Journal articles on the topic 'Sovereignty – Kosovo'
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1
Salihu, Salihe. "The Post-Communist State Era and Its Impact on Sovereignty: A Case Study of Kosovo." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 26, no. 1 (April 29, 2022): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2022.8.
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Many theoretical perspectives have touched on the concept of sovereignty, but the need for more sovereignty-based discussion in relation to the postcommunist era still exists. The question of sovereignty and its survival in the post-communist era touches on some general features such as the attributes, signs, properties, and conditions of the concept of sovereignty that have evolved. In the case of Kosovo, the issue of sovereignty can be linked to two distinct features, namely democracy and human rights. For Kosovo to be a sovereign state, it had a mandatory prerequisite to fulfil these two features. These features implied the fulfi lment of two criteria, in the forms of legality and legitimacy and, in reality, these two criteria stem from the will of the people. This refl ection shows that sovereignty in the post-communist era had to be in line with respect for human rights as a feature of the principles of democracy. However, the transition from the communist system to democracy was not an easy one. In this regard, Kosovo has come a long way in achieving sovereignty and managed to be declared a sovereign state in 2008. The conditioning of Kosovo’s sovereignty by the above criteria represents the influence of the post-communist era, and its earlier form differs from the prevailing form of absolute sovereignty as it existed, for example, in the former federations of Russia and Yugoslavia. Kosovo’s sovereignty is reflected in accordance with the will of the majority of over ninety-five percent of the country’s population. Moreover, in Kosovo, minorities have privileges, such as positive discrimination and the special right that constitutional changes on vital issues pertaining to those minorities cannot be made without their vote. However, in the post-communist era, it was not possible to democratise all sovereign states. Some states focused on the power and manner of expanding power in their respective territories and fought for the recognition of reconfigured sovereignty at the expense of justice and rights. Therefore, since the post-communist period, the defi nition, content, and character of sovereignty has been in debate, with a new dimension of respect for human rights as a major talking point and as an essential mark of the principle of democracy.
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Pavlović, Aleksandar, Gazela Pudar Draško, and Jelena Lončar. "A Battle for Sovereignty." Southeastern Europe 45, no. 3 (December 21, 2021): 361–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030005.
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Abstract This article examines the role, status and perceptions of the Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo from both Kosovo Albanian and Serbian perspectives. The analysis focuses on two cases, which attracted particular resistance on each of the two sides: the passing of legislation in the Kosovar parliament in 2012 that aimed to protect Serbian cultural heritage and the 2015 unsuccessful Kosovo bid for unesco membership. Both moments demonstrate how cultural heritage is primarily approached from the statehood perspective and used to additionally deepen inter-ethnic distances. The authors shed more light on the discrepancies between the international peacebuilding efforts and the internationally imposed legal framework, challenging the reduction of the peacebuilding efforts to institutional design, while dominant discourses of both Serbian and Albanian elites essentially deepen the enmity and serve as resistance mechanisms to the international peacebuilding strategies.
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Ceriman, Jelena, and Aleksandar Pavlovic. "Beyond the territory principle: Non-territorial approach to the Kosovo question(s)." Filozofija i drustvo 31, no. 3 (2020): 340–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2003340c.
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This article presents an attempt to approach the dispute over Kosovo between Serbs and Albanians from a non-territorial perspective, with particular focus on the preservation of the Serbian cultural and religious heritage. First, we argue that the Kosovo issue is at present commonly understood as an either-or territorial dispute over sovereignty and recognition between Serbian and Kosovo Albanian politicians. However, we claim that a lasting resolution to the Kosovo issue actually needs to account for at least three separate aspects: 1) status of Northern Kosovo which is ethnically Serbian and still maintains various ties with the Serbian state, 2) status of Serbian cultural and religious heritage, chiefly UNESCO world heritage Serbian medieval monasteries and churches and 3) the fact that the Serbian population in central Kosovo, i.e. south of the river Ibar, where most of the mentioned monasteries and churches are located, are located in small municipalities or enclaves of Serbs surrounded by vast Albanian populations. We examine the applicability of the non- territorial approach (NTA) to the Kosovo issue by analyzing the normative framework directly regulating the Serbian cultural and religious heritage in Kosovo, its preservation and protection, particularly of Serbian Orthodox monasteries, churches and other historical and cultural sites, while comparing these regulations to the existing normative NTAs in Croatia and Montenegro. Arguably, since most Serbian monasteries and churches are not included in any sovereignty negotiations, we point to the potential to combine territorial and non-territorial approaches, regardless of the continued obstacles in implementation arising from continued contestation of Kosovo?s sovereign status.
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Bell, Coral. "East Timor, Kosovo, Norms and Sovereignty." AQ: Australian Quarterly 72, no. 1 (2000): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20637875.
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Hasani, Enver, and Getoar Mjeku. "International(ized) Constitutional Court: Kosovo’s Transfer of Judicial Sovereignty." ICL Journal 13, no. 4 (March 26, 2020): 373–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2019-0016.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the transfer of judicial sovereignty in Kosovo from a comparative perspective. In particular, it addresses the transfer of constitutional jurisdiction to the Special Court of Kosovo. This court was formed as a result of Kosovo’s commitment to address allegations made by the Council of Europe in a document known as the Dick Marty report. The report alleges that war crimes and crimes against humanity and international law were committed during and in the aftermath of the Kosovo war (1998–1999). It took several years for the Court to be formed as constitutional amendments, legal infrastructure, and other practical steps were needed to make the Court operational. These preparatory measures have been taken, but practical results are missing, and there is fear that the Court might end up like previous UN- and EU-led justice systems, which did too little and were too late to address the culture of impunity in Kosovo.
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Otília Kiss, Krisztina. "Reopening the Upper Airspace over Kosovo for Civil Air Traffic: The Road Thereto." Air and Space Law 46, Issue 4/5 (September 1, 2021): 603–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2021034.
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Over twenty years have passed since the insurrection in Kosovo which ended with the introduction of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), in June 1999. The establishment of the State of Kosovo has raised multiple questions and challenged public international law doctrines in different ways. The validity of unilateral State succession in the post-colonial era, the international legal personality of international intergovernmental organizations, and the exercise of sovereign rights by other entities than States are among the questions that the international community has had to contend with. The present essay elaborates the aviation law-related aspects of these challenges, more precisely the reopening of the upper airspace of Kosovo, with a special focus on the legal solutions of the Implementing Agreement Between Hungary and the International Security Force in Kosovo (KFOR) (Implementing Agreement Between the Government of Hungary and International Security Force in Kosovo (KFOR) for the Provision of Air Navigation Services (ANS) and Other Relevant Activities in the Designated Airspace over Kosovo as promulgated by Act No. CCXLVIII of 2013 on Promulgation of the Implementing Agreement Between the Government of Hungary and International Security Force in Kosovo (KFOR) for the Provision of ANS and Other Relevant Activities in the Designated Airspace over Kosovo.). airspace, sovereignty, NATO, Kosovo, Hungary
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Recaj, Krenare. "Sovereignty Sensitivities and the Kosovo Crisis: The Impact of Domestic Considerations on Canada’s Foreign Policy." Canadian Journal of History 56, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 136–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-56-2-2020-0076.
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In 1999, Canada participated in NATO’s Operation Allied Force, a seventy- eight-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia meant to end the ethnic cleansing of Kosovar Albanians. Officially, Canada’s interests in developing its foreign policy toward Kosovo were humanitarian and regional stability considerations. These were shared with the rest of its NATO allies. Thus, on the surface, it would seem that Canada and its NATO allies had similar concerns during the decision-making process around Kosovo. Digging deeper, an analysis of the primary sources available suggests that Canada did, in fact, have additional and unique considerations during the Kosovo crisis, namely national unity. This analysis amply illustrates the close interconnection between domestic issues and Canadian foreign policy. During the Kosovo War, Canada had to balance sovereignty sensitivities with humanitarian concerns. From the first time Kosovo was mentioned in Parliament on 18 November 1991 to the end of the Kosovo War on 11 June 1999, Canadian parliamentarians attempted to distinguish what Canada’s views on Kosovo were. Historians have likewise been occupied with the same task: distinguishing the Canadian contribution and position. Like the parliamentarians, not one of the Canadian historians who has written on the topic has questioned the official government version of what motivated Canada’s policy in Kosovo. They all credit a combination of humanitarian and regional concerns. Therefore, there was consensus at the time, and has been since, about what motivated Canada’s policy toward Kosovo. However, an analysis of the primary sources reveals that Canada did in fact have an additional and unique consideration during the Kosovo crisis: national unity. Canada’s domestic national unity issue influenced Canadian foreign policy toward Kosovo at every stage.
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Silander, Daniel, and John Janzekovitz. "State-Building and Democracy: Prosperity, Representation and Security in Kosovo." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 14, no. 1 (November 1, 2012): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10223-012-0053-1.
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The traditional assumption of the state sovereignty norm has been that an international society of states will structure the international order to safeguard the interests of the state. The end of the Cold War era transformed international relations and led to a discussion on how states interacted with their populations. From the early 1990s, research on international relations, war and peace, and security studies identified the growing problem of failing states. Such states are increasingly unable to implement the core functions that define the sovereignty norms. This article explores the state-building process of Kosovo with a focus on the political road taken from independence in February 2008 to the challenges Kosovo faces today. Kosovo still has substantial issues to address regarding core state functions in the development of prosperity, popular representation and security.
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Bellamy, Alex J. "Kosovo and the Advent of Sovereignty as Responsibility." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 3, no. 2 (June 2009): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502970902829952.
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Suny, Ronald Grigor, and Vicken Cheterian. "Making states and breaking states: Kosovo and the Caucasus in 2008: Introduction." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 5 (September 2012): 657–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.707461.
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Two events in 2008 shaped the political map of the Caucasus: the West's decision on the independence of Kosovo and the Russo-Georgian War. First, on 17 February, Kosovo authorities unilaterally declared the independence of what was at the time a UN protectorate. This declaration enjoyed much support in the West, including near-immediate recognition by key states such as the US, Germany, France, the UK, and a dozen others. But it also faced strong opposition from Serbia and Russia and strong skepticism from prowestern countries such as Georgia. Russia opposed not only the Kosovo declaration itself but more importantly the western adoption of it. From the Russian perspective, by supporting Kosovo's accession to sovereignty western states were violating the rules set at the moment of collapse of the federal states of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union: to invite the former union republics to join the international clubs of sovereign states, but not extend such invitation to any other sub-units. In other words, Azerbaijan, Croatia, Kazakhstan, and Russia became members of the United Nations, but sub-entities like Chechnya, Kosovo, or Tatarstan did not receive the same recognition.
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Muharremi, Robert. "Kosovo's Declaration of Independence: Self-Determination and Sovereignty Revisited." Review of Central and East European Law 33, no. 4 (2008): 401–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303508x339689.
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Abstract In this article, the author analyzes the implications of Kosovo's declaration of independence on state sovereignty and the principle of self-determination of peoples. He begins with an outline of the political process leading to the declaration of independence and the reactions of the international community thereto in which he also presents the various legal arguments raised for and against the lawfulness of Kosovo's secession from Serbia. The author continues with a discussion of whether the principle of self-determination of peoples does apply in the Kosovo case and whether the operation of this principle would justify a 'remedial secession'. Subsequently, he analyzes whether UN Security Council Resolution 1244 may be a legal barrier to Kosovo's independence to the extent that Serbia does not consent to such independence. Finally, in view of the extensive powers vested in the new international presence following Kosovo's declaration of independence, he discusses whether Kosovo fulfills the criteria of effective government and independence for being a state under general international law. The author concludes that international law remains controversial as to questions pertaining to conflicts between state sovereignty and self-determination of peoples and particularly to 'remedial secession', and that it is still too early to determine the impact of the Kosovo case on the development of international law.
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Hebda, Wiktor. "KOSOVO STATUS ACCORDING TO STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ZAGREB AND THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, no. 1/2020 (May 25, 2020): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.9.
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Kosovo independence still remains a key issue on a global scale. In simple terms, there are two contradictory stands on the sovereignty of Kosovo. According to the first one, Kosovo declaration of independence is illegal due to the breach of international law and the constitution of the Republic of Serbia of 2006. Meanwhile the second stand proves that unilateral Kosovo declaration of independence was legal since Kosovo Albanians are fully entitled to the right of self-determination. The following paper presents an opinion on Kosovo independence expressed by the students of the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Belgrade and the University of Zagreb – two most important universities in Serbia and Croatia. The results presented in the paper are based on the survey carried out by the author in 2013.
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R. Copley, Gregory. "MEETING THE BURDEN OF STATEHOOD: IS KOSOVO READY?" POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 1, no. 1 (January 15, 2007): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj010125c.
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There is ample evidence that Kosovo has no legitimacy in the normal sense of a sovereign state, and that, if it was to be recognized as such, it would further erode the credibility of the international system. Kosovo does not meet any historical standards for sovereignty. For Kosovo to be recognized as a legitimate sovereign state, the international community must violate the sovereignty of another recognized state, the Republic of Serbia. One should also take to consideration that Kosovo is already a territory run as a criminal enterprise, with links into jihadist movements. Already Kosovo is becoming like Afghanistan under the Taliban. And like the Taliban destruction of the ancient Buddhas of Bamiyan, the Albanian Islamist process of destruction of the Christian Churches will be complete if Kosovo is granted independence. The chaos of changing borders— such as we are seeing today in the Balkans, and elsewhere — is fertile ground for criminality. Europe is a major target for the global jihadist movements, and not only those under the al-Qaida label, but also those fi nanced and logistically made viable by the Iranian Government. Western fears have been strengthened by intelligence derived by European countries on the existence of a strong Islamist network in Kosovo and Bosnia. The “al-Qaida” phenomenon owes its success to the fi nancial links with what we are calling the Albanian mafi a, just as the Albanian criminals owe their success to the logistics and networks of al-Qaida. As far as Islamists are concerned, their goal is consolidation of their control over parts of the Balkans, specifi cally the so-called “Green transversal” belt which links the Adriatic Coast through Albania, FYR of Macedonia, the Serbian Kosovo and Metohija region, the southern Serbia/northern Montenegro Rashka (Sanjak) region, through the Gorazde Corridor into Bosnia, not only as a terrorist corridor but also to facilitate a clear highway for narco-traffi cking and weapons shipments. Signifi cantly, the Serbian Government within the union of Serbia & Montenegro, had, until the recent Serbian elections, attempted to ignore the growing incitement to a new outbreak of violence and unrest on the part of the Muslim community of southern Serbia (Rashka) and Kosovo because it did not wish to be seen to be drawing attention to the growing Muslim agitation. Finally, Kosovo Liberation Army still, and is able to access much of its narcotic product, because of its close interrelationship with jihadist movements worldwide and foreign state sponsors. There is no ground for optimism in the future. The wars to break up Yugoslavia are still unfi nalized. And in many of the new wars we will see savagery abound as groups “re-discover” old identities, and seek to capitalize on the permissive climate of change and chaos. However, it not just Balkans that is endangered. Deeply placed sources within the Islamist community in Kosovo have identifi ed the source and type of the explosives used in the jihadist terrorist bombings in London on July 7, 2005, and the Madrid commuter railway bombings of March 11, 2004.
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Zani, Orges. "The Role of Symbols in Social Movements." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v8i1.p67-72.
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This paper analyzes the birth of VETVENDOSJE as a social movement through different symbolic representations. Based on the theoretical model of symbolic interaction the study will analyse how the Network Action for Kosovo, created as a counter response against the Serbian dictatorship in Kosovo, continued its actions by creating the slogan “NO NEGOTIATION- VETVENDOSJE”, collecting signatures by the citizens and requiring to UNMIK, to investigate on the destiny of numerous Albania disappeared during the war by the Serbian Army. UNMIK did not take into consideration the petition because it was more interested in the development of institutional conversations to define the judicial status of Kosove. This made the followers of VETVENDOSJE to put the big slogan in front of the UNMIK building “NO NEGOTIATION-VETVENDOSJE! The appearance of this slogan transformed the network into the VETVENDOSJE movement and in the same time it made possible the idea that people will have their right to decide on the judicial and political sovereignty of Kosovo. This slogan had strong conceptual and emotional power on its followers and incited numerous protests and public meetings. From this we can conclude that symbols and their symbolic representations serve perfectly for the creation social movements
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko, Ivona Ladjevac, and Mihajlo Vucic. "The analysis of un activities in resolving the issue of Kosovo and Metohija." Medjunarodni problemi 64, no. 4 (2012): 442–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1204442d.
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After the Security Council had established the international administration in Kosovo on grounds of the Resolution no. 1244 of 10 June 1999 for the construction and reconstruction of the legal and economic systems, the support and protection of human rights, the provision of humanitarian and other assistance, it adopted the conclusion that the achievement of a political settlement for the southern Serbian province would primarily depend on the development and consolidation of peace and security. Accordingly, in May 2001, the international administration adopted the Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self- Government in Kosovo, which defined the status of the Serbian southern province as a whole and indivisible territorial entity under the interim international administration. The Constitutional Framework is regulated as a substantial transfer of state responsibilities by the peoples of Kosovo and Metohija to the provisional institutions of self-government and it should ?enjoy substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia?. This institutional development is aimed at establishing constructive cooperation among various ethnic communities in order to build a common democratic state. Since this solution is not quite legally balanced, it could not go without any negative consequences in terms of national sovereignty. The suspension of sovereignty of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija has eventually contributed to creating of the conditions for the socalled unilateral declaration of independence of the Republic of Kosovo. The analysis of the activities undertaken in the field of resolving the status issue after the unilateral declaration of independence of 17 February 2008 suggests that the solution for the Kosovo and Metohija should be primarily sought within the United Nations system.
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Milano, Enrico. "The Security Council and Territorial Sovereignty: The Case of Kosovo." International Community Law Review 12, no. 2 (2010): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197310x498589.
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AbstractMore than ten years since NATO intervened militarily to stop the violence and to create the conditions for a new regime of international administration, Kosovo remains at the top on the agenda of international actors and institutions. The present contribution examines the nature and scope of the Security Council’s action (and inaction) with regard to the political crisis and ensuing conflict emerged in Kosovo starting from the late 1990s and how that practice has shaped notions of territorial sovereignty. It analyses the different forms of international intervention in the four phases of the Kosovo controversy (from the 1998‐1999 crisis to the current situation post declaration of independence, passing through the UN administration of the territory and the negotiations on future status), the extent to which international law played a role in dictating outcomes and results and the ways in which the notion of territorial sovereignty was reinterpreted by the Council. The main conclusion reached is that, while some of the measures adopted throughout the years have introduced important novelties in the contemporary conception of territorial sovereignty, that has been the result of harsh bargaining between different states and groups of states in which the Council has only provided for the diplomatic setting, rather than the end products of the Council’s own policy and strategies. Moreover, as the current discussions over the mandate and legal basis of EULEX show, the interpretation of those measures and instruments has been remarkably at variance among the different actors, surfacing diplomatic conflicts and ‘agreements to disagree’ that have been frozen, in some cases for years, under neutral UN procedures and operational strategies.
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Bojanic, Bojan, and Zaklina Spalevic. "ONE DRAFT OF A POSSIBLE CONSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENT FOR KOSOVO AND METOHIJA." Srpska politička misao 70, no. 4/2020 (February 2, 2021): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.7042020.12.
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The authors will point out some possible models for solving an extremely complex problem, which for decades has been an open issue for which, without much success, a mutually acceptable solution is being sought – Kosovo and Metohija. The paper analyzes three possible options, with different intensity of relations between the Republic of Serbia and so called Kosovo. In the first case, which implies the strongest relationship between Serbia and Kosovo and Metohija, this issue could be resolved by passing a law on substantial autonomy (with changes to certain constitutional provisions) which would formally assign all the competencies now available in the province, while the other two models do not imply the adoption of such a law, so it could be done exclusively by changing the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. In none of the proposed models, the so-called Kosovo would not have full international legal subjectivity, Serbia would not recognize Kosovo’s self-proclaimed independence, nor could so-called Kosovo become a member of the United Nations, and there would be no Kosovo Army. The province would have internal sovereignty.
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Caplan, Richard. "Humanitarian Intervention: Which Way Forward?" Ethics & International Affairs 14 (March 2000): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2000.tb00051.x.
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States have long taken exception to the notion of humanitarian intervention because it threatens to undermine a bedrock principle of international order: national sovereignty. In the case of Kosovo, however, NATO's nineteen member states chose not only to put aside their concerns for national sovereignty in favor of humanitarian considerations, but also to act without UN authorization. This essay examines the ways in which states – European states in particular – are rethinking historic prohibitions against humanitarian intervention in the wake of the Kosovo war. It focuses on two approaches:Efforts to reinterpret international law so as to demonstrate the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention andEfforts to build a political consensus regarding when and how states may use force for humanitarian endsWhile efforts to weaken prohibitions may succeed, thereby facilitating future interventions, resolution of the tension between legitimacy and effectiveness in defense of human rights will continue to elude the international community unless a political consensus can be achieved.
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Austin, Robert C. "A Word on Kosovo’s First Ten Years." Südosteuropa 66, no. 2 (July 26, 2018): 272–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0019.
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Abstract Kosovo celebrated ten years of fraught independence in February. While there were some good reasons to celebrate, Kosovo still hovers between a failed and a functioning state. Its main economic indicators are extremely bad with no signs of improving. Unemployment, particularly among its youth, is feeding an ongoing brain drain. The legacy of the United Nations Mission (UNMIK) and now the European Union Mission (EULEX) is mixed, but neither was successful in creating the conditions for Kosovo to function as a normal state. Agreements between Belgrade and Prishtina to provide more rights to the Serb communities especially in the north have undermined Kosovo’s sovereignty. Now, the buzz in Prishtina speaks of a territorial swap between Serbia and Kosovo that would pave the way for mutual recognition. The domestic elite have proven more interested in short term survival and profit than in making historic progress. A stale consensus prevails that maybe this is the best that can be hoped for.
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Dimitrijevic, Dejan. "Kosovo: A New Model of the State with Limited Sovereignty [Kosovo: sovremennaia model’ gosudarstva s ogranichennym suverenitetom]." Etnograficheskoe obozrenie, no. 2 (April 2021): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086954150014795-4.
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Richmond, Oliver P. "A genealogy of mediation in international relations: From ‘analogue’ to ‘digital’ forms of global justice or managed war?" Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 3 (January 22, 2018): 301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717750198.
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What does it mean to mediate in the contemporary world? During the Cold War, and since, various forms of international intervention have maintained a fragile strategic and territorially sovereign balance between states and their elite leaders, as in Cyprus or the Middle East, or built new states and inculcated new norms. In the post-Cold War era intervention and mediation shifted beyond the balance of power and towards the liberal peace, as in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Timor Leste. In the case of Northern Ireland, identity, territorial sovereignty, and the nature of governance also began to be mediated, leading to hints of complex, post-liberal formulations. This article offers and evaluates a genealogy of the evolution of international mediation.
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Berg, Eiki. "Re-Examining Sovereignty Claims in Changing Territorialities: Reflections from ‘Kosovo Syndrome’." Geopolitics 14, no. 2 (May 6, 2009): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650040802693473.
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Kallis, Aristotle A. "Eliminationist crimes, state sovereignty and international intervention: The case of Kosovo." Journal of Genocide Research 1, no. 3 (November 1999): 417–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623529908413970.
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Richter, Solveig, and Uwe Halbach. "A dangerous precedent? The political implications of Kosovo's independence on ethnic conflicts in South-Eastern Europe and the CIS." Security and Human Rights 20, no. 3 (2009): 223–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502309789192496.
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AbstractKosovo's declaration of independence on 17 February 2008 has re-ignited debates about the interaction among the fundamental international legal principles of self-determination, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The question of conformity with international law was interrelated to scenarios on the political implications of secession. After more than one year the following article elaborates if the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo had a precedent-setting impact for long-standing autonomist and secessionist conflicts in South-Eastern Europe and in CIS. The Kosovo-precedent formula had its biggest impact in the secessionist conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, where a powerful external actor Russia, made effective use of the precedent-formula in its coercive diplomacy against Georgia. Generally speaking, in South-Eastern-Europe, the independence of Kosovo had only minor destabilizing effects with the exception of Bosnia and Hercegovina and Macedonia where political entrepreneurs used the opportunity to play the nationalist card and to profit from worst case scenarios of a disintegration of their country.
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Mitić, Aleksandar. "The position of the people's Republic of China on Kosovo and Metohija in the context of the defence of international law and the expansion of the interest frontiers." Vojno delo 74, no. 3 (2022): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203017m.
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Despite the geopolitical challenges in the immediate environment in Central Asia and the Pacific, the People's Republic of China plays an increasingly active diplomatic role in the Balkans, primarily by providing unconditional support to Belgrade regarding Kosovo and Metohija. Is it an isolated step forward or a tactical move that is in line with the new strategic foreign policy thinking? In search for an answer, the paper considers the evolution of the principle of non-interference in China's foreign policy, its re-evaluation and adaptation in the context of the transition to a multipolar world order, the expansion of the "interest frontiers" conditioned by the Belt and Road Initiative, and the preservation of China's territorial integrity and sovereignty in the matter of Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Taiwan. The paper analyses the processes that have strengthened Beijing's position on Kosovo and Metohija in recent years: the derecognition of Taiwan and Kosovo and Metohija, the increased Western pressure on Xinjiang and Hong Kong, and the understanding that resolving the status of Kosovo and Metohija is impossible without China's approval in the UN Security Council. It has been concluded that the issue of Kosovo and Metohija reflects both the main postulates of China's foreign policy and its evolution. This attitude of Beijing will make it difficult for the West to complete the "independence of Kosovo", it will increase the pressure of the EU and the US on Serbia, and it will also strengthen the resilience of Belgrade.
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Zobeniak, Marta. "Kosowo - koniec Europy?" Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 1 (October 31, 2018): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2010.1.8.
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Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, once said that Kosovo’s independence could be the beginning of the end for Europe, and that official recognition of its sovereignty would threaten global security. It was feared that Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence, and its recognition by European countries in particular, would open up a Pandora’s Box. In fact, as it is claimed in this article, Kosovo may be treated a precedent by other separatist republics and autonomous regions, which might one day demand similar recognition and the same rights that the Kosovars can now possibly enjoy
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HAY, EMILY. "International(ized) Constitutions and Peacebuilding." Leiden Journal of International Law 27, no. 1 (January 24, 2014): 141–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156513000678.
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AbstractThis article concerns the concept and practice of international(ized) constitutions, which have become characteristic of situations where there is deep international involvement in peacebuilding efforts. The process and nature of internationalized constitutions challenge traditional ideas about sovereignty, self-determination, and constitutions. While they reinforce the importance of constitutional documents themselves as an indicator of sovereignty, internationalized constitutions simultaneously legitimize a high degree of external influence in the creation and even implementation of that document. This article argues that internationalized constitutions are not inherently legitimate or illegitimate, but have the potential to be either in any given situation. Internationalized constitutions in Iraq and Kosovo are used as case studies to investigate how the dilemmas of internationalized constitutions have played out in two recent scenarios.
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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet, and MSc Nehat Demiri. "Rational Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia - Way Toward Reconciliation." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.67.
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Within a decade, Kosovo has compromised twice: accepting the process of decentralization in order to achieve independence and international recognition, through the President Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (2 February 2007), and finally, by approving to offer autonomy for Kosovo Serbs for the sovereignty, but still within the limits of the Ahtisaari Plan.Coincidentally, the same Serbian political parties which had fought three wars, resulting in dissolution of the state (Former Yugoslavia) at that time (the Socialist Party and the Serbian Radical Party), now are in power in the Republic of Serbia, and have the possibility to finally solve the Kosovo case, and to open the perspective for this part, Europe’s black hole, to be engaged in global integration. Statements by senior Serbian politicians are positively shifting, compared to the radicalization of the relations between Albanians and Serbs three decades ago and it is believed that the developments will evolve towards rational choice and acceptance by the parties. Being under pressure by difficult socio-economic situation and need for integration processes, both sides undertake risky and unpopular steps by signing unclear political and verbal agreements on normalization of relations, which may produce difficult solving externalities in the future. The risk lies in the possibility of further damaging the Kosovo’s “piece of the cake”, after every refusal step by the Serbian side, which will damage the interest of Kosovo side according to the “zero sum” game. Analyses of the dialogue process between Kosovo and Serbia reflect the mixed benefits to the parties, resulting in not very soon European integration, and with hope on difficult but necessary reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs in the region. The broken, after the war established, status quo is better than entering into a protracted conflict in the middle of Europe.
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Tsagourias, Nicholas. "Humanitarian Intervention After Kosovo and Legal Discourse: Self-Deception or Self-Consciousness?" Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 1 (March 2000): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000029.
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NATO's operation in Kosovo provoked diverse legal propositions. The operation was hailed as a humanitarian action stemming from a sense of human solidarity for the victims of the atrocities. On the other hand, it was vilified as a flagrant violation of fundamental principles of international law such as that of state sovereignty and non-intervention. Consequently, legal discourse is moulded by these antithetical ideological forces which epitomise the legal culture of medievalism and modernity. It thus resorts to reformulations and recombinations in order to achieve justifiable results. However, it remains external, lacking a sense of self-consciousness, because it distances the theorizing person from the object of her observation. Therefore, we propose here a discursive model which entails observation, reflection, assessment, and projection where the manifold aspects involved in a situation such as Kosovo are accounted for and new and better solutions are envisioned.
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Kabashi, Haki. "Kosovo – Unique Case of the Parallel Justice System." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i2.p161-169.
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The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo’s citizens in Kosovo’s courts and in the parallel Serbian courts that operate in Serbia are causing major problems in the already fragile Kosovan justice system. According to the official data, it results that there are 22 parallel Serbian courts that operate within this parallel system, in North Kosovo and various cities within Serbia. This form of parallel judiciary continues to function even after the Declaration of Independence (2008) and after the arrival of EULEX mission in Kosovo. We think that the functioning of this parallel Serbian system in a territory where it has no sovereignty, as a unique case in Europe, should seize to exist with the sole purpose of empowering and functioning of the juridical and justice system in Kosovo, for the sake of respecting fundamental principles of the human rights and respecting of the ne bis in idem principle.
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Kabashi, Haki. "Kosovo – Unique Case of the Parallel Justice System." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i2.p161-169.
Full textAbstract:
The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo’s citizens in Kosovo’s courts and in the parallel Serbian courts that operate in Serbia are causing major problems in the already fragile Kosovan justice system. According to the official data, it results that there are 22 parallel Serbian courts that operate within this parallel system, in North Kosovo and various cities within Serbia. This form of parallel judiciary continues to function even after the Declaration of Independence (2008) and after the arrival of EULEX mission in Kosovo. We think that the functioning of this parallel Serbian system in a territory where it has no sovereignty, as a unique case in Europe, should seize to exist with the sole purpose of empowering and functioning of the juridical and justice system in Kosovo, for the sake of respecting fundamental principles of the human rights and respecting of the ne bis in idem principle.
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Johnson, Carter. "Partitioning to Peace: Sovereignty, Demography, and Ethnic Civil Wars." International Security 32, no. 4 (April 2008): 140–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2008.32.4.140.
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Some scholars have proposed partition as a way to solve ethnic civil wars. Partition theorists advocate the demographic separation of ethnic groups into different states, arguing that this is the best chance for an enduring peace. Opponents argue that partition is costly in terms of its human toll and that its advocates have yet to demonstrate its effectiveness beyond a limited number of self-selected case studies. This analysis systematically examines the outcome of partition, highlighting the centrality of demography by introducing an index that measures the degree to which a partition separates ethnic groups. This index is applied to all civil wars ending in partition from 1945 to 2004. Partitions that completely separated the warring groups did not experience a recurrence of war and low-level violence for at least five years, outperforming both partitions that did not separate ethnic groups and other ethnic war outcomes. These results challenge other studies that examine partition as a war outcome. The results also have direct implications for Iraq's civil war, postindependence Kosovo, and other ethnic civil wars.
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Crnobrnja, Mihailo. "Conflicting Claims on Sovereignty in Kosovo: How Will the UN Mission Handle the Problem?" Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 94 (2000): 311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272503700056202.
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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. "The role of Zoran Djindjic in resolving the Kosovo issue." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 5 (April 22, 2021): 372 (402)—383 (409). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2105-05.
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The article is devoted to one of the most dramatic events in the history of Serbia - the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, in terms of analyzing two key aspects. Firstly, numerous inconsistencies, discrepancies, contradictions and outright falsifications were revealed on the part of the official investigation and the official version of the attentate, in which it was not possible to reliably establish the motives, methods of committing the crime and the true perpetrators of the prime minister's death. Consequently, the reason for the murder of the prime minister, which, no doubt, lies precisely in the politics, remains hidden. In the Serbian political dimension, Kosovo and Metohija have long been the main stumbling blocks. Secondly, the authors of the article analyze the radical change in Zoran Djindjic's policy, which took place in general across a wide range of issues, and in particular, on the indicated "Kosovo problem". The Serbian prime minister had a sharp change in political orientations due to specific measures taken by the US, the EU and the "world community" towards Serbia, among which there were extremely destructive tendencies covered by double standards and humanistic rhetoric. The West did not need a "renewed Serbia", moreover, Serbia, renewed on the basis of a combination of democratic and national-state principles, which, in fact, became the policy of Zoran Djindjic a few months before the attentate, was a direct threat to the West. In particular, it hindered the implementation of the plans to build a certain order (characterized through the formula "constant chaos of low intensity"). Pax Americana, or the "new globalized order", can only be established in the Balkans on the rubble of Serbia, with dysfunctional state institutions, a devastated economy and destroyed national consciousness. The West needs Serbia only in the form of a failed state. The key point is the deprivation of its main attribute of statehood - sovereignty, inviolability of borders and territorial integrity. The withdrawal from Serbia of its southern region, Kosovo and Metohija, occurred contrary to the UN Charter, the entire complex of international legal acts on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of states, a number of UN Security Council resolutions, including Resolution No. 1244, the Constitution and legislation of Serbia. Without idealizing or romanticizing the image of this Serbian statesman, the authors consistently identify the steps taken by Zoran Djindjic in the Kosovo direction at the international and regional levels, testifying to his firm desire to implement the provisions of UN Security Council Resolution 1244, to reconsider relations with the West in general and build democratic Serbian state on national basis. All undertakings were interrupted by an unknown sniper's bullet fired on March 12, 2003. English version of the article on pp. 402-409 at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/role-of-zoran-dindic-in-resolving-the-kosovo-issue/66002.html
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Carati, Andrea. "Intervention and Promotion of Democracy. The Paradoxes of External Democratization and the Power-Sharing Between International Officials and Local Political Leaders." World Political Science 9, no. 1 (April 16, 2013): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0006.
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AbstractSince the end of the Cold War new practices of external interferences in the domestic affairs of states have revealed an unprecedented relationship between international intervention and the promotion of democracy. In fact, the new generation of peace-building missions is oriented toward the democratization of the target country. Moving from the paradoxes brought about by the goal of democratization, the paper offers an explanation of the power-sharing between international officials and local political actors in the target country. On the one hand, a democratic approach to international intervention fosters self-determination, tends to grant sovereignty and independence and considers the international mandate as temporary. On the other hand, the goal of democratization entails the establishment of enduring neo-trusteeships, violating the sovereignty and independence of the target-state. The paper focuses on three case-studies (Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor) to assess how those paradoxes lead to conflicting attitudes by international officials – who both concede and retain essential powers over local political actors – creating a power-sharing in the target country.
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Koinova, Maria. "Endorsers, challengers or builders? Political parties’ diaspora outreach in a post-conflict state." International Political Science Review 39, no. 3 (June 2018): 384–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118761023.
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How do parties in government and opposition in a contested post-conflict state reach out to their diasporas abroad? Do their policies overlap or differ, and if so why? Scholarly accounts of sending states’ outreach towards diasporas have paid little attention to the variety of actors and processes within sending states, and have grouped states with contested sovereignty in the same cluster as states for which sovereignty is not a salient issue. This article focuses on one of these contested states, Kosovo, and on the party engagement with diasporas abroad that has emerged there. I conceptualize three types of extraterritorial party outreach – state-endorsing, state-challenging, and party-building. I argue that parties that emerge from secessionism and warfare are more likely to reach out to the diaspora through a state-endorsing or party-building approach, depending on whether they are in government or opposition. Parties that are newly institutionalized in the post-conflict polity seek to engage the diaspora through a state-endorsing or state-challenging approach.
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Rankovic, Miodrag. "Serbia's uncertainties in Kosmet." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 112-113 (2002): 167–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0213167r.
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The paper consists of four sections: the situation immediately after the end of the NATO bombardment, Euro-American restructuring, main coordinates of state sovereignty and the results achieved so far within the so-called negotiating policy in Kosmet. The paper discusses the dilemma about the final outcome of the 1999 war, about the arrival of NATO to Kosmet, when the state of "the controlled chaos" really began. Serbia was left with the victims (2.500 dead) and material destruction (estimated damage of 12 to over 100 billion dollars) rapid impoverishment (over 600 thousand jobless) and over 300 thousand expelled. The first "external coordinate" of the Serbian statehood in Kosmet (reliance on the Russian-Chinese-Indian alliance) completely disappointed mostly because of further decrease in the Russian initiative in the Balkans the second "coordinate", support of the international public and left-wing groupations (illustrative example) was not enough to restrain American expansionism, while the third one, the achievement of national consensus about Kosmet was a complete failure - the Serbs remained divided both in Serbia and in Kosmet. Thus the entire period after the change of power in Serbia has been marked by yielding and concessions (Kouchner's institutional restructuring Haekkerup's "institutional framework", Steiner's decrees). There followed a planned "demographic cleansing" (influx of new immigrants from Albania, almost 200 thousand), further destruction of the monuments of Serbian spirituality false demilitarization ("the Kosovo Protection Corps"), installment of NATO bases, cleansing of non-Albanian settlements (over 40 thousand houses and about 300 schools burnt), continuation of terrorist activities, "underground economy" etc. Serbia now shares sovereignty with KFOR and with the organs of authority of the prevailing Albanians, all within the realm of "human rights" "multiethnic Kosovo" and Islamic-Turkish lobby.
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Feltes, Tilmann. "Youth and Democracy: The Promotion of Youth Participation by the International Community in Kosovo." Security and Human Rights 24, no. 2 (2013): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02402010.
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Kosovo is a good example of the successes and failures of international efforts to promote democratization. From 1999 to 2008, the territory was an UN-protectorate and democracy promotion was largely in the hands of the international community. Even today, five years after the self-declaration of independence and the acquisition of full sovereignty in September 2012, the influence of the international community is still tremendous. Hopes for the democratic development of the country are largely invested in the young generation. This paper, based on interviews with local and international experts, and a survey of students in Pristina, examines whether the criticisms of the international community also apply to the promotion of political participation by the young generation. It also considers the co-ordination of activities between international organisations and local organisations.
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Fawn, Rick, and Oliver P. Richmond. "De Facto States in the Balkans: Shared Governance versus Ethnic Sovereignty in Republika Srpska and Kosovo." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 3, no. 2 (June 2009): 205–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502970902830026.
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Ramet, Sabrina P. "The denial syndrome and its consequences: Serbian political culture since 2000." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 40, no. 1 (January 30, 2007): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2006.12.004.
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Since the outbreak of the War of Yugoslav Succession in 1991 and the subsequent atrocities, a significant portion of Serbian society, including the upper echelons of the government, has displayed symptoms of the denial syndrome, in which guilt is transposed onto the Croats, Bosniaks, and Kosovar Albanians. This syndrome is also associated with a veneration for the victimized hero, with sinister attribution error, and with tendencies toward dysphoric rumination. In the Serbian case, it has also been associated with efforts to whitewash the role played by Serbs such as Milan Nedić and Draža Mihailović during World War Two and has reinforced feelings of self-righteousness in Belgrade’s insisting on its sovereignty over the disputed province of Kosovo.
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Hudzelyak, Iryna. "POLITICAL MAP OF THE WORLD: ACTUAL ANALYSIS OF THE MAIN ELEMENTS." SCIENTIFIC ISSUES OF TERNOPIL VOLODYMYR HNATIUK NATIONAL PEDAGOGICAL UNIVERSITY. SERIES: GEOGRAPHY 52, no. 1 (May 30, 2022): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25128/2519-4577.22.1.14.
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Scientific approaches to highlighting the main elements of the political map of the world have been updated. The criteria of the state in the political-geographical context have been considered. The list of the main elements of the political map of the world - states, quasi-states, and non-self-governing territories has been offered. These are those entities that have a territory and borders with varying degrees of control, as well as the political system as one of the subsystems of society with varying degrees of internal and external sovereignty and institutional formation.The state is a territorially organized and politically sovereign society. Based on political and geographical criteria (state territory, borders, population, internal and external sovereignty) and customary approaches in the system of international relations (predominant recognition of sovereignty by UN member states), three types of states have been identified: sovereign states (187 UN member states and UN observer state - Vatican); sovereign states not recognized by one or more states (6 UN member states - Armenia, Israel, North Korea, PRC, Republic of Cyprus, Republic of Korea); sovereign states that de facto do not exist, but are de jure recognized by many states (UN observer state - Palestine). In 2021 the total number of sovereign states is 195.
The definition of quasi-states is based on the same criteria, and the typology takes into account in each case the degree and features of the manifestation of these features at the present stage. Quasi-states are countries that have the following characteristics: clear geographical parameters (territory, borders); population characterized by the linguistic, cultural, ethnopolitical, or social community; limited or no external sovereignty; weak domestic political power of the government to lead the country. Six types of quasi-states have been identified: countries whose sovereignty is partially recognized (Kosovo); countries that are de facto sovereign, but de jure not recognized by most states in the world (Taiwan); countries with partial international recognition, but limited control over their territory and lack of internal legitimacy of power (Western Sahara); countries formed as a result of external armed intervention and recognized only by the aggressor state and its geopolitical allies (Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus); countries that are de facto sovereign, but de jure not recognized by any state in the world (Somaliland); countries without international recognition and with limited control over the territory (Nagorno-Karabakh).
Non-self-governing territories are such political-territorial entities that are under the jurisdiction of another state, or on the basis of concluded mutual agreements, another state is entrusted with part of administrative and security functions. These are former colonial possessions that have not yet exercised their right to political self-determination. The degree of dependence on the management area in each case is unique, so it is difficult to distinguish types, and their number is constantly declining.
Not-essential elements of the political map of the world are those territories to which the jurisdiction of sovereign states and the rules laid down in international treaties or the first and second at the same time. These are political-territorial formations of hybrid object-subject status: territories with the mixed regime (exclusive (maritime) economic zone and continental shelf); territories with a special regime (international straits, international sea canals, international rivers, and lakes, buffer zones); territories with an international regime (Arctic and Antarctic, high seas, airspace outside state territories, seabed and its subsoil outside exclusive economic zones and the continental shelf, outer space, moon, and other celestial bodies); territories contested by several states.
Keywords: political map of the world, state, quasi-state, country, political-territorial formation.
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Arlyapova, E., and E. Ponomareva. "The Economy of Self-Declared Kosovo." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 4 (2021): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-58-70.
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Received 30.10.2020. Intensification of the final resolving processes over the Kosovo issue made it necessary to pay closer attention to social and economic features of the self-declared polity, which are often underestimated losing scores in favor of political, not economical, agenda. With emphasis on the most recent data (2015–2020), Kosovo official statistics, international and local organizations, mass media materials, with high involvement of interviews and surveys conducted during working trips to the Balkan region, and long-term observations, this paper is urged to remove this gap and to answer the question of economic independence and viability, directly concerned with the fundamental matter of sovereignty. Despite the thesis on favorable starting conditions in a form of abundance of various natural resources and ready-made industrial base, widely used in public rhetoric during separatist movement, the words have mostly remained just words – no significant structural changes have taken place in Kosovo’s economy since its self-declared independence in 2008. Reports reflect some increase of economic activity since 2015, but in almost all key directions – administrative reform, fundamental rights, fight against corruption and organized crime, regional cooperation development, etc. – there has been a very little progress up to date. Huge informal sector, desperate situation with youth’s unemployment, gender disproportion in the labor and legal fields – these are among the strongest economic challenges and the highest barriers for Kosovo on its way to European integration. In recent years, local economy drivers were state investments into infrastructure and private consumption, which is still mostly based on large transactions from abroad, together with increasing salary rates and lending. Economic diversification goes slowly. Base metals and mineral products dominate – same as during previous years – in regional export of goods, providing slightly less than a half of its entire volume. Excessive reliance on import is another feature of economic development in contemporary Kosovo. List of services and goods providers remains stable for the past decade, led by Germany and Italy, with growing influence of China and Turkey. Some improvement of business climate co-exists with essential economic problems. Kosovo’s economy still highly depends on external incomes and internal trade sector. Local educational system does not match local labor market needs. Financial discipline, efficient distribution of resources, optimization of sectoral interaction, fight against corruption and crime – these tasks remain the ones of high priority and are still in the current economic agenda today, like they were five and 10 years ago. Kosovo’s real investment attractiveness is in question; however, much work has been done in the legal field to speed up and secure the fundraising process. Unresolved problems of property rights and lack of political will to handle these issues hurt investment perspectives and slow down economic development. COVID‑2019 brings additional damage to Kosovo’s economy, but its overall results are to be yet evaluated.
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Simic, Predrag. "Russia and the problem of Kosovo and Metohija." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738243s.
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Nearly ten years since the 1999 NATO military intervention against Serbia and the establishment of UN administration, Kosovo and Metohija has resurfaced as a topical issue in international politics, separating the positions of the USA and Russia, and becoming a precedent in international relations, possibly with far-reaching consequences not only for the future of the western Balkans but also for many territorial disputes worldwide. Russia has only recently pulled herself out of the years-long Chechnya crisis, and facing similar problems in her 'new neighborhood' (Abkhazia, South Ossetia Transdniestria), is among the countries that might be affected by this precedent. Secondly, with her bad experience in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, Russia has become sensitive not only to any disturbance in the balance of power in the Balkans but also to any change to the existing international order. Moscow has not forgotten that during the 1990s many Westerners saw Serbia as a 'metaphor for Russia' and that the NATO interventions against the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1995) and against Serbia (1999) revealed Russia's weakness, sending her the message to give up her interests in the Balkans and Europe. Thirdly, diverging American and Russian policies on Kosovo and Metohija coincide with their strained relations over the deployment of an antimissile 'shield' in Poland and the Czech Republic, the war in Iraq, policy towards Iran and other issues currently at the top of the list of international problems. Fourthly, meanwhile Russia has managed to recover from the disintegration of the USSR and to consolidate her economic and political power in Europe and the world, owing above all to oil and gas exports, but also to the export of industrial products (military in particular). The precedent that an independent Kosovo and Metohija would constitute in international relations is therefore a test of Russia's role as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. She has found herself in the role of the defender of the fundamental principles of international law such as the inviolability of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the UN members.
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FALK, RICHARD. "Legality and legitimacy: the quest for principled flexibility and restraint." Review of International Studies 31, S1 (December 2005): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006777.
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What follows is an attempt to acknowledge the complexity and relevance of debates about the relation between legality and legitimacy as it bears on political behaviour. The opening section is intended to orient these international policy debates in wider traditions of political theory, particularly as they bear on the nature of sovereignty and the state. On this basis, the two prominent, recent instances of controversial recourse to war (Kosovo and Iraq) are considered from the perspective of legality and legitimacy, first as a matter of juridical evaluation and then from the perspective of international reputation. The focus throughout reflects a concern with the qualities of American global leadership since September 11th, and how this leadership should or should not be guided by canons of legality.
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Dittmer, Jason, and David A. Parr. "Mediating sovereignty: a comparative latent semantic analysis of US newspapers and conflicts in Kosovo and South Ossetia." Media, War & Conflict 4, no. 2 (July 22, 2011): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635211406014.
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Kursani, Shpend. "Foreign policy coordination vis-à-vis the international norm of sovereignty: Macedonia’s and Montenegro’s recognition of Kosovo." International Politics 54, no. 6 (May 23, 2017): 729–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41311-017-0061-9.
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Mehmeti, Samedin. "An Overview on Different Legal Systems and the Reflection in Kosovo." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (August 30, 2015): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i2.p39-44.
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The state apparatus represents one of the fundamental elements of the development of contemporary society. While the right and law represents a basic understanding of the existence of the state power that performs in order to preserve a balance between the action which is accepted by society and other behaviors that by law are prohibited. The state actions principally are based on the rule of law, namely the legal system accepted or elected by people. Studying different legal systems, it shows that there are similarities more than the differences between them. Despite very different legal cultures, processing methods and institutions, different legal systems exhibit convergence in the treatment of different legal issues. As a result of these processes, many of the differences between common law and civil law now look more like nuances rather than as major differences. The differences are mostly pronounced in the styles of using legal argument, methodology, content and legal norms etc. Various legal systems, using different tools, aimed at the same purpose, and similar results are often taken from different justifications. Often it happens in practice that, despite the use of diverse tools and methods, they arrive at the same solutions or similar ones and it certainly that should not be surprising. So it can rightly be concluded that despite many changes, legal systems aim at achieving the same objective. While generally the target of the state is always and in any system the implementation of norms and rules set in advance, what the contemporary world tends to be considered as respect for the rule of law. In general, the objective of the state authorities in every system is the implementation of the norms and rules set in advance, that concept in the contemporary world tends to be considered as respect for the rule of law. Since Kosovo was part of the former Yugoslav federation and practically until the end of the war of 1999, in the absence of state sovereignty and subjectivity, people of Kosovo were not in a position to choose, like other sovereign nations which legal system will be applied on their lives. Without the will of the citizens, in Kosovo was applied a type of Continental legal system, with certain specific elements that were mostly common in other countries of former Eastern European Communist bloc. In the first years after liberation, until new legislation was passed through the legislative system, it was continued with the older system, through some minor changes. While at a later stage after the adoption of the new legislation, was introduced a large scale reform to the exciting system through the application of the combination of elements of Anglo-Saxon system, this reform which is to this day is in process as well.
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Mehmeti, Samedin. "An Overview on Different Legal Systems and the Reflection in Kosovo." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p39-44.
Full textAbstract:
The state apparatus represents one of the fundamental elements of the development of contemporary society. While the right and law represents a basic understanding of the existence of the state power that performs in order to preserve a balance between the action which is accepted by society and other behaviors that by law are prohibited. The state actions principally are based on the rule of law, namely the legal system accepted or elected by people. Studying different legal systems, it shows that there are similarities more than the differences between them. Despite very different legal cultures, processing methods and institutions, different legal systems exhibit convergence in the treatment of different legal issues. As a result of these processes, many of the differences between common law and civil law now look more like nuances rather than as major differences. The differences are mostly pronounced in the styles of using legal argument, methodology, content and legal norms etc. Various legal systems, using different tools, aimed at the same purpose, and similar results are often taken from different justifications. Often it happens in practice that, despite the use of diverse tools and methods, they arrive at the same solutions or similar ones and it certainly that should not be surprising. So it can rightly be concluded that despite many changes, legal systems aim at achieving the same objective. While generally the target of the state is always and in any system the implementation of norms and rules set in advance, what the contemporary world tends to be considered as respect for the rule of law. In general, the objective of the state authorities in every system is the implementation of the norms and rules set in advance, that concept in the contemporary world tends to be considered as respect for the rule of law. Since Kosovo was part of the former Yugoslav federation and practically until the end of the war of 1999, in the absence of state sovereignty and subjectivity, people of Kosovo were not in a position to choose, like other sovereign nations which legal system will be applied on their lives. Without the will of the citizens, in Kosovo was applied a type of Continental legal system, with certain specific elements that were mostly common in other countries of former Eastern European Communist bloc. In the first years after liberation, until new legislation was passed through the legislative system, it was continued with the older system, through some minor changes. While at a later stage after the adoption of the new legislation, was introduced a large scale reform to the exciting system through the application of the combination of elements of Anglo-Saxon system, this reform which is to this day is in process as well.
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Stamova, Mariyana N. "Albanian Factor in the Republic of Macedonia in the Late Twentieth and Early Twenty-First Century." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 14, no. 1-2 (2019): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2019.14.1-2.6.
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For more than two centuries, the Albanian factor in Macedonia has been an objective and dynamically changing reality. It manifested itself in different dimensions, forms and conditions. Ten years after the establishment of the independent and sovereign Republic of Macedonia (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia) in the early 2001, the Albanian factor, along with its traditional dimensions, received a number of new features. It has turned into a major problem for the existence, constitutional order, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Macedonia. This problem was to a larger extent “Kosovized” after the triggering of the syndrome of “communicating vessels” and its association with the situation in Kosovo and southern Serbia. In 2001, with the organization, arming and activation of Albanian paramilitary formations in Macedonia ready to establish control over certain areas in the Republic of Macedonia, it received also a military dimension. It has developed into a regional and international problem after the active interference of the leading international players and forums, which have been providing ”good services“, mediation, negotiations, monitoring and peacekeeping forces, financial and economic commitments – all of them have an impressive presence in the Republic of Macedonia and are able to influence the strengthening the stabilizing trends and processes in the republic.
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Berndtsson, Joakim, and Peter Johansson. "Principles on a collision course? State sovereignty meets peoples' right of self-determination in the case of Kosovo." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 28, no. 3 (October 9, 2014): 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2014.942724.
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