet-Canadian talks with Khrushchev’s expressive behavior, the Crimean part of the Canadian delegation’s visit went down in history with its “drinking session”. The Crimean part of L. Pearson’s visit to the Soviet leadership and Khrushchev personally was an attempt to show that the Soviet Union was a sincere and reliable partner with whom it was profitable to deal. Unaware of common approaches to international issues, the parties focused on economic cooperation, which resulted in a mutually beneficial Canadian-Soviet trade agreement in 1956. The Soviet Union became a regular buyer of Canadian wheat for many years. It was found that conversations during the so-called the “Crimean party” (banquet) became for the Canadian delegation an indicator of the mood and intentions of the new Soviet leadership, which differed little from those that took place in the Stalinist era. Despite slight liberalization, the Soviet regime of the “Khrushchev thaw” period remained expansionist, hostile to human rights and freedoms. Nikita Khrushchev’s anti-Western (primarily anti-American) rhetoric, diluted by reflections on war and peace, allowed Canadian visitors to acknowledge the longevity of Soviet foreign policy and the inevitable continuation of the Cold War.
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Mazrui, Ali A. "A Third World Perspective." Ethics & International Affairs 1 (March 1987): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1987.tb00511.x.
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At odds in 1987 were the philosophies of a United States grounded in political liberalism and a Soviet Union grounded in economic redistribution. While these principles may have defined these two nations' domestic policies and official international stances, Mazrui argues that the United States did little to propagate liberalism and the Soviet Union did little to encourage economic redistribution. Moreover, his critique seeks to reveal that each superpower's actions ultimately supported the other's philosophy. From this twist of intent and effect, Mazrui turns to the proclivity toward violence that the United States and the Soviet Union displayed in international affairs. Consequently, he calls into question the ethical justification of the means by which the superpowers repeatedly failed to accomplish their intended ends.
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Brown, Archie. "The End of the Soviet Union." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2015): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00600.
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This essay reviews a recent book by Serhii Plokhii, The Last Empire: The Final Days of the Soviet Union. Focusing on the role of the USSR's union-republics, especially Russia and Ukraine, in the breakup of the country, the book explains why efforts to hold the Soviet Union together ultimately proved abortive. The book, like earlier literature, debunks tenacious myths about the dissolution of the Soviet Union—myths that have been discredited before but are worth rebutting again—and provides an in-depth account of the final weeks of the USSR.
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You, Lan. "Hanoi's Balancing Act: The Vietnamese Communists and the Sino-Soviet Split, 1960–1965." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 2 (2023): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01142.
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Abstract The split between the Soviet Union and China had a great impact on other Communist countries, including the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV, or North Vietnam), under the leadership of the Vietnamese Workers’ Party (VWP). As the rift between the PRC and the Soviet Union intensified, the VWP tried hard to balance between the two Communist powers so that it could focus on the war against the United States and the conquest of the South. Interactions between the DRV, China, and the Soviet Union highlighted the frequently complex nature of relations within the Communist world during the Cold War.
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Lazuto, Yurii. "Some Aspects of Working Practices at the Department of State Protocol of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-7.
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Abstract. The article is devoted to the international situation in Europe and USSR’s foreign policy before and after the outbreak of World War II. The author states that from the very beginning the fascist regime in Germany was favourably received by Stalin’s USSR. Hitler also claimed that the German government was ready to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union. However, such a situation in the bilateral relations was short-lived. Seeking benevolence from Western European countries, Hitler assumed the role of an anti-communist crusader. With a view to strengthening the country’s security, countering Germany and fascism, Stalin gave up his ideological dogmas in line with the situation. Moscow came to vigorously support all political forces, which were advocating closer relations with the USSR against fascism. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Stalin’s foreign policy suffered a total collapse, which was a devastating blow to the myth of his brilliance and sagacity. The glorification of fascism and the policy of its befriending came at a cost. Nearly 50 million Soviet citizens perished in the war against the fascist Germany, of which 10 million were Ukrainian nationals. In Russia, both public officials and scholars still avoid the truth about the foreign policy activity of the Soviet leadership in 1939 and 1940s. In this regard, the Ukrainian historian and specialist in international relations, professor at Kyiv Pedagogical University Anatolii Trubaichuk was the first in the Soviet Union to tell the truth in his writings and lectures about the essence of the Soviet foreign policy before and after the beginning of World War II based on his profound scientific research. The author stresses that the search for full truth is to be continued. To that end, it is necessary that all the archives in Russia be opened and access to documents relating to the period of World War II be provided. Keywords: World War II, foreign policy, Soviet Union, Stalin, Germany.
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Matveeva, N. I. "North Korean Economic Development and the Evolution of the North Korean-Soviet Alliance, 1955–1964." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 38 (2021): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.38.82.
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This article looks at the Soviet-North Korean alliance from the mid-1950s to the early 1960s, with a focus on the often understudied connection between international politics and domestic economic development strategies. It traces and explains the changes in bilateral relations, from a relatively disinterested provision of assistance on the Soviet part and the desire to emulate the USSR on the part of North Korea, to an investment interest of the Soviet Union in the North Korean economic policies, and back to the Soviet Union as a donor of aid aiming to retain the DPRK within its orbit, with North Korea striving to assert self-sufficiency and distance itself. The article also explores the differences in the position of North Korea and the Soviet Union on economic matters and the disputes over prioritizing heavy industry development that took place at the time. Based on a variety of primary sources, it shows how the alliance dynamics was reflected in the economic sphere. It argues that economic matters played a significant role in the cooling of bilateral relations by the mid-1960s.
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Duffy Toft, Monica. "Death by demography: 1979 as a turning point in the disintegration of the Soviet Union." International Area Studies Review 17, no. 2 (June 2014): 184–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865914535597.
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The 1979 census conducted across the vast expanse of the Soviet Union revealed that the make-up of the country’s population had undergone enormous change. The census recorded low birth-rates among the Slavic population relative to their Central Asian compatriots, among other trends. The results were worrisome to Soviet planners in that they feared that these domestic population trends were going to undermine the country’s power. At the same time, Soviets faced the defeat of communist allies in Afghanistan at the hands of fighters beholden to religion, and an Islamic revolution in Iran. What these dynamics revealed was a complex interplay between domestic, regional and international politics. Interpreted through the lens of population dynamics, the convergence of these events revealed 1979 to be a critical turning point in the disintegration of the Soviet Union.
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Kowalsky, Daniel. "The Soviet Union and the International Brigades, 1936–1939." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2006): 681–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040601028529.
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Lake, David A. "Anarchy, hierarchy, and the variety of international relations." International Organization 50, no. 1 (1996): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830000165x.
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Security relations between states vary along a continuum from anarchic alliances to hierarchic empires. This continuum, in turn, is defined by the parties' rights of residual control. The state's choice between alternatives is explained in a theory of relational contracting as a function of the expected costs of opportunism, which decline with relational hierarchy, and governance costs, which rise with relational hierarchy. A comparison of early postwar relations between the United States and Western Europe and the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe illustrates the theory.
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Shearman, Peter. "Big brother: the Soviet Union and Soviet Europe." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621896.
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Campbell, John C., and Hélène Carrère d'Encausse. "Big Brother: The Soviet Union and Soviet Europe." Foreign Affairs 66, no. 4 (1988): 884. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043537.
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