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Academic literature on the topic 'Sovereignty – Kosovo'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Sovereignty – Kosovo"

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Salihu, Salihe. "The Post-Communist State Era and Its Impact on Sovereignty: A Case Study of Kosovo." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 26, no. 1 (April 29, 2022): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2022.8.

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Many theoretical perspectives have touched on the concept of sovereignty, but the need for more sovereignty-based discussion in relation to the postcommunist era still exists. The question of sovereignty and its survival in the post-communist era touches on some general features such as the attributes, signs, properties, and conditions of the concept of sovereignty that have evolved. In the case of Kosovo, the issue of sovereignty can be linked to two distinct features, namely democracy and human rights. For Kosovo to be a sovereign state, it had a mandatory prerequisite to fulfil these two features. These features implied the fulfi lment of two criteria, in the forms of legality and legitimacy and, in reality, these two criteria stem from the will of the people. This refl ection shows that sovereignty in the post-communist era had to be in line with respect for human rights as a feature of the principles of democracy. However, the transition from the communist system to democracy was not an easy one. In this regard, Kosovo has come a long way in achieving sovereignty and managed to be declared a sovereign state in 2008. The conditioning of Kosovo’s sovereignty by the above criteria represents the influence of the post-communist era, and its earlier form differs from the prevailing form of absolute sovereignty as it existed, for example, in the former federations of Russia and Yugoslavia. Kosovo’s sovereignty is reflected in accordance with the will of the majority of over ninety-five percent of the country’s population. Moreover, in Kosovo, minorities have privileges, such as positive discrimination and the special right that constitutional changes on vital issues pertaining to those minorities cannot be made without their vote. However, in the post-communist era, it was not possible to democratise all sovereign states. Some states focused on the power and manner of expanding power in their respective territories and fought for the recognition of reconfigured sovereignty at the expense of justice and rights. Therefore, since the post-communist period, the defi nition, content, and character of sovereignty has been in debate, with a new dimension of respect for human rights as a major talking point and as an essential mark of the principle of democracy.
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Pavlović, Aleksandar, Gazela Pudar Draško, and Jelena Lončar. "A Battle for Sovereignty." Southeastern Europe 45, no. 3 (December 21, 2021): 361–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030005.

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Abstract This article examines the role, status and perceptions of the Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo from both Kosovo Albanian and Serbian perspectives. The analysis focuses on two cases, which attracted particular resistance on each of the two sides: the passing of legislation in the Kosovar parliament in 2012 that aimed to protect Serbian cultural heritage and the 2015 unsuccessful Kosovo bid for unesco membership. Both moments demonstrate how cultural heritage is primarily approached from the statehood perspective and used to additionally deepen inter-ethnic distances. The authors shed more light on the discrepancies between the international peacebuilding efforts and the internationally imposed legal framework, challenging the reduction of the peacebuilding efforts to institutional design, while dominant discourses of both Serbian and Albanian elites essentially deepen the enmity and serve as resistance mechanisms to the international peacebuilding strategies.
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Ceriman, Jelena, and Aleksandar Pavlovic. "Beyond the territory principle: Non-territorial approach to the Kosovo question(s)." Filozofija i drustvo 31, no. 3 (2020): 340–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2003340c.

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This article presents an attempt to approach the dispute over Kosovo between Serbs and Albanians from a non-territorial perspective, with particular focus on the preservation of the Serbian cultural and religious heritage. First, we argue that the Kosovo issue is at present commonly understood as an either-or territorial dispute over sovereignty and recognition between Serbian and Kosovo Albanian politicians. However, we claim that a lasting resolution to the Kosovo issue actually needs to account for at least three separate aspects: 1) status of Northern Kosovo which is ethnically Serbian and still maintains various ties with the Serbian state, 2) status of Serbian cultural and religious heritage, chiefly UNESCO world heritage Serbian medieval monasteries and churches and 3) the fact that the Serbian population in central Kosovo, i.e. south of the river Ibar, where most of the mentioned monasteries and churches are located, are located in small municipalities or enclaves of Serbs surrounded by vast Albanian populations. We examine the applicability of the non- territorial approach (NTA) to the Kosovo issue by analyzing the normative framework directly regulating the Serbian cultural and religious heritage in Kosovo, its preservation and protection, particularly of Serbian Orthodox monasteries, churches and other historical and cultural sites, while comparing these regulations to the existing normative NTAs in Croatia and Montenegro. Arguably, since most Serbian monasteries and churches are not included in any sovereignty negotiations, we point to the potential to combine territorial and non-territorial approaches, regardless of the continued obstacles in implementation arising from continued contestation of Kosovo?s sovereign status.
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Bell, Coral. "East Timor, Kosovo, Norms and Sovereignty." AQ: Australian Quarterly 72, no. 1 (2000): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20637875.

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Hasani, Enver, and Getoar Mjeku. "International(ized) Constitutional Court: Kosovo’s Transfer of Judicial Sovereignty." ICL Journal 13, no. 4 (March 26, 2020): 373–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2019-0016.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the transfer of judicial sovereignty in Kosovo from a comparative perspective. In particular, it addresses the transfer of constitutional jurisdiction to the Special Court of Kosovo. This court was formed as a result of Kosovo’s commitment to address allegations made by the Council of Europe in a document known as the Dick Marty report. The report alleges that war crimes and crimes against humanity and international law were committed during and in the aftermath of the Kosovo war (1998–1999). It took several years for the Court to be formed as constitutional amendments, legal infrastructure, and other practical steps were needed to make the Court operational. These preparatory measures have been taken, but practical results are missing, and there is fear that the Court might end up like previous UN- and EU-led justice systems, which did too little and were too late to address the culture of impunity in Kosovo.
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Otília Kiss, Krisztina. "Reopening the Upper Airspace over Kosovo for Civil Air Traffic: The Road Thereto." Air and Space Law 46, Issue 4/5 (September 1, 2021): 603–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2021034.

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Over twenty years have passed since the insurrection in Kosovo which ended with the introduction of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), in June 1999. The establishment of the State of Kosovo has raised multiple questions and challenged public international law doctrines in different ways. The validity of unilateral State succession in the post-colonial era, the international legal personality of international intergovernmental organizations, and the exercise of sovereign rights by other entities than States are among the questions that the international community has had to contend with. The present essay elaborates the aviation law-related aspects of these challenges, more precisely the reopening of the upper airspace of Kosovo, with a special focus on the legal solutions of the Implementing Agreement Between Hungary and the International Security Force in Kosovo (KFOR) (Implementing Agreement Between the Government of Hungary and International Security Force in Kosovo (KFOR) for the Provision of Air Navigation Services (ANS) and Other Relevant Activities in the Designated Airspace over Kosovo as promulgated by Act No. CCXLVIII of 2013 on Promulgation of the Implementing Agreement Between the Government of Hungary and International Security Force in Kosovo (KFOR) for the Provision of ANS and Other Relevant Activities in the Designated Airspace over Kosovo.). airspace, sovereignty, NATO, Kosovo, Hungary
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Recaj, Krenare. "Sovereignty Sensitivities and the Kosovo Crisis: The Impact of Domestic Considerations on Canada’s Foreign Policy." Canadian Journal of History 56, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 136–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-56-2-2020-0076.

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In 1999, Canada participated in NATO’s Operation Allied Force, a seventy- eight-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia meant to end the ethnic cleansing of Kosovar Albanians. Officially, Canada’s interests in developing its foreign policy toward Kosovo were humanitarian and regional stability considerations. These were shared with the rest of its NATO allies. Thus, on the surface, it would seem that Canada and its NATO allies had similar concerns during the decision-making process around Kosovo. Digging deeper, an analysis of the primary sources available suggests that Canada did, in fact, have additional and unique considerations during the Kosovo crisis, namely national unity. This analysis amply illustrates the close interconnection between domestic issues and Canadian foreign policy. During the Kosovo War, Canada had to balance sovereignty sensitivities with humanitarian concerns. From the first time Kosovo was mentioned in Parliament on 18 November 1991 to the end of the Kosovo War on 11 June 1999, Canadian parliamentarians attempted to distinguish what Canada’s views on Kosovo were. Historians have likewise been occupied with the same task: distinguishing the Canadian contribution and position. Like the parliamentarians, not one of the Canadian historians who has written on the topic has questioned the official government version of what motivated Canada’s policy in Kosovo. They all credit a combination of humanitarian and regional concerns. Therefore, there was consensus at the time, and has been since, about what motivated Canada’s policy toward Kosovo. However, an analysis of the primary sources reveals that Canada did in fact have an additional and unique consideration during the Kosovo crisis: national unity. Canada’s domestic national unity issue influenced Canadian foreign policy toward Kosovo at every stage.
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Silander, Daniel, and John Janzekovitz. "State-Building and Democracy: Prosperity, Representation and Security in Kosovo." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 14, no. 1 (November 1, 2012): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10223-012-0053-1.

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The traditional assumption of the state sovereignty norm has been that an international society of states will structure the international order to safeguard the interests of the state. The end of the Cold War era transformed international relations and led to a discussion on how states interacted with their populations. From the early 1990s, research on international relations, war and peace, and security studies identified the growing problem of failing states. Such states are increasingly unable to implement the core functions that define the sovereignty norms. This article explores the state-building process of Kosovo with a focus on the political road taken from independence in February 2008 to the challenges Kosovo faces today. Kosovo still has substantial issues to address regarding core state functions in the development of prosperity, popular representation and security.
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Bellamy, Alex J. "Kosovo and the Advent of Sovereignty as Responsibility." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 3, no. 2 (June 2009): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502970902829952.

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Suny, Ronald Grigor, and Vicken Cheterian. "Making states and breaking states: Kosovo and the Caucasus in 2008: Introduction." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 5 (September 2012): 657–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.707461.

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Two events in 2008 shaped the political map of the Caucasus: the West's decision on the independence of Kosovo and the Russo-Georgian War. First, on 17 February, Kosovo authorities unilaterally declared the independence of what was at the time a UN protectorate. This declaration enjoyed much support in the West, including near-immediate recognition by key states such as the US, Germany, France, the UK, and a dozen others. But it also faced strong opposition from Serbia and Russia and strong skepticism from prowestern countries such as Georgia. Russia opposed not only the Kosovo declaration itself but more importantly the western adoption of it. From the Russian perspective, by supporting Kosovo's accession to sovereignty western states were violating the rules set at the moment of collapse of the federal states of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union: to invite the former union republics to join the international clubs of sovereign states, but not extend such invitation to any other sub-units. In other words, Azerbaijan, Croatia, Kazakhstan, and Russia became members of the United Nations, but sub-entities like Chechnya, Kosovo, or Tatarstan did not receive the same recognition.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Sovereignty – Kosovo"

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Heinze, Eric Alan. "Human Rights in the Discourse on Sovereignty: The United States, Russia and NATO's Intervention in Kosovo." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42444.

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The concept of sovereignty has been a contestable idea throughout history, and its meaning has oftentimes transformed to reflect prevailing systemic conditions and political priorities of major actors in each historical period. In this study, I argue that the social construction of state sovereignty is at the beginning stages of another major redefinition. In an era of globalization and regional integration, discourse on sovereignty has become increasingly prolific as the rhetoric of sovereignty moves away from Westphalian principles that were based exclusively on the agency of independent states. Furthermore, multinational campaigns to promote international human rights engender a discourse that suggests the idea of sovereignty is changing. Does this emerging discourse confirm the growing legitimacy of humanitarian intervention, or is it merely a discursive trend in international relations that does not indicate significant change in state perception and behavior? The purpose of this work is to address this question.
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Smyrek, Daniel Sven. "Internationally administered territories - international protectorates? : an analysis of sovereignty over internationally administered territories with special reference to the legal status of post-war Kosovo /." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/504128809.pdf.

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MARUSICH, BLANCARTE DE GRGIC Paola. "Kosovo's juridical status." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/17296.

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Pedersen, Trenter Ejner. "Mythical Horizons and Liminality: Discourses of Kosovo’s Sovereignty." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23853.

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Despite the frequency of use amongst scholars of IR, myth remains largely a term of colloquiality. However, this paper aims to argue that as a distinct temporal and normative structure within discourse, it is a powerful tool for understanding the ways in which narratives give meaning to political phenomena, not just by describing how they are, but how they ought to be. To explain the function of myth, a case study of Kosovo has been conducted. Much scholarly debate on the nature of internationally contested states exists, but we will make the argument that Kosovo is best understood as a being in a state of liminality, due to the conflicting nature of its political structures and foreign intervention. By joining the theory discourse of Laclau and Mouffe, with insights from psychoanalysis we suggest a framework for analysing the distinct nature of political myths. The utopian horizons of myth spell out two antagonistic narratives of sovereignty in Kosovo: one of European integration and market liberalisation, and one of unification with Albania.
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Suzuki, Natalia Sayuri. "Unmik: sobre o papel de representação das operações de paz e sua produção de legitimidade." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-06042016-162218/.

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A partir da década de 1990, a abordagem das operações de paz sofreu transformações em campo, uma vez que passaram a se envolver com atividades de reconstrução de Estados (statebuilding), que haviam sido destruídos por conflitos internos. Dessa forma, o seu grau de intervenção em âmbito doméstico se ampliou, desafiando a noção de soberania territorial e o princípio de não intervenção. A UNMIK é uma operação de paz desse tipo, mas é a mais ousada por ter assumido uma administração interina em Kosovo, ex-província iugoslava. Essa intervenção internacional foi justificada pela proteção dos direitos humanos da comunidade albanesa, maioria da população de Kosovo, que havia sido massacrada por uma política de limpeza étnica entre 1998 e 1999, perpetrada por Slobodan Milosevic. Do momento de sua implementação (1999) à independência autodeclarada do território (2008), a UNMIK desempenhou papel de representante local ao ocupar espaços dos poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário de Kosovo e, ao mesmo tempo, foi emissária da comunidade internacional para manutenção da paz e da segurança internacional nessa zona de conflito. O seu principal objetivo era estabelecer um Estado de Direito por meio da democratização das estruturas de governo e da liberalização do mercado. Até hoje, a operação de paz não se desvencilhou de suas atribuições governamentais, permanecendo ali por tempo indeterminado.
From the 1990s, the approach of the peacekeeping operations have changed in the field, once they started undertaking state building activities in war-torn states. In this way, their intervention level in the local dimension increased, challenging the notion of territorial sovereignty and the non-intervention principle. UNMIK is one of this kind of peacekeeping operation, but this is the most audacious one, once it was in charge of an interim administration in Kosovo, the former Yugoslav province. This international intervention was justified by the human rights protection of the Albanian community, the majority of the Kosovo population, who was massacred due to an ethnic cleansing policy between 1998 and 1999, undertaken by Slobodan Milosevic. From its implementation (1999) to the self-declared independence of the territory (2008), UNMIK had played a local representative role exercising Executive, Legislative and Judiciary powers in Kosovo and, at the same time, it was an emissary of international community for the maintenance of peace and international security in this zone of conflict. Its main goal was to establish the Rule of Law through the democratization of government structures and market liberalization. So far, the peacekeeping operation has not been able to pull itself away from its governmental duties, remaining there indefinitely.
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Smyrek, Daniel Sven [Verfasser]. "Internationally Administered Territories – International Protectorates? : An Analysis of Sovereignty over Internationally Administered Territories with Special Reference to the Legal Status of Post-War Kosovo. / Daniel Sven Smyrek." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1238351727/34.

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Potapkina, Viktoria. "Nation building in contested states." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666804.

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This thesis provides an overview of current nation building processes in contested states. With a specific focus on the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, and Kosovo, original data is presented, collected in English in a single work for the first time. The work presents an analysis and comparison of contested states from an internal perspective, looking at the processes that help legitimize such entities from within and creating support for their ongoing existence. The work strives to begin filling the gaps in available literature on contested states, as well as to contribute to the overall understanding of nation and state building, state formation and sovereignty. The goal of this work is to provide a new way of looking at the puzzle that contested states are by offering insight into the understanding of their ongoing existence.
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Weiß, Norman. "Daniel Sven Smyrek, Internationally administered territories : international protectorates? : an analysis of sovereignty over internationally administered territories with special reference to the legal status of post-war Kosovo [rezensiert von] Norman Weiß." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3784/.

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Rezensiertes Werk: Internationally administered territories - international protectorates? : an analysis of sovereignty over internationally administered territories with special reference to the legal status of post-war Kosovo / by Daniel Sven Smyrek. - Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2006. - 260 S.- (Tübinger Schriften zum internationalen und europäischen Recht ; 80) Zugl.: Tübingen, Univ., Diss., 2005 ISBN: 3-428-11948-7
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Culaj, Gjon. "La création d’une nouvelle nation au XXIème siècle : l’exemple du Kosovo de 1974 à 2008, au lendemain de l’éclatement de la Yougoslavie." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020074.

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Nombreux sont ceux qui pensent que la dissolution de la Yougoslavie commence et finit au Kosovo. Il s’agit d’une suite logique de l’éclatement yougoslave une fédération fragile composée des différentes nationalités. Province autonome sous l’ère de Tito de 1974 - 1989, le Kosovo avait des prérogatives similaires à une république. Le régime de Milosevic supprima cette autonomie déclenchant ainsi des violences et des tensions. Face aux incessantes violations de leurs droits fondamentaux, les Albanais du Kosovo ont d’abord opté pour une résistance pacifique, toutes en boycottant les institutions serbes et yougoslaves. Ils ont réussi à crée une véritable société parallèle, une sorte d’Etat dans l’Etat. Les guerres yougoslaves ont initié la création des nouveaux Etats, il s’agit d’un processus de redéfinition des identités nationales de l’ex-Yougoslavie qui met en relation plusieurs conceptions de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que la naissance d’un Etat du Kosovo peut amener la création d’une nouvelle Nation, cependant la création de cette nation suppose une conscience partagée et des circonstances politiques favorables. L’objectif de cette recherche était d’argumenter les causes de l’effondrement violent de l’ex-Yougoslavie et de tirer les enseignements d’une accession mouvementée et parfois tragique du Kosovo à l’indépendance et consistait aussi à analyser les difficultés, pour une société composite et fragmentée, d’accéder au XXIème siècle à la souveraineté nationale. Il ressort de cette thèse que la cause principale de l’effondrement violent de l’ancienne Yougoslavie était le programme national serbe qui cherchait à créer la Grande Serbie et que l’indépendance du Kosovo, au lendemain de la désintégration yougoslave, était la seule solution possible qui pouvait assurer la paix et la stabilité dans la région
Many people believe that the dissolution of Yugoslavia begins and ends in Kosovo. This is a logical continuation of the Yugoslav breakup a fragile federation composed of various nationalities. Autonomous province under the Tito’s era of 1974 - 1989, Kosovo had similar powers to a republic. Milosevic 's regime abolished Kosovo’s autonomy triggering violence and tensions. Faced with constant violations of their human rights, Kosovo Albanians opted for a peaceful resistance, all by boycotting Serbian and Yugoslav institutions. They managed to create a real parallel society, a kind of State in the State. The Yugoslav wars initiated the creation of new States, it is a process of redefining of the national identities of the former Yugoslavia which connects several conceptions of nation and citizenship. There are good reasons to belive that the birth of Kosovo State can cause the creation of a new nation, however, the creation of this nation requires a shared awareness and favorable political circumstances. This thesis aims to argue the causes of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia and to learn of a turbulent and sometimes tragic accession of Kosovo to independence and also to analyze the challenge and difficulties for a composite and fragmented society, to access in the 21st century to national sovereignty. This research showed that the main cause of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia was the Serbian national program that sought to create a Greater Serbia and that Kosovo's independence after the disintegration of Yougoslavia was the only possible solution that could ensure peace and stability in the region
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Battaglia, Antonia. "Du droit des peuples non étatiques à se constituer en Etat souverain." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210207.

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La présente thèse veut fonder le droit moral à faire sécession, en analysant le principe de souveraineté nationale, le concept de peuple, celui de nation et de nationalisme, pour arriver à considérer la sécession en tant que phénomène inévitable suivant la dissolution de l'Etat en tant que principe absolu, et en tant que conséquence parfois souhaitable dans les conflits inter-ethniques qui n'arrivent pas à être résolus. Notre point de vue ne sera pas celui de qui veut forcer une minorité ou un groupe à demeurer dans une situation de status quo, afin de ne pas déranger les équilibres politiques internationaux ou de ne pas trahir le principe de la souveraineté d’un État sur son territoire ou celui de la non-ingérence. Nous aurons plutôt à cœur d’établir la réalité des faits derrière le mouvement sécessionniste, pour garantir au peuple demandeur de sécession une impartialité de traitement et l’avènement de meilleures conditions de vie pour sa population. Nos considérations seront pragmatiques, réalistes, marginalisant les fondements de droit international comme le principe de non-ingérence et le respect de la souveraineté étatique ainsi que les considérations d’ordre politique et stratégique.

Ce qui nous intéresse est la fondation d’un droit moral qui puisse se révéler capital dans la résolution de conflits et crises interethniques, et qui puisse faciliter les prises de décisions dans les crises sécessionnistes – quand la sécession en cours sera justifiable – pour aboutir à la création d’un nouvel État pour des raisons biens fondées, raisons qui n’ont pas pu être accommodées à travers des instruments tels quels l’octroi de droits spéciaux, les tentatives de pacification, la cohabitation forcée, l’autonomie, le fédéralisme.

Les événements qui portent une minorité ou un groupe national à contempler une solution sécessionniste sont en général marqués par une tension politique plus ou moins forte, des problèmes d’ordre social ou économique, parfois des violations de droits collectifs ou, pire, des conflits armés, violence de masse, génocide. Ce n’est jamais, ou seulement dans de très rares cas, une situation de bien-être qui génère une demande d’indépendance, et ce sera donc avec une encore plus grande humanité et de sentiments d’impartialité et de bienveillance qu’on devra considérer la situation en question.

Le droit à faire sécession existe parce qu’il appartient à chaque peuple de pouvoir se donner l’organisation politique et juridique de son choix. La référence juridique ne tournera plus autour des droits de l’homme (les droits fondamentaux des individus) mais autour des droits des gens (les droits fondamentaux des peuples) :ce droit, dans lequel ont cru aussi des philosophes comme Walzer, Livingstone, Boykin et Sandel, est une priorité éthique très forte pour la communauté internationale. C’est un droit fondamental et inaliénable, et comme tel il appartient à la sphère de la praxis humaine qui a à faire avec le comportement social, l’organisation politique et l’action civile pour une meilleure survie anthropologique du groupe.

La norme qui devrait sanctionner la fondation du droit moral à faire sécession est l’application effective du droit des peuples à choisir librement leur organisation politique et à poursuivre leur développement économique, social et culturel. Cette norme est reconnue à l’article 1er du Pacte international sur les droits politiques et civils, et à l’article 55 de la Charte des Nations Unies. Mais notre interprétation est très utopiste et elle se place très loin de la pratique de la politique internationale, qui veut voir dans le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples la seule autodétermination politique des peuples avec un État national bien défini :ce magnifique droit collectif est ainsi réduit à la seule possibilité de choisir son régime politique par les élections.


Doctorat en Philosophie
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Books on the topic "Sovereignty – Kosovo"

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From Kosovo to Kabul: Human rights and international intervention. London: Pluto Press, 2002.

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1949-, Ramet Sabrina P., and Lyon Philip, eds. Sovereign law vs. sovereign nation: The cases of Kosovo and Montenegro. Trondheim, Norway: Norwegian University of Science and Technology, 2002.

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Kosovo i Metohija: Četiri pravno-politička eseja. Beograd: Pravni fakultet, 2013.

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Das Kosovo-Gutachten des IGH vom 22. Juli 2010. Leiden: M. Nijhoff Pub., 2012.

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Smyrek, Daniel Sven. Internationally administered territories--international protectorates?: An analysis of sovereignty over internationally administered territories with special reference to the legal status of post-war Kosovo. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2006.

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Kosovo and international law: The ICJ advisory opinion of 22 July 2010. Leiden: M. Nijhoff Publishers, 2012.

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State sovereignity and intervention: A discourse analysis of interventionary and non-interventionary practices in Kosovo and Algeria. New York: Routledge, 2006.

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Summers, James. Kosovo - a precedent?: The declaration of independence, the advisory opinion and implications for statehood, self-determination and minority rights. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2011.

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Çejku, Arben. Sovraniteti versus integriteti: Prapaskenat e dialogut dhe sfida e pajtimit mes Kosovës dhe Serbisë 2005-2020 = Sovereignty versus integrity : the inside story behind the challenges of the Kosovo-Serbia reconciliation (2005-2020). Tiranë: Onufri, 2020.

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Rakić, Branko M. Srbija pred svetskim sudom: Povodom zahteva za davanje savetodavnog mišljenja Međunarodnog suda pravde o legalnosti proglašenja nazavisnosti Kosova. Beograd: Pravni Fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Sovereignty – Kosovo"

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Hehir, Aidan. "International Law, Sovereignty and Humanitarian Intervention." In Humanitarian Intervention after Kosovo, 13–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230584105_2.

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Hehir, Aidan. "Conclusion: Sovereignty, Human Rights and the Integrity of International Law." In Humanitarian Intervention after Kosovo, 145–54. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230584105_8.

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Thakur, Ramesh. "Rwanda, Kosovo and the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty *." In Reviewing the Responsibility to Protect, 61–77. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351016797-5.

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Zaum, Dominik. "Statebuilding in Kosovo." In The Sovereignty Paradox, 127–68. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0005.

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"Chapter 3 From Province to Protectorate to State: Sovereignty Lost, Sovereignty Gained?" In Kosovo: A Precedent?, 87–108. Brill | Nijhoff, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047429432_004.

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"5. Kosovo: The Denial of Sovereignty." In Bombs for Peace, 329–80. Amsterdam University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9789048519675-007.

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Christian, Tomuschat. "Yugoslavia’s Damaged Sovereignty over the Province of Kosovo." In State, Sovereignty, and International Governance, 323–47. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245383.003.0014.

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"Chapter 4 A Contemporary Interpretation of the Principles of Sovereignty, Territorial Integrity and Self-Determination, and the Kosovo Conundrum." In Kosovo: A Precedent?, 109–41. Brill | Nijhoff, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047429432_005.

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Knoll, Bernhard. "The Kosovo Status Process and the Prospect of Sovereignty." In OSCE Yearbook 2008, 121–60. Nomos, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845213866-121.

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"Forcible Humanitarian Action: The Case of Kosovo." In Redefining Sovereignty: the Use of Force After the End of the Cold War, 277–333. Brill | Nijhoff, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004479210_017.

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Conference papers on the topic "Sovereignty – Kosovo"

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Demelezi, Imri, and János Vos. "Reflections about food security and sovereignty: marshalling action steps for its resilience in Kosovo." In University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo: University for Business and Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2018.187.

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Beqaj, Belul. "Invited Speaker - Basilio G. Monteiro- Immigration, Ethnicity and Citizenship: Re-thinking Sovereignty "Reflection on ideology confusion of Kosovo’s political parties in media”." In University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo: University for Business and Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2017.207.

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Reports on the topic "Sovereignty – Kosovo"

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Gillingham, Dvaid. Kosovo: A Critical Analysis of Sovereignty and International Relations. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada377957.

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Werthan, Benjamin. Collective Intervention: An Analysis of the political Issues regarding Secession, Self-Determination, and Sovereignty in the Republic of Kosovo. Portland State University Library, January 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/honors.216.

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