Journal articles on the topic 'Soviet Armenia'
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1
HARUTYUNIAN, SHAHEN. "IDEOLOGICAL TENDENCIES OF DISSENT IN SOVIET ARMENIA IN THE 1960S AND 1980S." Scientific bulletin 1, no. 46 (April 26, 2024): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/scientific.v1i46.135.
Abstract:
There were three primary ideological paths followed by the dissident movements in Soviet Armenia that originated in the USSR in the 1960s of the 20th century. In Soviet Armenia, dissent was primarily organized around national issues such as the mention of the Armenian Genocide, the demands for the reunification of Karabakh and Nakhichevan to the motherland, preservation of the Armenian language, restoration of Armenia's independence, and defense of human rights. Objectives and plans of covert groups established in Soviet Armenia bore the ideological imprint of these movements. The fight to restore Armenia's independence was of utmost significance in Soviet Armenia. The purpose of this article is to present the ideological directions of Armenian dissent and their manifestations. In order to realize the goal, the task was set to research and discuss the dissident organizations founded in Soviet Armenia and the individual approaches that integrated all the ideological directions of the Armenian dissident in their programs and activities. Historical and comparative methods were used. Content analysis of state and personal archival materials, interviews, and memoirs was carried out. It has been established that the dissident manifestations in Soviet Armenia had three key ideological directions, which had different priorities in different periods.
2
Melkonyan, Ashot A., Karen H. Khachatryan, and Igor V. Kryuchkov. "Проблемы советского национально-государственного строительства (историко-критический анализ на примере Армении)." Oriental studies 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2023): 340–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2023-66-2-340-352.
Abstract:
Introduction. Throughout the shaping of the Soviets, the Armenian nation passed its historical way of development as a union member and grew to be administratively represented by two Soviet Armenian ethnic entities — the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (ranked a union republic) and Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (a territory within the Azerbaijan SSR). The First Republic was established in late May 1918 to be replaced by the Second Republic, or Soviet Armenia, in early December 1920. In 1920–1922, the latter was officially referred to as ‘independent Socialist Soviet Republic of Armenia’, and then as a territory within the Transcaucasian Soviet Federation (1922–1936) and the Soviet Union (1936–1991). After Transcaucasian Federation was abolished in 1936, Soviet Armenia was incorporated into the USSR as a self-sufficient union republic under the name Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. Goals. The study seeks to show the process of nation-state building in the USSR through the example of Armenia. Materials and methods. The article analyzes archival materials represented by official documents and acts dealing with Soviet nation-state building, as well as collections of laws and party decrees. The main research methods employed are the historical/comparative and historical/genetic ones. Results. Soviet Armenia within the USSR, as well as other Soviet republics and autonomies, was no independent state in the conventional sense, but at the same time it was endowed with many attributes and symbols of statehood. Finally, it was Soviet Armenia that — for first time in the history of Armenian statehood — obtained its own Constitution. Conclusions. Soviet Armenia was a nation in the unified Soviet state, and in the conditions of seven decades of unlimited power of the Communist Party preserved and developed the Armenian Soviet statehood to a maximum possible then and there. Most Armenian historians believe the present-day independent Third Republic would never have emerged (since 1991) but for the period of Soviet Armenia.
3
Hovhannisyan, Gegham. "The Armenian Nationalist-Liberal (Reorganiazed Hunchakian) Party In 1917-1921." Fundamental Armenology 1 (July 14, 2022): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54503/1829-4618-2022.1(15)-6.
Abstract:
The international and political situation that came into existence after World War I dictated to the Armenian political forces to reconsider their programs and practices. The Reorganized Hunchakian Party, which was dedicated to the liberation of Western Armenians and advocated liberal ideas, adopted the name “Nationalist-Liberal”. The Liberals believed that the Armenian state that would unite the Republic of Armenia, Western Armenia and Cilicia, should have a presidential system of government and temporarily accept the patronage of a great power. The party played a significant role in Armenian social and political life in 1917-1921. After the establishment of the Soviet regime in Armenia, the ideological differences between the Liberals and the Soviet government did not disappear, however, the party’s priority became to help Armenia, which continued after the unification of the Liberals and the Ramgavars.
4
Sahakyan, Naira. "Searching for Democracy, Finding Nationalism." Caucasus Survey 10, no. 1 (March 22, 2022): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/23761202-20220008.
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Abstract In May 2018 a democratic breakthrough occurred in Armenia known as the Velvet Revolution. The leader of the protests was Nikol Pashinyan, who after the resignation of Serzh Sargsyan became the prime minister of Armenia. Pashinyan’s coming to power coincidentally overlapped with the celebrations of the centennial of the First Republic of Armenia, which, particularly in the post-Soviet era, is largely considered to be the point marking the revival of Armenian statehood. Based on the congratulatory remarks and speeches by Pashinyan, this article argues that the leader of the Velvet Revolution used a language that united the principles of the First Republic with the ‘Velvet’ ideas. By drawing links between 1918 and 2018, Pashinyan claimed that the post-Velvet Armenia was regenerating the democratic values inherent to the pre-Soviet spirit of the Armenian people. This was a convenient strategy for Pashinyan for avoiding the image of the Revolution as an anti-Russian step supported by the West. Thus, during the celebrations of the First Republic, Pashinyan linked the idea of democracy to the First Republic of Armenia and represented the Velvet Revolution as a revival of the values that were suppressed during the Soviet era and the first decades of post-Soviet Armenia. However, by giving a narrow focus to the discourse of democracy which dominated the whole Caucasus region after the collapse of the Russian Empire, by representing Armenians as an elemental source of democracy and by linking their democratic breakthroughs with the notion of survival, Pashinyan elaborated a nationalist narrative rather than a democratic one.
5
Panossian, Razmik. "Between Ambivalence and Intrusion: Politics and Identity in Armenia-Diaspora Relations." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 2 (September 1998): 149–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.2.149.
Abstract:
The irony of this poem is that it was not written in the diaspora, but in the “homeland” of Soviet Armenia, by one of its most prominent poets. And yet, he is still haunted by the uncertainty of being a “tourist” in his “own land” and by the rootlessness of being part of “a landless people.” The poet, living in the Soviet Armenian republic, is nevertheless drawn to the lost lands beyond the borders of his country, to the heartland of historic Armenia, presently located in Turkey, which was emptied of its indigenous Armenian population through the 1915 Genocide. Emin captures the ambiguity in the question “where is my homeland?”—a question much more commonly posed by diasporic people. The answer is difficult because of the variations and overlap in the very definitions of “homeland” and of “Armenianness” in both the diaspora and the homeland. For the past eighty years, Armenians have been arguing, sometimes vehemently, over homeland-diaspora relations. Consequently, the essential division within the Armenian nation, and within its major diaspora communities, has been, and still is, over the question of how to relate to (formerly Soviet) Armenia, the surviving “kin-state” of the much broader and ambiguous notion of the “Armenian homeland.”
6
MIRZAKHANYAN, Ruben, and Hayk GRIGORYAN. "Armenian Apostolic Church Under Bolshevik Ideological and Political Pressure Between 1920 and 1922." WISDOM 18, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v18i2.539.
Abstract:
This article presents the ideological controversies that arose between the Armenian Apostolic church and the bolshevik regime following the invasion of soviet troops into Armenia. From its first days in power bolshevik authorities implemented radical steps against its ideological rival – the armenian church. Following the harsh anti-church political line of Russian bolsheviks, the soviet authorities in Armenia started a massive appropriation of Armenian church properties. The article mentions also the first attempts of the soviet administration to organize state institutions for the preservation and study of national cultural heritage.
7
Košťálová, Petra. "Návrat „domů“: přistěhovalecké vlny do Arménie po druhé světové válce." HISTORICKÁ SOCIOLOGIE 15, no. 1 (May 24, 2023): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363525.2023.5.
Abstract:
The paper deals with the repatriation wave of Armenians from the Diaspora to Soviet Armenia in the years 1946–1948. It was the largest targeted and systematic immigration back to the Republic of Armenia, perceived primarily as a motherland and Promised Land; the migration wave and its impact could be considered in the frame of Hebrew aliyahs, or “ascension upward” (toward the Holy City). Returning from exile is called nergaghth in Armenian. The collective memory of Soviet Armenia has usually depicted this immigration as a success, a rescue of a nation threatened by genocide and an afflux of “new blood”; however, the repatriation was perceived as disappointment and historical injustice by repatriates and considered one of the reasons for tensions between the Diaspora and its motherland. After 1956, the majority of repatriates returned to their original host countries; those who remained in Armenia are (even after several generations) called by the pejorative term akhpar.
8
Korkmaz, Ayşenur. "At ‘Home’ Away from ‘Home’: The ex-Ottoman Armenian Refugees and the Limits of Belonging in Soviet Armenia." Journal of Migration History 6, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00601008.
Abstract:
This article explores spatial attachments among the ex-Ottoman Armenians who survived the Armenian Genocide and settled in their ‘new homeland’, Soviet Armenia. It addresses the question of how the refugees dealt with loss and displacement and reflected on their former hometowns, referred to as ‘Ergir’, a spatial construct denoting a symbolic ‘Armenian homeland’ or a ‘local homeland’ in Anatolia. I argue that the refugees conceptualised Ergir not only in relation to their expulsion but also the socio-political factors that influenced them in Soviet Armenia in three periods. The first era of reflection on Ergir was the 1920s and 1930s, replete with nostalgic sentiments. The second was the suppression of the theme of Ergir, between 1936–1960, particularly during political crackdowns in Stalin’s era. The third period saw the revival of Ergir and marked a new phase in the conceptualisations of ‘homeland’ in which the displacement from Anatolia in 1915–1916 and the Stalinist purges were enmeshed into one tragedy of the ex-Ottoman Armenians.
9
Harutyunyan, Angela. "Introduction to Arman Grigoryan's “What is Hamasteghtsakan Art” (1993) and “What is Hamasteghtsakan Art” (1996)." ARTMargins 8, no. 3 (October 2019): 115–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00246.
Abstract:
The document presents two separate articles with the same title –“What is Hamasteghtsakan Art” – by artist Arman Grigoryan and art critic Nazareth Karoyan, published in Armenia in 1994 and 1996 respectively. Translated from Armenian and introduced by Angela Harutyunyan both articles have been formative for the development of contemporary art in Armenia. While presenting diverging views on the meaning of hamasteghtsakan (translated as collectively created), the concept was circulated as a definition for a broad range of post-medium artistic practices in late Soviet and post-Soviet Armenia. These practices formed an oppositional discourse to both Socialist Realism and Armenian National modernism. Harutyunyan's introduction locates the texts in a broader context of artistic institutional transformations in the late 1980s and early 1994 in Armenia.
10
Grigoryan, Arman, and Nazareth Karoyan. "What is Hamasteghtsakan Art." ARTMargins 8, no. 3 (October 2019): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00247.
Abstract:
The document presents two separate articles with the same title –“What is Hamasteghtsakan Art” – by artist Arman Grigoryan and art critic Nazareth Karoyan, published in Armenia in 1994 and 1996 respectively. Translated from Armenian and introduced by Angela Harutyunyan both articles have been formative for the development of contemporary art in Armenia. While presenting diverging views on the meaning of hamasteghtsakan (translated as collectively created), the concept was circulated as a definition for a broad range of post-medium artistic practices in late Soviet and post-Soviet Armenia. These practices formed an oppositional discourse to both Socialist Realism and Armenian National modernism. Harutyunyan's introduction locates the texts in a broader context of artistic institutional transformations in the late 1980s and early 1994 in Armenia.
11
Shafranskaya, Eleonora F. "Drevin and Slutsky: The Context of One Poem." Polylinguality and Transcultural Practices 21, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2618-897x-2024-21-1-144-153.
Abstract:
The study presents one of the analytical fragments of the Armenian text of Russian poetry. The corpus of “Armenian” texts includes the poem “The Builder of Paradise, the painter Drevin” by Boris Slutsky, which is outwardly unrelated to Armenia. The purpose of the article is to analyze the semantics of the poem’s context, in particular, its indirect connection with Armenia. The author solves a number of problems: characterizing the artistic work of Alexander Drevin and the role of Armenia in it, including writing an essay about the tragic biography of the artist; designation of Armenia’s place on the scale of values in the poetry of Boris Slutsky; characteristics of the Soviet image of paradise and its embodiment in art and literature. Using historical, cultural and biographical methods, the study reveals the Armenian subtext in the “non-Armenian” poem “The Builder of Paradise, the painter Drevin” based on the poems of Boris Slutsky and the archival file on charges of counter-revolutionary activities against Alexander Drevin (GA RF).
12
Atanesyan, Garik, and Gayane Hakobyan. "The problems of preservation of ethnic identity of the Belarusian diaspora in Soviet and post-Soviet Armenia." Человек и культура, no. 6 (June 2020): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8744.2020.6.34379.
Abstract:
The object of this research is the problems of preservation of ethnic identity of the Belarusian diaspora in Armenia during Soviet and post-Soviet period. Interethnic families comprise the current Belarusian community in Armenia. These scattered ethnic groups are the soft target for assimilation processes in the predominantly conservative and monoethnic regions of Armenia. The article presents a brief overview on the history of Belarusian diaspora of Yerevan and Belarusian ethnic groups in the Armenian regions since its formation until the present. Certain backbone characteristics of the concept of diaspora are described. The novelty consists in the division of Belarusian diaspora of Armenia into Belarusian diaspora of Yerevan and ethnic groups of the regions of the Republic of Armenia. A comparative analysis of these fundamentally different communities allowed better understanding the problems that threaten the existence of Belarusian diaspora in Armenia. Analysis is conducted on the basic factors of ethnic identity of the Belarusian diaspora in Armenia. The article reviews the factors that contribute to assimilation and ethnic transformation of Belarusian ethnic groups of the Republic of Armenia and the diaspora of Yerevan. In Yerevan, Belarusian ethnic identifiers are being replaced by the Russians, while in rural areas of Armenia even Russian indicators are being dislodged by the local ethnic components, which can result in fatal assimilation.
13
Markedonov, S. "Transformation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani Conflict: Historical Experience and Current Developments." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 12 (2023): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-12-93-103.
Abstract:
The Nagorno-Karabakh issue is well-studied in the schorarly literature. However, most works cover the dynamics of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict or genesis of a South Caucasus de facto state. This article is devoted to the consideration of the phenomenon of Nagorno-Karabakh for the nation-state project of post-Soviet Armenia, its domestic and foreign policy agenda. The author considers it in the two historical contexts: the genesis of the Armenian state during the last years of the Soviet Union and in the first years after its demise, as well as the current socio-political situation. The article explains why the factor of Nagorno-Karabakh, which became the trigger for the struggle of the late Soviet Armenians for “miatsum” (the unification of the former Armenian SSR and the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region of the Azerbaijani SSR), has ceased to be a cementing element for the elite and society of today’s Armenia. The Nagorno-Karabakh consensus, around which the authorities and the opposition, as well as civil society institutions united, becomes the past. The informal taboo on the discussion of the Nagorno-Karabakh status beyond any form of state integration with Armenia has been lifted. It has become one of the publicly discussed issues. The author analyses these transformations with the help of updated methodological tools, rejecting “geopolitical determinism” and linking the fundamental transformation in the Armenian current agenda not only with radical military changes on the “line of contact” between the two conflicting states of the South Caucasus but, above all, with the value and generational shift within Armenia. Addressing the theory of “paradigm shift” by T. Kuhn and the “method of generations” by J. Ortega y Gasset, he concludes that the current unprecedented concessions to Baku on the part of Yerevan are not only a manifestation of weakness, voluntarism and a foreign policy U-turn of the current Armenian leadership to the West. In many ways, they are determined by the transformation in the moods of the elites and society of Armenia throughout the entire post-Soviet period. This approach allows us to trace and explain how and why the Republic, constituting its statehood around the “Karabakh idea” in the process of national self-determination, took the path of revision of the original goal-setting.
14
Katagoshchina, Mariya V. "PRIVATE COLLECTION AS A SPACE FOR RUSSIA AND ARMENIA CULTURAL INTERACTION (TRADITION AND MODERNITY)." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no. 1 (2023): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2023-1-57-71.
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The paper discusses the role of private collecting phenomenon in the formation of cultural ties between Russia and Armenia in the 20th – early 21st centuries. Private collecting and patronage are deeply rooted in the intellectual tradition of Armenia, including in the Armenian diaspora in Russia, France, the United States and other regions of the world. This circumstance led to the participation of a number of prominent representatives of the Russian-Armenian collection community in many state and public projects, including those related to the development of cultural cooperation between Russia and Armenia in the post-Soviet period. The subject of the study is the collecting and educational activities of the leading collectors of the Soviet period and the present (A.Ya. Abrahamyan, V.A. Dudakova, A.I. Shadrin), which influenced the formation of the Russian-Armenian cultural dialogue. The author also focuses on the implementation of exhibition projects of the Museum of Russian Art in Yerevan, the Armenian Cultural Center in Moscow and a number of other cultural institutions, the history and modern development of which are connected with the world of private collecting. The article focuses on the cultural interaction between Russia and Armenia in the activities of the structures of the international antiques and art market. The author sets himself the task, using the example of Russia and Armenia, to show the integration of the modern world of private collecting into the sphere of public diplomacy and international cultural exchange in the post-Soviet space.
15
Hovhannisyan, Artur L. "Historical Aspect of Museum Development in Armenia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 3 (56) (2023): 73–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2023-3-73-77.
Abstract:
The purpose of this article is to study the history and specifics of the development of museumreserves in Soviet and post-Soviet Armenia. An attempt is made to characterize the creation of archaeological museum-reserves in Armenian SSR, which became the basis for the creation of museumreserves of the urban environment. It also analyzes their further development, reveals the specifics of the fate of the museum-reserves and the museum business of the post-Soviet period in Armenia. The article analyzes the objective and subjective reasons for the reconstruction of museum-reserves, a comparative analysis of the museum-reserves of this type is conducted, with an emphasis on their current problems of Armenian museum-reserves. It also presents the current situation in which the museum-reserves of Armenia are developing the historical and cultural museum-reserve of Kumayri, which in recent years has attracted interest both from the point of view of internal and external tourism.
16
Gołąbek, Bartosz. "SOWIECKA ARMENIA WASILIJA GROSSMANA — WOKÓŁ GEOPOETYKI SOCREALIZMU." Rusycystyczne Studia Literaturoznawcze 28 (December 12, 2018): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rsl.2018.28.02.
Abstract:
Vasily Grossman is one of the most prominent and interesting writers of Soviet era. His journalist papers on II war period, and later on his major literary work, novel Life and Fate made his name famous among the best writers of Russian culture. When his famous Life and Fate novel was seized in 1960 by KGB (Grossman himself was never arrested by the Soviet authorities) his literary career broke for that moment. As a moral compensation Grossman got a special translation work in Armenia, which he managed to put into a special prose called An Armenian Sketchbook. Grossman writes up soviet Armenia with poetical instruments that we are able to analyze through geopoetics and socrealism. Some parts of Grossman’s Armenian Sketchbook, though, could also be understood by postcolonial interpretation.
17
Zakaryan, Anushavan. "Osip Mandelstam. The Poet And The Time.His Life And Armenia." Fundamental Armenology 1 (July 14, 2022): 73–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.54503/1829-4618-2022.1(15)-73.
Abstract:
Osip Mandelstam (1891–1938) – a prominent Russian poet, art theorist, translator – takes a special place in the history of Soviet literature. In the 1920–1930s, Mandelstam, being non-party man and not constantly being member of any literary association, tasted all the misfortunes that befell the intellectual class of his generation and a great many ordinary Soviet citizens; he faced repressions, he was arrested twice, was sent into exile where he died. Mandelstam’s name is closely related to Armenia and Armenian culture. His visit to Armenia (from May to early October, 1930) was life-changing for him. Under the indelible impressions of the biblical country, he wrote a collection of poems “Armenia” (1931) and an essay “Journey to Armenia” (1933). These pieces of art are among the best works in the Russian literature dedicated to Armenia. There is rich literature on Mandelstam’s life and art: memoirs of contemporaries, a great number of monographs, articles and publications. Nevertheless, there are almost no studies about Mandelstam in the Armenian language: the present article partially fills this gap.
18
Osiecki, Jakub. "The Armenian Church in Soviet Armenia (1920–1932)." Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies 27, no. 2 (March 22, 2021): 245–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26670038-12342740.
19
Stocker, James R. "Beginning of Winter: The George H.W. Bush Administration, the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict, and the Emergence of the Post–Cold War World." Journal of Cold War Studies 26, no. 2 (2024): 26–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01208.
Abstract:
Abstract The conflict that arose between Soviet Armenia and Soviet Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh in 1988 festered throughout the final years of the Soviet Union and sparked a major war between the newly independent Armenia and Azerbaijan in 1992–1994. Most accounts of this period have suggested that the administration of George H. W. Bush took a largely hands-off approach to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, but this article shows that in fact the Bush administration pursued a much more active policy that reflected support for the Soviet Union and then Russia, a strong domestic Armenian-American lobby, and regional priorities, as well as a growing awareness of the West's failure to stem violence in Yugoslavia. The Bush administration was hoping to prevent all-out war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, but after the war began, the administration did what it could to try to limit and halt the violence.
20
Patlewicz, Barbara. "Oblicza ormiańsko-azerbejdżańskiego konfliktu o Górski Karabach." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 39 (February 15, 2022): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.026.
Abstract:
Faces of the Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict in Nagorno-KarabakhThe territory of Nagorno-Karabakh had become the matter of Armenian-Azerbaijani disputes long before the establishment of the Soviet power in the Caucasus. Armenian colonization of Muslim territories intensified after each conflict which the Russian Empire was involved in, especially after the Crimean War and the Russo-Turkish War of 1876–1878. Following the conflicts which took place between 1905–1907 and 1918–1920, Karabakh became part of the Armenian national myth. The establishment of the Soviet power in November 1920 resulted in the recognition of Karabakh as part of Armenia, but the decision was reversed the following year and the region was transferred to Azerbaijan. The claim that during the times of the Soviet Union the conflict did not exist can only refer to the military state of affairs. The beginning of its current phase occurred in 1987. The Armenian Supreme Council’s decision of 10 January 1990 to cover Nagorno-Karabakh in the republican budget and grant its citizens the right to vote in Armenian general elections was another step leading to the escalation of the conflict. The authorities in Baku insist that it can only be solved according to the principle of territorial integrity, which means that the solution must assume that Nagorno-Karabakh is part of Azerbaijan. On the other hand, the Armenians invoke the right to self-determination, which, according to them, makes Karabakh’s declaration of independence legitimate. The dispute is still one of the key problems destabilizing the situation in the South Caucasus.
21
Umarach, Maretha Syawallin, and Ali Muhammad. "Azerbaijan's Strategy to Win the Conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh Territory with Armenia in 2020." Journal of Islamic World and Politics 7, no. 1 (July 12, 2023): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.49.
Abstract:
Decades ago, Armenia and Azerbaijan, two countries in the South Caucasus region, had disagreements over a territorial dispute called Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1921, the Government of the Soviet Union annexed the predominantly ethnic Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh into Azerbaijan. However, after the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Armenian separatists seized Nagorno-Karabakh in an incident backed by the Armenian Government. Azerbaijan showed its distaste for this treatment, resulting in fighting between Azerbaijan and Armenia, where around 30,000 people died. Before 2020, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict could be frozen due to strenuous peace efforts even though various parties had intervened to find the best solution. Until November 10, 2020, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed to sign an agreement to stop the fighting that had been taking place in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The ceasefire was signed after Azerbaijani military forces managed to control most of Nagorno-Karabakh. This study uses an offensive realism paradigm to analyze Azerbaijan's strategy to win the conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region with Armenia in 2020. The results revealed that Azerbaijan developed beneficial diplomatic relations with Turkey, Israel and Russia. These countries later assisted. One of them was the assistance of military equipment which enabled Azerbaijan to win the war against Armenia.
22
Pobedonostseva-Kaya, Angelika. "“The Soviet Government Approves of Our Religion”: Yezidism in Soviet Cinema." Oriental Courier, no. 3 (2022): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023761-5.
Abstract:
Yezidi studies in Russia and the USSR were connected, first of all, with the general development of Kurdish studies. Due to long-term social isolation and religious persecution, the Yezidis were a closed society, which, due to its low social “proletarian” status, was considered by the Bolsheviks as a society capable of assimilating a new revolutionary ideology. One of the most important elements of nation-building was the formation of a national identity among the ethnic groups of the eastern and southern regions of the USSR through the promotion of the ancient heritage of these peoples, as well as the interpretation of their religious traditions as part of their national identity. Unlike the European part of the country, here it was about pre-modern societies and was complicated by tribal and religious aspects. National minorities in the USSR were often assigned to one or another republic, within the framework of which they received the institutions of modern culture and elements of their own administration. In Armenia, home to the largest Yezidi community in the region, Kurdish identity has long been linked to Islam, which could potentially also mean opposition to modern Armenian identity, which emphasizes Christianity. The Armenian side made references to the common past during the First World War and looked for additional ethnic groups as potential allies. Armenia's monopoly on the Kurds and Yezidis is reflected in the cinema. There were few films dedicated to the Kurds during the entire existence of the SSR of Armenia. The main emphasis in the report is made on the films of the interwar period: “Zare” (1926) and “Yezidi Kurds” (1932). These paintings are interesting not only as one of the earliest depictions of Kurdish society, but also as an attempt to represent and interpret Yezidi rites and customs on film.
23
Geukjian, Ohannes. "The Politicization of the Environmental Issue in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh's Nationalist Movement in the South Caucasus 1985–1991." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 233–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254334.
Abstract:
This research examines and analyzes how the politicization of the environmental issue in Armenia led to the emergence of the Nagorno-Karabakh (N-K) nationalist movement in Azerbaijan as the USSR went into terminal decline in 1991. It is important to stress that the Karabakh movement that emerged in Armenia in February 1988 with a clear agenda on serious ecological problems escalated quickly in the subsequent weeks and months to demand the preservation of the cultural identity of Karabakh Armenians in Azerbaijan. Air pollution of Yerevan, Ashdarag, Yegheknatsor, and later Sdepanavan and Ghapan was a significant threat to the existence of the Armenian people. For the Armenians, air pollution was ecological genocide, and cultural discrimination against Karabakh Armenians was cultural genocide. The Armenians associated ecological and cultural genocides with the 1915 genocide committed by the Ottoman Empire against the Armenian nation. This study shows that initially the Karabakh movement did not have political goals. However, as it intensified with an enormous consciousness it transformed to a nationalist movement with a political and ecological agenda. This study also analyzes ethnic mobilization by activists in Armenia and the emergence of the N-K nationalist movement from 1985 to 1991 in light of Soviet nationalities policy and the window of opportunity caused by the political transformation at the center (Moscow). The activists of the environmental and nationalist movements were the same.
24
MIRZAKHANYAN, RUBEN. "THE EDUCATION SYSTEM IN ARMENIA BETWEEN 1921 AND 1925." Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 7, no. 1 (April 19, 2015): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v7i1.12.
Abstract:
In the period between 1921 and 1925 on its way, full of obstacles caused by poor economic situation and absence of specific school-related traditions in the reality of Soviet Armenia, the education and overall enlightenment realm of Armenia experienced a noticeable upsurge. Back then, the education and enlightenment sphere emerged in the following successive stages: elimination of illiteracy, organization of preschool education, and the formation of Soviet Armenian school system. All the efforts relevant to this domain were aimed at the formation of soviet school system that was meant to undergo pertinent changes of ultimate issues defined on the agenda of school system organization.
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SAYADYAN, HOVIK Y., and RAFAEL MORENO-SANCHEZ. "Forest policies, management and conservation in Soviet (1920–1991) and post-Soviet (1991–2005) Armenia." Environmental Conservation 33, no. 1 (March 2006): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892906002852.
Abstract:
The extent and condition of forest ecosystems in Armenia have decreased drastically since the disintegration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). This decline is not only a consequence of the recent history of the area, but also the result of decades of forest policies, management and forest-use practices. To reverse the negative trends, it is important for stakeholders, scientists, resource managers and policy makers (in Armenia and abroad) to understand the influential factors in the decline, yet such information is scarce, highly fragmented, written in Armenian or Russian, and inaccessible to the international community. This paper aims to contribute to the knowledge base of the international community by presenting and contrasting the most important issues and processes that have affected forest cover in Armenia during the USSR (1920–1991) and independence periods (1991–to date). For each period, the legal framework, the forest inventory practices, forest use, management and conservation practices, the forestry education, and the perception of the forests by forest communities and society at large are presented and discussed. Except for the social perception of the forests, the most relevant aspects of these issues have scarcely changed from one period to the next. There is a need to address the most pressing problems and improve the current conditions of the forests and the forestry sector in Armenia.
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Antonyan, Yulia. "Worship of Shrines in Armenia." Journal of Religion in Europe 14, no. 3-4 (December 20, 2021): 367–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-bja10059.
Abstract:
Abstract In this article, the author tries to trace the trajectories of Soviet and post-Soviet transformations of vernacular religiosity in Armenia, in particular, the cult of shrines. She argues that the cult of shrines and related manifestations of vernacular religion were consistently reconceptualized, first, in the period of Soviet secularization and modernization, and, secondly, in the period of post-Soviet and post-secular transformations of the Armenian society. The Soviet modernity led to ‘neo-archaization’ of vernacular religious practice by instrumentalizing some pre-institutional forms and manifestations of religiosity. The post-secular reconceptualization of vernacular religion draws upon new realities, such as mobile/virtual religiosity, new religious materiality, commodification and consumerism, and a new, modernized interplay between institutional and non-institutional dimensions of religion(s).
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Krylov, A. "Armenian Borders in the XX–XXI Centuries." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2022): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-1-86-101.
Abstract:
The proclamation of the independence of Armenia in 1918 symbolized for the Armenians the restoration of national statehood. The idea of having its own historical territory, which in the past was divided by the borders of different states, but should be united in the future, is of fundamental importance for the Armenian nation. The first attempt to implement it in practice was made in the process of changing the borders after the First World War. According to the Treaty of Sevres in 1920 and the arbitration decision of US President Wilson, a united Armenia was created with an area of about 160 thousand square kilometers. In 1923, the Entente states renounced the Treaty of Sevres and concluded the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey. After the establishment of Soviet power in Transcaucasia, border agreements were concluded between the USSR and Turkey. In Armenia, the Treaty of Sevres continues to be considered valid, the majority of political parties are in favor of resolving territorial disputes on its basis. After the unsuccessful Second Karabakh War for Armenia, N.Pashinyan took steps to normalize relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey. Russia expressed its readiness to guarantee security and assist in the delimitation and demarcation of the borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Further prospects for the development of the situation in the region largely depend on whether the Armenian leadership manages to develop a foreign policy course that will allow normalizing relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey, but at the same time will not cause a sharp reaction of rejection in the Armenian society.
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Atanesyan, Arthur, and Artur Mkrtichyan. "Youth Perceptions of the War in Ukraine and its Possible Consequences (On the Case of Armenian Youth in Yerevan)." Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of Yerevan University 14, no. 1 (37) (June 30, 2023): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/bysu:f/2023.14.1.007.
Abstract:
To discover the geopolitical orientation and opinions of the Armenia’s youth regarding Russia’s war in Ukraine in the context of regional security issues, a sociological study was conducted in Yerevan and Armenia’s provinces in 2022. It was carried out by specialists from the Faculty of Sociology of the Yerevan State University, in cooperation with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation office in Armenia, and Socies expert center. The study aimed to discover the youth’s perceptions of the reasons for Russia’s war in Ukraine, which started on February 24, 2022, including its possible impact on the region. The research was carried out from October 22, 2022 to November 22, 2022 with youth (18-35 age group) residing in Yerevan (the capital of Armenia) and all provinces of Armenia, using the focus group discussion method. In this paper, we discuss conclusions drawn from focus group discussions with Yerevan residents. The perceptions of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict by Armenia’s youth refers to its geopolitical nature, to the interests of Russia, NATO, EU, USA, Turkey in the post-Soviet space, as well as to personal qualities, approaches, and issues of the leaders of Russia and Ukraine. In general, according to Armenian young people, Armenia should remain as neutral as possible in its position on the war in Ukraine, taking no side in this conflict.
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Jivanyan, D. A. "Perspectives of Armenia in Eurasian Economic Union." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 3 (December 15, 2015): 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2015-3-98-105.
Abstract:
This article examines the problems and perspectives of post-soviet integration processes, on the example of Armenia’s accession to the Eurasian Union. The main political and economic grounds for Armenia’s accession to the Union are pointed out in the article. This research, through the elements of the method of SWOT analysis, reviews scenarios of possible developments around Armenia and the Eurasian Union. The author concludes that Armenia’s accession to the Eurasian Union is a mutually beneficial geopolitical, geostrategic step, which may promote the post-soviet integration processes.
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Kowalska-Paszt, Izabela. "POSTKOLONIALNE ZAPISKI Z PODRÓŻY DO „KOLONII”. OSIP MANDELSZTAM PODRÓŻ DO ARMENII, JURIJ KARABCZIJEWSKIJ TĘSKNOTA ZA ARMENIĄ." Rusycystyczne Studia Literaturoznawcze 28 (December 12, 2018): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rsl.2018.28.03.
Abstract:
Prosaic notes by Mandelstam and Kаrabtchiyevski selected for critical reading contribute to the Armenian text in the Russian literature (Alexander Pushkin, Valery Bryusov, Sergey Gorodetsky, Andrei Bely, Anna Akhmatova, Vasily Grossman, Andrei Bitov). A methodology adopted in the article enables analyzing the postcolonial awareness of travelling authors expressed in the two works, and its origin one should look for in the position of an outsiders in the Soviet culture. The autobiographic narrators — Mandelstam and Karabtchiyevsky — seem to be fully associated with a frequently tragic experience of a centuries long colonial domination suffered by Armenians. While the attitude of the author of the Journey to Armenia is supported by exceptionally broad knowledge about history and culture of the country, the main role in Longing for Armenia is played by well-motivated ethical emotions of the traveler.
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Gzoyan, Edita. "The League of Nations and Armenian Refugees. The Formation of the Armenian Diaspora in Syria." Central Eastern European Review 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/caeer-2014-0004.
Abstract:
Abstract The League of Nations played an important role in securing the Armenian community after the 1915 genocide of Armenians in Ottoman Turkey. Nonetheless, the Armenian Question, which had a definite political accent during the First and Second Assembly of the League of Nations, remained unresolved. Afterwards, the League reformulated its policy towards the Armenian case, which involved an explicit shift from a political to a humanitarian point of view. The humanitarian actions had a number of different aspects: the liberation of the Armenian Genocide survivors from Turkish and Islamic institutions, the provision of Nansen passports to Armenian refugees, the settlement of Armenian refugees in Soviet Armenia and the establishment of Armenian communities in Syria and Lebanon. This article touches upon these initiatives, concentrating on the settlement of the Armenians in Syria. The League of Nations elaborated a massive program for the settlement of Armenian refugees there, which laid a foundation for the establishment of the huge Armenian diaspora in that country.
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Bultseva, M. A., E. V. Bushina, A. S. Berberyan, and E. A. Kodja. "The Role of Soviet Identity in the Relationship of Multiculturalism and Boundaries Permeability for Russians in Armenia." Cultural-Historical Psychology 17, no. 4 (2021): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/chp.2021170406.
Abstract:
The article considers whether support for multicultural ideology by the ethnic majority leads to a more inclusive sociocultural context for ethno-cultural minorities. We investigate the role of common superordinate identity in these relations on the example of Soviet identity in Armenia. A socio-psychological survey was conducted among 213 representatives of the ethnic majority of Armenia using the scale of multicultural ideology of J.W. Berry (2020), the scale of Soviet identity by K. Velkova (2020) and the scale of the permeability of social boundaries as adapted by M.R. Ramos et al. (2016). The results show that support for multicultural ideology by Armenians is positively associated with the permeability of social boundaries for Russians only if the Soviet identity is highly important for Armenians. To conclude, recategorization is influential for building inclusive sociocultural context and harmonizing intercultural relations.
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OLSZEWSKI, Paweł. "HISTORICAL CONDITIONS OF ETHNIC AND POLITICAL CONFLICTS IN SOUTH CAUCASUS – SELECTED PROBLEMS." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 164, no. 2 (March 1, 2012): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.2822.
Abstract:
The main subject of this article is the presentation of the historical backgrounds of the contemporary conflicts over the Mountainous Karabagh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The author describes the history of these regions from the beginning of the 19th century till 1992. The conquest of the South Caucasus by Imperial Russia in the 19th century resulted in the immigrations of Armenians to the Mountainous Karabagh, Ossetians to South Ossetia and Georgians to Abkhazia. These immigrations completely changed the ethnic compositions of these region. The Russian authorities supported the immigrations of pro-Russian Armenians and Ossetians.The political situation in these regions changed in 1918, when the independence of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan was declared. South Ossetia and Abkhazia were parts of independent Georgia, and the Mountainous Karabagh was dependent on Azerbaijan. Ossetians and Abkhazians resisted the Georgian authorities and Karabagh Armenians fought against Azerbaijan’s rule.After the conquest of the South Caucasus by Soviet Russia in 1920-1921, the Mountainous Karabagh remained part of Soviet Azerbaijan, and South Ossetia and Abkhazia remained part of Soviet Georgia. The Autonomous Oblast of Nagorno-Karabagh was created in the Mountainous Karabagh in 1923. The authorities of the Mountainous Karabagh were dominated by Karabagh Armenians and this region was practically independent of Soviet Azerbaijan. A similar situation was in South Ossetia and Abkhazia, especially after 1956.The development of Abkhazian and Ossetian national movements at the end of the 1980s led to the situation in which Abkhazians and South Ossetians claimed the political autonomy of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia, and then the independence of these regions. The Georgian authorities were against these claims, as they considered these regions to constitute the historical parts of Georgia. The political hostility between Georgia and South Ossetia resulted in South Ossetian-Georgian armed fighting in January 1991, and South Ossetia proclaimed its independence in November 1991. Moreover, the political conflict between the Georgian government and the Abkhazian authorities in the first half of 1992 turned into open war in August 1992.Karabagh Armenians claimed the incorporation of the Mountainous Karabagh into Soviet Armenia because of historical, ethnic, cultural and regional connections between the Mountainous Karabagh and Armenia. These claims were very strong from the end of 1980s, but Azerbaijan’s communist authorities and the Azerbaijan anti-communist movement wanted to retain the Karabagh region in Azerbaijan. The hostility between the local Armenian and Azerbaijan population of the Mountainous Karabagh turned into armed fighting in 1989. The Mountainous Karabagh proclaimed its independence in December 1991.
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Asatryan, Anna. "SOCIO-CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF ACADEMIC CHORAL ART IN THE STUDY OF THE ROSTOV PAGE OF THE CONCERT ACTIVITY OF THE OUTSTANDING MODERN CONDUCTOR OHANES TCHEKIDJIAN." Medicine and Art 2, no. 1 (April 15, 2024): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.60042/2949-2165-2024-2-1-89-101.
Abstract:
The paper studies the performing activity of the “Marshal of Choral Art”, Artistic Director of the State National Academic Choir of Armenia (since 1961), National Hero of Armenia (2017), People’s Artist of the USSR (1978), the USSR State Prize Recipient (1975), Conductor, Professor Ohannes Tchekidjian. Having covered the Rostov page of the prominent conductor’s concerts, the author sums up the Maestro’s creative career, concluding that, thanks to O. Tchekidjian, the quality of musical life in Armenia has raised to a higher level.
Maestro Tchekidjian and the Armenian Capella visited Rostov-on-Don two times – in 1972 and 1983. The goal of the research is to present for the first time the 1983 Rostov tours of Maestro Ohannes Tchekidjian and the Armenian Capella, which were a great success. Under Ohannes Tchekidjian’s direction, the Rostov State Symphony Orchestra and the State Academic Choir of Armenia premiered the Requiem by Gabriel Faure, whose concert biography in the Soviet Union began thanks to Ohannes Tchekidjian.
Introducing the Rostov page of the outstanding conductor’s concert activities, the author gives a generalized description of his work, concluding that thanks to Ohannes Tchekidjian, the academic choral art of Armenia has risen to a qualitatively new level. It has had a huge sociocultural impact not only on the musical life of Rostov-on-Don, but also on the entire multinational Soviet Union. Moreover, with his talent and multifaceted activities, the Maestro was able to make a significant contribution to the development of world choral music and conducting art in general.
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Geghamyan, Sophya, and Katarina Pavlickova. "Does the Current State of Environmental Impact Assessment in Armenia Pose a Challenge for the Future?" Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 21, no. 02 (June 2019): 1950004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333219500042.
Abstract:
Many post-Soviet countries are still improving their Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) systems, and Armenia is no exception. In recent years, approximation to and harmonisation with the laws of the European Union has seen Armenia increasingly adopt and apply EU regulations and directives, and this process was supported by adoption of the new law on EIA and Expertise in 2014. The main objectives of this study are to review and analyse the current state of the Armenian EIA system and to assess its legal framework. We applied a method divided into two parts: review and analysis of the legislative aspects of the EIA system in Armenia and the circulation of a survey-questionnaire to EIA experts to establish current practices. The findings of this research provided positive and negative factors which can both be used to improve the assessment system in Armenia. While the most significant EIA strength combines the existence of a systematic law and public involvement in this process, the law has weaknesses in its monitoring, informative and quality control provisions. Moreover, public participation has many weaknesses in practice, including the definition of stakeholders and the lack of guidelines and manuals which challenges expert action. Finally, this paper has explored the major positives and negatives of the Armenian EIA system in practice, and we consider that this should help other Former Soviet Union (FSU) countries define and combat the challenges of their EIA systems.
36
Piskova, Mariyana. "TRACING THE ARCHIVAL SOURCES OF THE FRENCH FEATURE FILM “ANDRANIK” ABOUT THE ARMENIANS IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR(1928)." History and Archives, no. 2 (2021): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-2-126-140.
Abstract:
The first and still the only film about Andranik Ozanian (1865– 1927) was shot during the summer of 1928 in Bulgaria. Who financed and created the movie, why did the director Archavir Chakhatouny (1882–1957) choose Bulgaria for the scenes in the open, why wasn’t the film shown in Soviet Armenia and how did it get to Yerevan – those are part of the questions the paper will try to answer. To that end the author searched for the archival documents in the archives and museums of Armenia and Bulgaria. The richest source is the personal fund of the Armenian emigrant in Paris Arshavir Shakhatuni (1882–1957). After his death, the documents were transferred to the Yeghishe Charents Museum of Literature and Arts in Yerevan. Among them, a special place is occupied by biographical documents, documents about theatrical roles and roles in cinema, which he performed, materials about early cinema and the history of the creation of the film “Andranik”. The National Archives of Armenia keeps the documents which detail the participation of Chakhatouny in the First World War and in the government of the First Armenian Republic (1918–1920) as the commandant and chief of police of Yerevan. The most valuable source is the film “Andranik” which was received by the State Archives of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) in 1972. During the period, the name of Andranik was banned until the end of the 80s of the 20th century. There was censorship and contradicting assessments of Andranik by Armenians and Azerbaijanis (“hero” or “enemy”) were “concealed”. For this reason, the film might have got into Armenia through the Armenian Society for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, founded by the resolution of the Communist Party of the ASSR. The official activity of the Society was related to the cultural events abroad but in fact it was used to gather information about the political emigrants. In the Bulgarian archives one may find the archive “traces” of Chakhatouny’s performances on the Bulgarian theatrical scenes and also his correspondence with the actor Georgi Stamatov (1893–1965), that documents contain the valuable data on the history of the film creation. Thanks to the archives, the film ‘Andranik’ can be seen and the story of its creation and distribution in the past century can be reproduced.
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GATRELL, PETER. "Displacing and Re-placing Population in the Two World Wars: Armenia and Poland Compared." Contemporary European History 16, no. 4 (November 2007): 511–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004158.
Abstract:
AbstractDuring the twentieth century Armenia and Poland alike were sites of widespread population displacement, which brought into sharp focus arguments about national ‘survival’ advanced by patriotic leaders who found in refugees the embodiment of recurrent national suffering. Population displacement also attracted external support from sympathetic foreigners and from the Armenian and Polish diaspora, who regarded it as an affront to civilisation. Among Armenians a groundswell of support for repatriation gathered momentum after both world wars, because Soviet ‘protection’ offered the most realistic chance for national survival. In contrast many Poles opted not to return to Poland after 1945, regarding the communist takeover as a betrayal of Poland's struggle for independence.
38
AVCI, Halil Ersin. "Pawns of Empire: Unraveling the Role of Dashnaktsutyun in British Geopolitical Strategy (1890-1922)." International Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 33 (January 12, 2024): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.8.33.04.
Abstract:
This paper examines the instrumental role of Dashnaktsutyun, also known as the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, in the geopolitical strategies of the British Empire during the early 20th century. Initially emerging as a nationalist movement within the Ottoman Empire, Dashnaktsutyun was co-opted by external powers, particularly Britain, to serve broader imperial interests in the Eurasian region. The study delves into the organization’s activities in the Ottoman, Russian, and Iranian territories, highlighting how its operations, under the guise of Armenian nationalism, were significantly influenced by British geopolitical objectives. The paper also explores the complex interplay between nationalist movements and international power politics, particularly in the context of the Great Game between the British and Russian Empires. A critical analysis of Dashnaktsutyun’s role during key historical events, such as the Soviet invasion of Armenia in 1920, reveals a prioritization of foreign directives over national resistance, impacting the trajectory of Armenian history and reflecting the broader dynamics of early 20th-century imperialism. This study serves as a cautionary tale of how nationalist movements can be redirected by external influences, often at the expense of their foundational principles and the welfare of their people. Keywords: Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Revolutionary Federation, British Geopolitical Strategy, Armenian Nationalism, Imperialism, Soviet Invasion of Armenia, Great Game, Pan-Islamism, Pan-Turanism
39
Tokarev, A. A., and A. R. Margoev. "The Influence of Armenian Elite Groups on Relations with Russia after the Power Transition." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2019): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2019-0-4-50-57.
Abstract:
Small states in the Post-Soviet area have to make a geopolitical choice by leaning towards one of the great powers. The peaceful power transition that took place in Armenia in Spring-Fall 2018 was described by some Russian experts as “a color revolution” actively supported by external actors. However, it was exactly this unique case in which, despite such external influence, Armenian protesters did not demand a change in the geopolitical orientation of the country. Still, in spite of the preservation of the alliance between Russia and Armenia, part of Nikol Pashinyan’s team is evidently oriented to the West.Having conducted focus groups and in-depth interviews with Armenian experts, the authors try to answer the following questions: what is the structure of the Armenian establishment? What do its representatives think of the strategy of Armenia-Russia relations? What messages are they sending to the Russian audience?The authors are convinced that it was not a revolution, though called a “velvet revolution”, but a change of the elite groups. The political system remains as it was, institutions have not been demolished or upgraded. The partnership between Russia and Armenia is still characterized as strategic.Nevertheless, there is some misunderstanding between the current authorities in Russia and Armenia. It has to do not only with the generation and ideological gaps between Russian and Armenian officials but also with the lack of communication between Nikol Pashinyan’s team and Russian decision-makers. The problem is that the Armenian elites do not understand Russia as they do not have an experience of dealing with the country. Hence the importance of enhanced coordination among Russian organizations advancing Russia’s soft power in Armenia.
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Blokhin, Vladimir. "Armenian Apostolic and Russian Orthodox Churches in 1917—1945: Common Fates and Origins of the Renewal of Interfaith Relations." ISTORIYA 14, no. 2 (124) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017531-3.
Abstract:
The article summarizes the results of a comparative study of the situation of the Armenian Apostolic and Russian Orthodox Churches in 1917—1945. Methodologically, the research is based on the theory of the dialogue of cultures, which is necessary for understanding and evaluating the current stage of Russian-Armenian relations, understanding the role of interethnic and interreligious cooperation of both states in the post-Soviet space. The study revealed a significant similarity in the fate of the Armenian and Russian churches in the context of the unfolding anti-religious policy during the 1920s and 1930s, which was reflected in the reduction of dioceses, the closure of churches, the arrests of clergy, the emergence of church renewal structures both in the Soviet Russia and in Soviet Armenia. Both churches have gone through the stage of temporary absence of patriarchal administration; Armenian dioceses in the Soviet Russia and Orthodox churches in the Armenian SSR have actually ceased their activities. It is established which events of 1944—1945. they contributed to the resumption of inter-church ties lost in previous decades.
41
DİYARBAKIRLIOĞLU, Kaan. "The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia from the Historical Perspective." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, no. 2 (July 3, 2020): 415–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss2pp415-439.
Abstract:
The Nagorno-Karabakh problem had continued for years. The problem had grown thanks to the policies of Russia in the region. The Russians first had carried out expansionist policies. After the industrial revolution, oil in the Caucasus had gained importance in the region. Therefore, the Russian Armenians immigrated to these regions. Strategic plans have been developed to increase the Christian population in the region and to make the region a region without Turks. Armenia and Azerbaijan had gained independence after the Soviet Union collapsed after the Cold War. After the Soviet Union, Russia had given the region the right to self-determination, and the population in the Nagorno-Karabakh region began to be Armenian. Azerbaijani Turks were immigrated from this region. Negotiating groups have been included for the solution of the problem in this region and a ceasefire has been signed between the two countries. Violations had occurred over the years after the ceasefire signed between the two countries. Russia had not wanted the presence of international actors in this region. For this reason, Russia continues to be on the Armenian side. Today, Russia has a voice in the region with a balanced policy. Nagorno-Karabakh region is legally connected to Azerbaijan and has not been recognized as de-facto.
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Yengoyan, Ashot. "Transformations of the Ideology of Nation-Building and State-Building in Armenia: Phenomenon of Integrity of Nation and State." Journal of Political Science: Bulletin of Yerevan University 2, no. 1(4) (May 31, 2023): 70–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/jops/2023.2.4.070.
Abstract:
The article deals with the issues of creating a new national ideology in the conditions of state-building in modern Armenia. The discourse of political actors on the role of national ideology, which is divided, is analyzed comparatively. This article attempts to reveal the main reasons why some believe that in modern Armenian society, based on the principles of political and ideological pluralism, there should be no ideology that claims to be national. On the contrary, the adherents of the creation of a national ideology see it as an important tool for the consolidation of the Armenian society. The author comes to the conclusion that the collapse of the USSR and the Soviet ideology led to the fact that the role of ideology was criticized. The article touches upon the topic that since 1991, the process of de-ideologization of society and public institutions began in Armenia. However, in reality, the ideological confrontation between the various actors of the Armenian transit society intensified. Since 1988, the topic of the national ideology of Armenia has been one of the key topics of interdisciplinary research.
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LOKYAN, ARSEN, KHACHATUR BEZIRDZHYAN, ASHOT ZALINYAN, VILEN KHACHATRYAN, and ARMENAK AYVAZYAN. "Evolution of public administration in the post-Soviet countries. The Republic of Armenia." Public Administration 23, no. 3 (2021): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2070-8378-2021-23-3-103-118.
Abstract:
The article examines the history of forming the system of public administration in the Republic of Armenia after gaining independence. It is noted that the development of the fundamental draft laws of the newly formed state was carried out in close cooperation and with the active involvement of authoritative representatives of the Armenian society. The first years of independence for the Republic of Armenia were characterized by the creation of democratic institutions, the transition to a multi- party system, the development of a market economy, the reformation of the whole state system, as well as the system of state administration. The Constitution laid the legal foundations for transitioning from an authoritarian system to a democratic state and gave a legal framework to the new political system. With the development of state administration and the adoption of amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, a transition was made from a semi-presidential republic to a parliamentary form of government. Armenia shows high markers and stable growth of indicators regarding the quality of public administration. The country’s authorities apply successful world experience and follow high European standards; in this regard, digitalization is actively developing in the country, including in the field of public administration. In recent years, due to the high rates of digitalization, Armenia entered the number of countries with a high index of e-government development. A special place in the field for the development of the system of state and municipal service is given to professional training and retraining of personnel.
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Deng, Shiqian, and Polina Tuzova. "Armenia’s 2018 Revolution, Motivations and New Media." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (August 10, 2022): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2022.2.4.252.
Abstract:
In 2018, the social movement against Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan in Armenia shocked analysts, a substantial of whom believe that this series of movements can be thought of as a revolution, a revolution as the complete end of the Soviet elements in Armenia. According to Goldstone’s revolution doctrine, the causes of this revolution and further understanding the process of the revolution could be more distinct. Furthermore, remember what Goldstone agrees - do not use theory to rigidly set historical facts, but use historical facts to construct theories (Stinchcombe, 1978), based on the facts of the Armenian revolution, some theoretical explanations may need to be discarded, or new researchers will also develop new theories during the issues of explaining the Armenian revolution.
45
Monnot, Suzanne. "Vernacular Architecture in Armenia, from Travelers' Accounts, in the Western Context, from the 17th Century to the Present Day." Journal of Architectural and Engineering Research 2 (June 29, 2022): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54338/27382656-2022.2-009.
Abstract:
The corpus of accounts by European travelers who visited Armenia (Fig. 1), extracted from A. Marouti's research, as well as various writings by authors - Armenian architects during the Russian then Soviet period - will serve as a starting point for this research. Its objective is to put two questions in parallel: what consideration of vernacular constructions as genuine architectures in Armenia; and how this interest is situated about these architectures in the West. Using the Timelines tool, a chronological comparison ("side by side" in French) allows us to identify Soghomon Vardanian as a precursor to the recognition of the vernacular.
46
Kasbarian, Sossie. "The Myth and Reality of “Return” — Diaspora in the “Homeland”." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 18, no. 3 (September 2015): 358–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.18.3.358.
Abstract:
The contemporary Armenian diaspora is spread throughout the world, with its core composed of descendants of the survivors of the atrocities carried out by the Turkish authorities during the decline of the Ottoman Empire (1881-1922). The majority of this established diaspora hails from what was once western Armenia and is now eastern Turkey, in contrast to the newest wave of Armenian economic migrants, who come from portions of eastern historical Armenia ruled by the czarist and then Soviet empires and who left following the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Unlike the new migrants, the older diasporans have to negotiate the gap between a mythical homeland and an actual “step-homeland” in the shape of the present Republic of Armenia. This background goes some way to explain why there was been very little “return” migration to Armenia by diasporans. Nonetheless, a very small number of diasporans have actually taken up the option of “return” in the sense of relocating to Armenia. I have termed this trend a particular kind of “sojourning,” located in the conceptual space in between migrant and visitor. The concept of sojourn reflects the increased mobility and flexibility of both the theory and practice of diaspora, challenging the traditional triadic framework of homeland diaspora-host state through which diasporas have been approached. This article plots the evolving and complex relationship of diaspora and “homeland” on the ground, specifically through the experiences of diasporans who have made the move to live in Armenia for varying periods of time. It analyzes and articulates the experiences of these individuals and views them as a counter-community that re-imagines and expands the “homeland” while embodying the transnational. This movement represents identity shaping from below, which does not subvert state categories of belonging (and in fact can reinforce them) but transgresses and expands the boundaries of these categories in practice and in the imagining of the “transnation.”
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Elamiryan, R. G. "Russia and the European Union in Post-Soviet Space: In Search of Cooperative Co-Existence (the Case of Armenia)." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 3 (June 15, 2022): 405–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-3-405-412.
Abstract:
The article introduces the prospects of cooperative co-existence for Russia and the European Union in former Soviet republics within the current confrontation paradigm. It describes their foreign policies, strategies, and interests in the post-Soviet space. The author applied discourse and case-study analyses to the case of Armenia. The authentic idea of cooperative co-existence was projected on the relations between Russia and the European Union in post-Soviet countries. In Armenia, cooperative co-existence could be a win-win strategy, beneficial for all actors involved. The case of Armenia proved the possibility of a collaborative co-existence between Russia and the European Union in the post-Soviet space, the risk factors being the policies of small Caucasian states, the USA, China, and Turkey.
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Andreev, Sergey Nickolayevich. "Correlation between religious and military vocabulary in the Armenian text: A quantitative approach." Philology. Issues of Theory and Practice 16, no. 8 (August 21, 2023): 2504–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/phil20230393.
Abstract:
The study aims to identify hidden trends and patterns in the distribution of lexical units of two thematic classes – religious and military vocabulary – in the poetic texts of Russian literature dedicated to Armenia. These themes represent important parameters in the Armenian text, they are realised in most works about Armenia and reflect important aspects of its history and culture. The analysis involves poems created in the XIX-XXI centuries. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that it examines the issue of the lexical representation of two figurative-thematic parameters within the framework of a quantitative approach, which makes it possible to objectively determine the nature of the coverage of military and religious themes at various stages of the formation and development of the Armenian text. The study of the relations of lexical units in the texts of the works allows the researcher to examine both general trends in the perception of this country in Russian literature and the individual features of the poets’ construction of Armenia’s artistic image. The coefficients of variation, the Busemann coefficient, the estimation of statistical significance (chi-square) and the Euclidean distance are used for quantitative analysis. The results of the analysis made it possible to establish the interrelationships of two important themes for the Armenian text and the dynamics of their changes over time. The strongest changes were observed between the second (pre-revolutionary) and the third (Soviet) periods. A comparative analysis of the works of 8 poets who wrote about Armenia made it possible to classify them and determine differences in the frequency of military and religious vocabulary.
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Machowska, Monika. "Los Angeles: The Capital of the Armenian Immigrant Community in the Twenty-First Century." Studia Migracyjne – Przegląd Polonijny 47, no. 3 (181) (November 2021): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25444972smpp.21.032.14452.
Abstract:
This article is an introduction to the subject of Armenian Americans in Los Angeles, both within the broader context of the diaspora and a narrower one, presenting an analysis of the mutual relations between the Armenian community and the city. In the twenty-first century, Los Angeles has become home to the second largest urban population of Armenians in the world after Yerevan. It consists of three main groups: descendants of the first immigrants, refugees from the Middle East, and most recently, the so-called “Soviet” Armenians and immigrants from the Republic of Armenia. The construction of the Armenian Americans Museum will begin in the near future. The mission of the institution will be to document the experience of Armenian migration and to support the maintenance of ethnic identity among the next generations of the diaspora. In Glendale, an ethnoburb of Los Angeles, Armenian Americans make up 40 percent of the population. A significant proportion of the administrative decision-makers there come from the Armenian diaspora. The city is not only the informal second capital city for the Armenian global community, but also an incubator for its cultural project; in particular, it is a center of the Armenian music industry.
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Babajanian, Babken V. "Civic participation in post-Soviet Armenia." Central Asian Survey 24, no. 3 (September 2005): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634930500310345.