Relevant bibliographies by topics / Soviet union - international relations

Academic literature on the topic 'Soviet union - international relations'

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Published: 25 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Soviet union - international relations"

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Slider, Darrell. "The Soviet Union." Electoral Studies 9, no. 4 (December 1990): 295–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(90)90014-y.

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Zou, Chengzhang. "INTERPRETING SINO-SOVIET RELATIONS IN SOVIET HISTORIOGRAPHY." Politology bulletin, no. 91 (2023): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2023.91.139-148.

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The interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography is a complex issue that reflects various stages in the history of the Soviet Union, portraying contradictions and transformations in the interaction between the two communist states. Exploring this topic allows us to unveil the evolution of relations, the impact of domestic and foreign policy factors on diplomatic ties, and the changing perceptions of China within the USSR. The article provides an overview of the history of relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Soviet Union. The main milestones in the history of these relations are highlighted, with a focus on key features and major events. The experience of cooperation between the Soviet Union and the PRC in the early stages of their relations, prior to the Sino-Soviet split, is examined. During the initial phase of Sino-Soviet diplomacy, Soviet historiography emphasized the solidarity of the two nations united by communist ideals. However, over time, discrepancies emerged, manifesting in the absence of a unified stance on international communism. Amid the Chinese Cultural Revolution, the USSR started perceiving its eastern neighbor as marked by radicalism and hostility. In the 1970s and 1980s, Soviet historiography began to highlight failures in relations, reflecting real divisions and competition. Research during this period focused on external challenges and the strategic significance of China for the USSR. The interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography indicates the complexity and dynamics of diplomatic ties between the two countries. It also reflects the internal political and geopolitical transformations occurring in both nations over time.
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Light, Margot. "The Study of International Relations in the Soviet Union." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 16, no. 2 (June 1987): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298870160020601.

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Yakupova, Dar'ya Viktorovna, and Roman Aleksandrovich Yakupov. "“Bread for the People and National Security”: Soviet commercial diplomacy during the period of détente." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2021): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.11.34328.

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The relevance of this research is defined by the need for analyzing the historical experience of adaptation of foreign economic activity of the Soviet State to the challenges of Western policy deterrence, the imperatives of which are being applied to Russia in the current context. The subject of this research is the Soviet grain procurement crisis and foreign policy ways for its overcoming. The object of this research is trade and diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the United States. The scientific novelty lies in elaboration of the concept of “commercial diplomacy” – the foreign economic activity of the USSR government aimed at solution of the domestic problems and tasks of modernization. Leaning on the newly introduced sources, the conclusion is made that the policy of commercial diplomacy implemented by the Soviet Union suggested the use of international dialogue within the framework of cooperation between the governments and public-private business circles on achieving the economic goals associated with the national interests of the Soviet Union. The critical need for grain procurement, discovery of the oil resources potential, and détente in the international relations between the two superpowers led to a new round in the Soviet Union – United States relations. It is underlined that grain and oil manifested as the factor of maintaining domestic political stability and the object of foreign policy exchange. The article answers the question: how the grain procurement problem has transformed from the economic into social issue, and the grain import has become the vulnerable spot of the Soviet Union in the ideological confrontation with the United States, and the object of international relations.
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Xhaferri, Manjola. "Albania's Diplomatic Relations with the Soviet Union during 1949-1960." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 9, no. 4. S1 (November 30, 2022): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv9n4s114.

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This paper corresponds to one of the most important periods of history relating to the national and international politics of the Albanian state, specifically the isolated political and state cooperation of Albania with the Soviet Union. The Albanian-Soviet relations were very important, as they determined not only the orientation of the Albanian internal politics but also externally the behavior that Albania had to maintain in the international arena, especially in its relationship with Western and neighboring allies. This paper specifically refers to the period from 1949, when Albanian-Soviet relations took their official form and capacity, until 1960 when these relations were destroyed. To better explain the reasons and causes for the establishment of these relations, many internal and external political situations have been touched upon, which go beyond the stated time limits of our study. The main goal of this paper is the analysis of the conditions in which these relations were established, and their unusual, bilateral cooperation in the political, economic, international, and military fields. Very important are the moments of establishing Albanian-Soviet relations, in their development and ending in the most peaceful way possible. According to Albanian-Soviet relations issues in the context of international relations and national security are very difficult, but on the other hand particularly interesting. As well as in the discipline of Security Studies, no writing is considered completely closed, because the past is related to the present, which determined the future. The purpose is enough and the three historical periods (past, present, and future) are quite well connected, without division. Our paper aims to approach this relationship from a new perspective of study, as to understand its true nature, which is also important in that, the authority that the Union Soviet exercised to oriented directly in the function of its interests. geostrategic, in investigating Albanian position. How much space was devoted to Albania in the international communist movement? How important was Albania for the Union Soviet? Not only the economic growth in the years 1950-1960, was an unusual phenomenon for the poor Albanian people, who came from a backward economic tradition, but also it was influential in the social development of Albanian society, housing, employment, health, the fight against illiteracy, Both education and culture, increased confidence in the communist government in Albania, which was part of perfect implementation of the Soviet model, not only politically but also socially. All the "Sovietization" of the Albanian state and society was away in the discipline of Security studies which, at that time, was used by the BS to realize its hegemony in the international arena. In conclusion, I would close with the phrase "Stalin was the political muse for Enver Hoxha this worship, who continued his policy until the end of his life and he refused to be destabilized. This turned out to be fatal both in relations with the Soviet Union and with all other countries and ended up in the greatest isolation of Albania until the regime fell in the year 1990 ”. Received: 19 September 2022 / Accepted: 21 October 2022 / Published: 30 November 2022
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Campbell, John C., and Vladimir Voinovich. "The Anti-Soviet Soviet Union." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 2 (1986): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043039.

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Laird, Sally. "Soviet Union." Index on Censorship 17, no. 5 (May 1988): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534406.

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Lewis, Paul G. "Big brother: the Soviet Union and Soviet Europe." Studies in Comparative Communism 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(90)90063-r.

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Barmin, V. A. "Soviet Opposition to British Expansion in Xinjiang Province during the Period of National Movement of Indigenous Peoples in 1931–1934." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 1 (April 11, 2022): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-1-1-9.

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The article deals with the development of international relations in Central Asia in the 1930s. The research featured the relationship between England and the Soviet Union during the uprising of the indigenous peoples of Xinjiang against the Chinese administration in 1931–1934. The analysis involved recent publications and archival sources. The research clarifies the historical picture of the confrontation between Great Britain and the Soviet Union in Central Asia. London made persistent attempts to establish its control over the rebel movement in order to gain economic and political influence in the province, which it had lost in the 1920s. However, the reciprocal actions of the Soviet government proved effective and completely deprived Britain of any serious prospects in that region. The confrontation, its forms, methods, and results affected the entire complex of international relations in Central Asia. The conflict became the final episode of the Great Game, which later determined the predominant position of the Soviet Union in Central Asia. Contrary to the opinion of many western researchers, the USSR never intended to annex the territory of Xinjiang. The research summarizes the history of international relations in Central Asia.
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Croitor, Mihai. "Soviet–Albanian Political and Diplomatic Relations (1955–1961)." Transylvanian Review 31, no. 3 (May 19, 2024): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2024.1.10.

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The normalization of relations between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in 1955 was viewed with suspicion in Tirana. Dependent on Soviet economic aid, Albania publicly endorsed the new Soviet foreign policy, maintaining the line of ideological conformity. The secret report delivered by Nikita S. Khrushchev at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union worried decision-makers in Tirana. But again, Enver Hoxha did not protest, publicly supporting the decisions adopted during this congress. The emergence of Sino–Soviet differences during the June 1960 Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties led to a change in Albania’s stance within the international communist movement. Thus, unlike the other communist and workers’ parties, the Party of Labor of Albania adopted a stance of neutrality towards the Sino–Soviet polemic. Starting with August 1960, Albanian communists openly supported the stance of the Communist Party of China.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Soviet union - international relations"

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Croll, Kirsteen Davina. "Soviet-Polish relations, 1919-1921." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2009. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/663/.

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The Polish-Soviet War of 1919-1921 was a direct consequence of the ideological objectives pursued by the belligerents. Ideology shaped the political agenda and the diametrically opposed war aims of both states, and was implemented through the foreign policy, diplomatic negotiation and military engagements pursued. This proved to be the principal obstacle to the establishment of cordial relations. As western democracy and Russian Marxism battled it out, war was inevitable. Externally, the Paris Peace Conference provided the necessary conditions for the resumption of traditional Russian-Polish hostilities, whilst the Allied States consistently demonstrated their absolute inability to directly influence either the development, or outcome, of the conflict. Redressing the balance of historiography, this thesis includes a greater examination of the conflict from the perspective of the Soviet regime. This firmly controlled the Russian decision-making process. By charting the war, it becomes clear that both states deliberately pursued a dual offensive: traditional diplomatic negotiation and military campaign as conditions dictated. However, in addition, Soviet Russia developed a unique and innovative, revolutionary, agit-prop, diplomatic medium. This enabled adept Soviet diplomats to win the majority of diplomatic battles during the conflict, although often negotiating from a militarily weak position. Nevertheless, the regime ultimately failed in its objective: to ignite socialist revolution in western Europe. The mistaken Soviet decision in July 1920 to cross the ethnographic border to forcefully sovietise Poland, in opposition to Marxist doctrine, irreversibly altered the complexion of the war and proved its pivotal turning point. This culminated politically with the short-lived establishment of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee in Białystok, and militarily, with the decisive defeat of the Red Army at the Battle of Warsaw. It is now certain that the Red Army offensive into Poland in July 1920 aimed not only at the sovietisation of Poland, but at spreading the socialist revolution to Western Europe and overthrowing the Versailles settlement. The European revolutionary upsurge had largely extinguished during the previous year and in August 1920, Communist ideology ultimately failed to inspire the vast majority of the Polish population. Thus, by utilising the Soviet military to secure its war aims, Lenin and the Politburo inadvertently signed the death-warrant of socialist revolution in Poland at the beginning of the twentieth century.
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Morriss, Anthony Douglas. "Russia, the Soviet Union and Arms Control 1899-1987." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625609.

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Copp, John W. "Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970." PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.

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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.
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McMahon, Margery A. "Changing relations : Russia's relations with Ukraine and Belarus." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2457/.

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In the period of transition which followed the collapse of the USSR, the states of that region were forced to make many political and economic adjustments. A crucial part of the processes was the restructuring of relations among these formerly fraternal republics and as they became in 1991, independent states. For most states structuring relations with Russian became a priority since it is the largest and most dominant regional actor. Such relations are shaped by a number of factors including historical development, economic legacies and geopolitical concerns. These issues have impacted upon the evolving relationship between Russia and its Slav neighbours, Ukraine and Belarus. Drawing on a common background in terms of historical political, economic and cultural development, Russia's relations with these states developed to the point where they were formalized in a Russian Belarusian Community (1996) and a Russian Ukrainian Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation (1997). The impetus for Russia to renegotiate its relations with the states on its western borders was strengthened by the proposed eastward expansion of NATO. Belarus and Ukraine however benefited from this. Belarus was guaranteed cheap supplies of Russian natural resources, vital for its economy, even if this came at the cost of ceding a degree of sovereignty. Ukraine, still excluded from European political and economic organizations was recognized by Russia as an independent state with significant regional influence. Russia secured a buffer zone on its western borders. Russia's relations with Ukraine and Belarus are now qualitatively different. Ukraine has emerged as a potential ally and even future rival to Russia while Belarus has opted to become a Russian client state with, it appears, the ultimate goal of union with Russia.
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Child, Victoria. "British policy towards the Soviet Union 1939-42 with special reference to the Baltic States." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240246.

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Netzer, Miriam Sophia. "Strange bedfellows: Russian-Iranian relations from 1941-present." Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27731.

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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Zhu, Jiaming. "A Chinese exploration of Sino-Soviet relations since the death of Stalin, 1953-1989." Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 1991. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/979/.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 1991.
Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Glasgow, 1991. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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Gwozdziowski, Joanna Monica. "Soviet doctrine justifying military intervention from 1945 to 1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90e7a6c9-6f60-4e9f-8e75-2df68a018e03.

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This thesis is about the Soviet doctrine used to justify or threaten military intervention since 1945. This interventionist doctrine achieved greater currency in 1968 in the form of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". This doctrine, generally associated with the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, stipulated that Moscow reserved the right to intervene militarily or otherwise if developments in any given socialist country inflicted damage on socialism within that country or the basic interests of other socialist states. The ideological justification for the Soviet invasion was assumed by many observers to have been a quickly engineered reaction to the crisis, rather than a long-standing doctrine. This thesis suggests, however, that the "Brezhnev Doctrine" was not an original formula, but a newer version of a previous doctrine. The thesis traces the origins of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". It examines four crises in Soviet-East European relations for evidence of the doctrine. The thesis looks at how the effectiveness of the doctrine as a tool of Soviet foreign policy began to decline in the mid-1970s. While the doctrine appeared to be extended to the Third World - Afghanistan 1979 - and was "self-administered" by an East European country - Poland 1981 - it proved far less successful than in the past in suppressing opposition. Finally, the thesis examines the demise of the doctrine under Mikhail Gorbachev. The conclusions drawn by this thesis are: that the Soviet interventionist doctrine was not a new phenomenon; that it contained political, ideological, and military components; and, that it served a number of functions within the socialist community.
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Bayerl, Elizabeth. "USAID projects in the former Soviet Union: policy case studies." Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32740.

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Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University
The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War are widely recognized as watershed events in the history of world affairs. Decision-makers and scholars in many fields are only beginning to understand the profound shifts and realignments in global political and economic relationships in a post-Cold War world. An important link between the United States and the former Soviet republics is the foreign assistance program in the region, since assistance efforts often serve as an important lens through which to view strategic relationships between nations. This evaluative policy research explores that link through qualitative case studies of three US Agency for International Development (USAID) projects in the region. Each qualitative case study represents a distinct approach to foreign assistance delivery in the region: classical technical assistance (represented by ZdravReform in contracts with Abt Associates), formal site partnership (in cooperative agreements with the American International Health Alliance), and experimental technology (a cooperative agreement with the former Selentec, Inc.). Three policy context chapters (Chapters I, II, and III) introduce the case studies, in which historical trends of the assistance effort and of the domestic foreign policy-making framework in Washington, DC, are highlighted. A final chapter (VII) examines the findings from the study and recommends a refocusing of the foreign assistance effort in the NIS toward more long-term developmental strategies. Theoretical and methodological assumptions in the study are informed by the constructionist approach to policy evaluation described by Guba and Lincoln (1989). This broad approach assumes that different constructions or interpretations exist concerning the nature and goals of projects. Unlike typical project evaluations, this approach does not assume that stakeholders in projects share common perceptions of the expected goals for and outcomes of their projects. Constructionist approaches to qualitative study fall within the interpretative stream of social science explored by theorists and researchers from a number of disciplines (Geertz, 1973; Denzin, 1992; Hammersley, 1989; Bruner, 1990). More specific conceptual assumptions also are explored in Chapter I, drawn from the literature on institutional research . Emphasis is placed in the evaluative analysis on how effectively conflicts that arose among the multiple stakeholders in each project were addressed.
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Rosenberg, Hyla. "U.S.-Soviet interchange : an examination of the underlying assumptions of U.S. peace organizations sponsoring contact with Soviet citizens." PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4105.

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The research focus of this study was upon U.S. peace organizations which sponsor face-to-face contact with Soviet citizens. Nine U.S. peace organizations were included in the study, the names of which were acquired through a publication produced by the Institute for Soviet-American Relations. The researcher contacted approximately 28 organizations either by telephone or mail, requesting that organizational literature (program descriptions, newsletters, brochures, pamphlets) be sent to the researcher for the purpose of conducting a rhetorical analysis of such literature.
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Books on the topic "Soviet union - international relations"

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The Soviet study of international relations. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

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Light, Margot. The Soviet theory of international relations. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988.

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Light, Margot. The Soviet theory of international relations. Brighton, Sussex: Wheatsheaf, 1988.

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Lindsay, Margie. International business in Gorbachev's Soviet Union. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989.

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Lindsay, Margie. International business in Gorbachev's Soviet Union. London: Pinter, 1989.

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H, Haigh R. From ostracism to acceptance: The Soviet Union and collective security. Sheffield: Sheffield Hallam University, 2003.

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Duncan, W. Raymond. The Soviet Union and Cuba: Interests and influence. New York: Praeger, 1985.

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B, Sherr Alan, Brown University. Center for Foreign Policy Development., Institut mirovoĭ ėkonomiki i mezhdunarodnykh otnosheniĭ (Akademii͡a︡ nauk SSSR), and USSR Council of Ministers. All-Union Research Institute of Foreign Economic Relations., eds. International joint ventures: Soviet and Western perspectives. New York: Quorum Books, 1991.

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Anthony, Carty, and Danilenko G. M, eds. Perestroika and international law: Current Anglo-Soviet approaches to international law. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990.

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Ginsburgs, George. The Soviet Union and international cooperation in legal matters. Dordrecht: M. Nijhoff, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Soviet union - international relations"

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Halliday, Fred. "A Singular Collapse: The Soviet Union and Inter-State Competition." In Rethinking International Relations, 191–215. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23658-9_9.

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Light, Margot. "The Study of International Relations in the Soviet Union." In The Study of International Relations, 229–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20275-1_12.

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Mendl, Wolf. "Stuck in a Mould: The Relationship between Japan and the Soviet Union." In The International Relations of Japan, 174–205. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21016-9_9.

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de Hoyos, Ruben. "Argentina and the Soviet Union: International Relations in Three Stages." In Great Power Relations in Argentina, Chile and Antarctica, 59–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10075-0_5.

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Freedman, Robert O. "Russian-Israeli Relations Since the Collapse of the Soviet Union." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Israel, 1–13. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2717-0_58-1.

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Shmelev, Nikolay. "Perestroika in the Soviet Union: The Domestic and International Dimensions." In The Challenge of Simultaneous Economic Relations with East and West, 58–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11409-2_4.

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Clerc, Louis. "Coordinating and Facilitating Bilateral Cultural Contacts." In Palgrave Macmillan Series in Global Public Diplomacy, 131–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12205-7_4.

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AbstractIn 1970, when Marjatta Oksanen joined the Ministry of Education, the Department of international affairs was divided into three administrative units: multilateral affairs, bilateral affairs (with two different organizations for East and West) and Nordic relations. The Finnish state managed various forms of cultural relations with countries or groups of countries, mostly in a facilitative function: support for exhibitions or concerts, longer-term support for cultural centres or language teaching and so forth. Most of these bilateral activities originated from private initiatives, and some domains like sports, scientific cooperation or relations with the Soviet Union were dominated by private, non-governmental or semi-public organizations that acted on their own or to whom the state devolved certain functions. Generally, only relations with the Soviet Union and technical issues with strong foreign political dimensions commanded a degree of involvement from the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and interest from the country’s higher political leadership.
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Mazrui, Ali A. "Africa & the Soviet Union." In Africa’s International Relations, 175–94. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429051630-9.

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Young, John W., and John Kent. "5. Soviet–American Relations: Avoiding Hot War and the Search for Stability." In International Relations Since 1945, 145–58. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0005.

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This chapter examines US–Soviet relations during the Cold War as well as the question of the genuineness of efforts by the United States and the Soviet Union to achieve disarmament and resolve troublesome disputes. It begins with a discussion of the German question, noting that Germany’s future position was vital to the future of Europe and a particular concern of the Soviets. It then considers the progress of arms control and peace efforts by the United States and the Soviet Union, before concluding with an analysis of the relationship of arms control to the use of armaments in hot war and to some aspects of fighting the Cold War.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "5. Soviet–American Relations: Avoiding Hot War and the Search for Stability." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0007.

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This chapter examines US–Soviet relations during the Cold War as well as the question of the genuineness of efforts by the United States and the Soviet Union to achieve disarmament and resolve troublesome disputes. It begins with a discussion of the German question, noting that Germany’s future position was vital to the future of Europe and a particular concern of the Soviets. It then considers the progress of arms control and peace efforts by the United States and the Soviet Union before concluding with an analysis of the relationship of arms control to the use of armaments in hot war and to some aspects of fighting the Cold War.
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Conference papers on the topic "Soviet union - international relations"

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Sarı, Yaşar. "Kyrgyzstan’s Relations with International Financial Organizations: Curse or Curve?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00358.

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Kyrgyzstan since the collapse of Soviet Union went to the transition path and while it is argued that it succeeded at some points, levels or degree. It is certainly that major obstacles to the successful transition are not overcome. First of all it was necessary to get out of Russian dominated economy since it was itself declining. Kyrgyzstan was the first former Soviet republics left Russian ruble zone and accepted its own currency, som in 1993. Moreover, it is also the first former Soviet republics entered to World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1998. Second, finding new trade partners and external markets was a challenge. Kyrgyz governments wanted to go outside for two reasons: trading with outsiders at time of economic downturn in CIS was rise profitable and trading with outsiders would be a manifestation of their independence and sovereignty. It is obvious that since the independence Kyrgyzstan still serves as supply of raw material such as Kyrgyzstan’s primary budget income is still composed from natural resources (gold export). The Kyrgyz Republic is also classified as a low-income country with high debt vulnerability, due to these characteristics it is eligible to receive a significant level of grant from international financial organization, like World Bank. In this paper, Kyrgyzstan’s relations with the International Financial Organizations will divide three stages: Romantic years in 1990s, Debate on Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative in 2000s, and the last one, after HIPC and Revolution in 2010.
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Bandi, István. "The struggle of Bessarabian refugees in Romania as reflected in the counter intelligence files of the Securitate." In Latinitate, Romanitate, Românitate. Conferinţa ştiinţifică internaţională, Ediția a 7-a. Moldova State University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59295/lrr2023.31.

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Romania’s position in the period 1948-1958 was directly dependent on the foreign and security policy of the Soviet Union, so that, in the first years of the Cold War, Moscow’s relations with the West were dominated by the communist ideology approach, which was faithfully copied by the elite of the Romanian party. In the first years after the Second World War, the Soviet Union’s guarantee for its own security was the sovietization of the territories that had become annexed states, thus effectively ceding the right of decision in the political, social, economic and military fields to the Soviet Union. In the first decade after World War II, Bucharest, a staunch ally of Moscow, subtly changed direction and began to build its own line of communism. Thanks to the concessions made by Khrushchev and the perseverance of the Romanian political leadership, Romania escaped the military presence and Soviet advisors. Starting from 1965, N. Ceaușescu, who continued Romania’s independence policy within the Warsaw Pact, firmly condemned Moscow’s intervention in Prague, thus laying the foundations for economic and political support from Western states. However, the reality of being incorporated into the Soviet bloc forced Romania to maintain „fraternal and friendly international relations” with the Soviet Union. The 1970 Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance, as well as the 1976 Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with the Soviet Union attest that the so-called coexistence and cooperation expected at the highest diplomatic level have been fulfilled. This situation did not change even in the eighth decade of the last century, the Ceaușescu regime remained preserved in neo-Stalinism, based on the cult of personality and the model of the single absolutist leader, although Mihail Gorbachev suggested, among other things, the velvet socialist model for Romania. In accordance with the real expectations of the political leadership, the Romanian state security constantly documented the actions related to the implementation of Soviet influence and intervention. The present study presents the actions carried out by the state security at that time (Securitatea), in which Romanian citizens were involved whose only crime was that they had previously lived in Bessarabia.
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Mozgovaya, O. S. "THE FOREIGN POLICY SITUATION ON THE EVE OF KHRUSHCHEV'S ULTIMATUM OF 1958." In Культура, наука, образование: проблемы и перспективы. Нижневартовский государственный университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/ksp-2021/16.

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After the Second World War, the issue of German unity and the status of West Berlin remained on the agenda of international politics. The most striking example of solving these problems was the ultimatum of the Soviet Union in 1958 to the Western powers, which strained relations between the allied countries, the USSR and Germany.
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Pirimbaev, Jusup, and Anara Kamalova. "Economic Cooperation Development Issues between the EAEU." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c13.02595.

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The Organization of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is the first real attempt to conduct integration processes in the post-soviet space among several states. However, the question of its expansion at the expense of other states remains open, as well as the further deepening of relations within the Union and the improvement of the mechanisms for integrating the economies of the member states. In this regard, the analysis of the state of economic relations is carried out and the ways of solving some aspects of the coming period are shown. The main idea of solving the problems of the Union is the gradual and effective development of standards for economic relations.
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Ebrem, İlker Salih. "Examination Relations of Turkey and Kazakhstan from the Perspective of Foreign Trade Datas and Organizations." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01330.

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Established after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Turkic Republics has tried to improve its relations with Turkey but relations have not developed to the required level. Existing relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan which from one of these countries, is assessed, have been mentioned economic and political contributions of organizations such as Turkish Exim Bank, Turkish International Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) and Hoca Ahmet Yasawi University, which are effective in the development of bilateral relations. Turkey and Kazakhstan relations has reached a momentum in recent years. The development of bilateral relations have also reflected the economic figures but this level of development is not enough. Finally, by examining the trade volume between the two countries, import and export rates and which product mainly taken place in the foreign trade volume are examined and interpreted.
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Karaman, Ömer Faruk. "The Impacts of the Eurasian Economic Union on the Relations Between Kyrgyzstan and Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02023.

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian Federation, trying to develop economic and political relations with various countries, in order to maintain its influence in the newly independent states, is in charge of creating an organization called the Eurasian Economic Union. In this context, the Eurasian Economic Union, which started its activity in January 2015, is an attempt to economic integration among Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. The Turkish foreign policy has changed in multi-vector direction. Thus, the last events in Eurasia began to attract the attention of Turkey. In this paper, focusing on the perceptions of Eurasia by Russia and Turkey, examines the influence of the Eurasian Economic Union on relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan. In this context, Kyrgyzstan's membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, in a political sense, may negatively affect relations between two countries and reduce the presence of Turkey in Kyrgyzstan. Also, because of the expected increasing in customs duties and hence rise in prices for goods imported from Turkey, the decline in demand for Turkish goods is expected. Nevertheless, the possibility of signing free trade agreements between member states, including Kyrgyzstan and Turkey in the long term, will change the political, commercial and cultural relations between two countries in a positive way.
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Tufaner, Mustafa Batuhan, Hasan Boztoprak, and İlyas Sözen. "An Alternative to The European Customs Union for Turkey in The Framework of Economic Integration Theory: Eurasian Customs Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.01957.

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The liberalization policies begun after 1980 and globalization process bring with new economic associations and trade blocs among countries. The European Customs Union which established to improve economic relations and to make the political integration possible after World War II, reached large trade capacity today. On the other hand, the Post-Soviet countries that followed similar way like European ones established Eurasian Customs Union under the leadership of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia. The advantage of European Customs Union for Turkey which became a member of it in 1995 is still discussed. From this viewpoint the study aims to answer a question that Eurasian Customs Union can be an alternative to European Customs Union for Turkey in point of trade capacity. The aim of the study is to discuss the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union and to compare it with the European Customs Union in which Turkey is involved. In this context, at first, the conceptual framework about the subject will be discussed and European Customs Union and Turkey relations will be examined. After, the current situation of the Eurasian region will be analyzed and the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union will be discussed. And, which customs union will be more advantageous in terms of Turkey will be examined by VAR analysis.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.

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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Ergül, Osman. "Regionalism in Russian Foreign Policy and Russian Integration Strategy through Eurasian Economic Community." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00560.

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This paper aims to analyze how Russia could develop different regional models of economic cooperation in order to integrate better into the world economy. Russia’s new strategy especially after the establishment of the EurAsEC and its perception of regionalism, especially in the context of EurAsEC, is an important issue. This is valid not only for the specific analysis of the current concept of regionalism; but also for identifying the key variables of both the new international order and the changing character of new inter-state relations. With in this context, Russian foreign policies toward former Soviet republics in the areas of economy and energy have significant effects on the formation of a new world order. This article therefore aims at studying the attempts of the integration process within the EurAsEC that can be defined as a unique example combining both the process of old regionalism with the new one. Thus, EurAsEC is also worth analyzing not only for drawing inspiration from the EU; but also for being the only example declaring its ambition in its founding treaty of customs union to become a supranational integration process in the post-Soviet area.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan, and Ayşen Hiç Gencer. "Turkey and Uzbekistan Relations within the Scope of Economic and Political Integration of Central Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01466.

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan declared her sovereignty on June 20th, 1990 and her independence on September 1st, 1991. Turkey was the first country to recognize the Republic of Uzbekistan on December 16th, 1991. On March 4th, 1992, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan were established and more than 90 bilateral agreements and protocols were signed. Among the Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan has an important geopolitical location and has the largest Turkish population. Turkish and Uzbek people share the same culture and language (Uzbek-Chagatai Turkish). Prime Minister Erdoğan and President Kerimov emphasized the necessity of improving the Turkish-Uzbek relations at the opening ceremony of Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics. Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoğlu's visit on July 10th, 2014 started improving bilateral relations that had come to a halt in 2003. This paper analyzes Turkish-Uzbek relations in the framework of integration in Central Asia and with respect to the structural economic changes in Uzbekistan and her foreign trade policy.
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Reports on the topic "Soviet union - international relations"

1

Kafka, A. L. Database Relations for Seismic Phases Reported by Stations in the Former Soviet Union. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada274832.

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Reppert, John. Emerging Civil-Military Relations: The Role of the Main Political Administration in the New Soviet Union. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada232504.

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Torres-Mancera, Rocio, Carlos de las Heras-Pedrosa, Carmen Jambrino-Maldonado, and Patricia P. Iglesias-Sanchez. Public Relations and the Fundraising professional in the Cultural Heritage Industry: a study of Spain and Mexico / Las relaciones públicas y el profesional de la captación de fondos en la industria del patrimonio cultural: un estudio de España y México. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-21-2021-03-27-48.

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The present research aims to understand the current situation of strategic communication and public relations applied in the professional field of fundraising in the cultural heritage environment. It observes the current patterns used in the sector to obtain and generate long-term sustainable funding, through the stimulation of investors and International Cooperation projects from the European Union in line with UNESCO. Two international case studies are compared: Spain and Mexico, through the selection of territorial samples in Malaga and San Luis Potosi. The methodology used is based on a combination of in-depth interviews with key informants and content analysis. In the first instance, the degree of application of communication and public relations tools for strategic purposes to directly attract economic resources to the management of cultural heritage (tangible and intangible) in the region is studied. In line with the results obtained, the current parameters and key indicators of the profile of the fundraising professional in public and private cultural management are presented.
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Idenburg, Peter, Per Stalacke, Klaus Schuch, Lajos Nyiri, Oleg Ventskovsky, Marie-Helene Mandrillion, Alexander Sokolov, and Henning Eikenberg. Report by External Evaluators on the Programme of the International Association for the Promotion of Co-operation with Scientists from the new Independent States of the former Soviet Union (INTAS) in the period 1993-2003 to the INTAS General Assembly. INTAS, October 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.22163/fteval.2004.207.

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Zhytaryuk, Marian. Ukraine in the international press in 1930 (on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo»). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11413.

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In the article of Professor Maryan Zhytaryuk, it is implemented the systematization of publications in the international press of 1930 about Ukraine on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo». Important political issues, in particular: Bolshevism in Soviet Ukraine, the massacre of the Ukrainian intelligentsia (Union for the Liberation of Ukraine), the interpretation of the «Ukrainian political problem» in European countries were singled out and generalized. The topicality of the article subject follows from the need to supplement the materials on the study of the «Ukrainian question», from the understanding that the interwar period, mainly in the 30s of the twentieth century, is a concentrated historical and political period, that is represented on newspaper and magazine columns. During the decade (30s of the twentieth century) – there were thousands of them. For example, in the newspaper «Dilo» only in the first three months of 1930 we can find more than 100 publications on international subjects. Therefore, the author narrowed the research materials to translated materials in the genres of press round-up, review, digest of publications in the foreign press. The purpose of the article is to focus on Ukrainian issues in the international press based on translations and comments on foreign publications in the newspaper «Dilo» in 1930. The task of the publication is to comprehend the identified texts in the context of geopolitical construction on the eve of World War II; to supplement the history of Ukrainian and foreign journalism and its source base. In the article the author uses the method of scientific study of primary sources found in the special funds of the Scientific Library of LNU. I. Franko, in particular, the bundles of the newspaper «Dilo» for 1930. 252 publications were processed, some of which - in several submissions. Based on scientific summarizing, 15 publications on political issues with the keyword «Ukraine» were selected on the basis of translated sources from foreign media (scientific research method). Actually with the purpose of understanding the raised issues (conceptual analysis) and of preparing some certain conclusions and generalizations (methods of synthesis, induction and deduction) the problem-thematic analysis was used.
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Knaepen, Hanne. Climate risks in Tunisia: Challenges to adaptation in the agri-food system. European Centre for Development Policy Management, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/casc009.

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Tunisia’s agricultural system is central to the stability of the country, but it is also extremely prone to climate risks such as droughts and reduced or more variable rainfall. It is predicted that agricultural yields from key crops like wheat and olives will decline. These climate risks on Tunisia’s agricultural and wider food system can lead to socioeconomic instability and potentially cause security risks. Furthermore, these risks can have knock-on effects that cross national borders, sectors and systems. Tunisia’s capacity to adapt to climate change is undermined by three sets of political, governance and socio-economic factors, or so-called ‘climate-related development risks’, namely (1) governance and policy coherence challenges; (2) food import dependency and an export-oriented agri-food system; and (3) territorial inequalities. These factors contribute, directly or indirectly, to the likelihood of cascading climate risks that start with Tunisia’s agri-food system. Due to the country’s reduced adaptive capacity, climate risks in Tunisia’s agri-food system can have an impact on Europe through trade and supply chains, security relations, financial markets, international aid operations as well as migration patterns. It is key that the European Union recognises these risks in its Green Deal and adaptation efforts, as well as in a much wider group of policies, ranging from trade to migration.
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Cvijić, Srdjan, Nikola Dimitrov, Leposava Ognjanoska Stavrovska, and Ivana Ranković. Bilateral Disputes and EU enlargement: A Consensual Divorce. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, May 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/xubk6023.

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Bilateral disputes between European Union member states and candidate countries are one of the key obstacles to EU enlargement. They have been plaguing the EU accession process ever since the breakup of Yugoslavia and the subsequent border dispute between EU member Slovenia and candidate country Croatia which then ensued. More recently we have the case of North Macedonia. It became a candidate country in 2005 but ever since, its accession negotiations have been bogged down by endless bilateral disputes. While the case of North Macedonia and its decades long conflicts with Greece and Bulgaria are the most well-known of such cases, they are not the only ones. In a seminal 2018 publication the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BIEPAG) outlined the most prominent “open” or “latent” disputes between EU member states and candidate countries in the Western Balkans. Ranging from border to territorial disputes, or ones concerning the status of national minorities, four out of five candidate countries in the region – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia or Serbia, has a bilateral dispute with one or more EU member states. If you look at new candidates Ukraine and Moldova and potential candidate Georgia however, the list of active or potential bilateral disputes is even longer. Even when a candidate country meets the criteria to progress in EU accession talks, bilateral disputes can delay it for years or even decades as in the case of North Macedonia. In this way such disputes present a serious challenge to the credibility of the EU enlargement process. In the context of the war in Ukraine, as we have seen with regard to the policies of Viktor Orbán’s Hungary towards Ukraine, invoking bilateral disputes can seriously challenge the geopolitical orientation and the security of the entire Union. On the legal side, since most of these issues fall outside the scope of the EU law and are not covered by the accession criteria, there is a need to think of an institutional mechanism to deal with bilateral disputes. Enlargement policy does not offer an appropriate platform for settlement of bilateral disputes, especially for those that fall outside the EU law. Hence, these issues should be addressed via the international legal dispute resolution toolbox and thus be subjects of separate processes. The EU’s role however cannot be passive. It should invest efforts in these processes in order for them to be mutually reinforcing and so that the accession process has a mollifying rather than tension amplifying effect on the issue. In its policy brief, published at the end of 2023, the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) proposed updating the Copenhagen criteria such that they should include a stipulation to resolve bilateral issues between member states and candidate countries through external dispute resolution mechanisms: Territorial disputes should be referred to arbitration or the International Court of Justice, while those on minority rights should be dealt with by the European Court of Human Rights and other appropriate dispute settlement mechanisms. In this policy brief we suggest ways how to operationalise this proposal. First, we describe different types of vertical bilateral disputes (the ones that include asymmetrical relations) between EU members and Western Balkan candidate countries, then we outline international mechanisms to resolve them, and finally we propose an institutional architecture to remove bilateral disputes that fall outside of the scope of the Copenhagen criteria and the EU acquis from the purview of EU accession talks.
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Stelmakh, Marta. HISTORICAL CONTEXT IN THE COLLECTION OF ARTICLES BY TIMOTHY SNYDER «UKRAINIAN HISTORY, RUSSIAN POLITICS, EUROPEAN FUTURE». Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11098.

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The article examines the problem of the image formation of Ukraine in the international arena in the historical journalism of Timothy Snyder. The subject of the research is the historical context in the journalistic collection «Ukrainian History, Russian Politics, European Future». It identifies the main considerations of the author on the past of Russian-Ukrainian relations and the need to develop historical consciousness in the fight against Russian manipulation. Methodology: the comparative, historical, system analysis and other methods are used in the process of scientific research. The results of the study were obtained by analysing the author’s journalistic works and by considering the main historical themes raised by Timothy Snyder. Main results: The historical context in Timothy Snyder’s journalism is often focused on the Holodomor and the events of World War II. After all, these events are connected with the beginning of the image formation of the Ukrainian people as supporters of Nazism by the Russian authorities and the devaluation of the Ukrainians’ contribution to the establishment of peace during the Second World War. It is determined that the non-reflective attitude to history, the inability to draw parallels between the events of the past and the future leads to an ineffective response to manipulation and propaganda, which can threaten world peace. Conclusions: the realization that Russian aggression against Ukraine has its own history is a necessary aspect in the elucidation of this issue. The Eurasian Union and cooperation with the European far-right are Russian propaganda tools that discredit the Ukrainian state in the world community. Publicist Timothy Snyder points out that Europe’s future interconnects with the past, so he emphasizes the need to study and rethink history, which today has become the object of propaganda and manipulation. Significance: The results of our study will help journalists who study the historical aspect of journalistic materials and research foreign materials on Ukrainian issues. In addition, our research is necessary for Ukraine, because Russia’s aggression continues, as well as the aggressor’s propaganda, which is based on the distortion and falsification of historical events.
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