Relevant bibliographies by topics / Sovereignty – European Union countries

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Academic literature on the topic 'Sovereignty – European Union countries'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Sovereignty – European Union countries"

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Irimia, Ana Irina. "The European Union and Minorities." Scientific Bulletin 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0021.

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Abstract We are currently in the process of making a Europe where the elements of national sovereignty will be narrowed through the sharing of sovereignty and for collective security. Another trend in the field was that of regionalization of the importance and implications of this issue, explicitly or implicitly considered as belonging to Central and Eastern Europe. Such an assessment neglects the significance of a number of factors pertaining to the historical and political developments has on the matter, particularly regarding economic development of Central and Eastern Europe areas, and that the conflictual degeneration of perceiving ethnical, cultural and regional otherness is not a phenomenon which affects this space alone, but also the West. In contradiction with this point of view, some foreign experts in the field say it is a social reality that discrimination and intolerance connected to religion and ethnicity can be found in all meetings of the world and in countries with different economic development phases.
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Zavalna, Zhanna, and Mykola Starynskyi. "CONTRACTUAL DELEGATION OF SOVEREIGNTY IN SUPRANATIONAL ENTITIES." Global Prosperity 2, no. 1 (July 25, 2021): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46489/gpj.2021-1-2-5.

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The article analyses the agreement basis for state sovereignty as established and implemented in the European Union. The research aims to study the agreement-based regulation used by the EU Member States to create a stable position of Ukraine on its way to becoming a member of the European Union. The research allowed finding out that the member states do not transfer their powers in their economic and social fields but only delegate them. The analysis of the treaties concerning the establishment and functioning of the European Union proves the existence of specific organisational and legal intervention measures that the countries agree to when joining the treaty union. The agreement-based rearrangement of powers between the EU and its member states lets the latter obtain their special legal personalities regarding the conclusion of agreements among themselves and at the same time preserve complete economic sovereignty in their relations with the countries that are not member states of the EU. When joining the European Union, its member states voluntarily and on a negotiable basis agree to certain restrictions and prohibitions binding in their economy. Furthermore, the EC Treaty provides for the improved protection of interests for the economic community as compared with the protection of national interests of the member states though it is not excluded that the latter can be taken into consideration when adopting the national laws of a member state to the EU legislation.
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Beloff, Lord. "Amery on the Constitution: Britain and the European Union." Government and Opposition 33, no. 2 (April 1998): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00788.x.

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IT WAS ASSUMED BY AMERY THAT THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION WAS AN important topic for study and something which might require further reform, because with the rest of his generation he took it for granted that the Constitution was itself wholly under the control of the British people through their indigenous institutions. Parliamentary sovereignty could only be understood in the light of sovereignty in the sense of political independence. At the time he was writing the importance of this basic concept had been reinforced by recent experience. Many European countries had lost their sovereignty through the imposition of German rule and had only had it restored to them by a massive military effort in which Britain had played no mean part. In their turn, the victorious allies had deprived Germany of its sovereignty and were through the occupation regimes starting on a path which it was hoped would lead, as indeed it did, to a Germany purged of the Nazi virus.
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Yakoviyk, Ivan, Yevhen Bilousov, and Kateryna Yefremova. "EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AS A CHALLENGE FOR THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ECONOMIC STATE SOVEREIGNTY." Access to Justice in Eastern Europe 5, no. 3 (August 13, 2022): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33327/ajee-18-5.2-a000330.

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One of the most significant modern examples of political and economic integration for Ukraine is the EU, given the plan for European integration. In gaining membership in this integration entity, states face the issue of delegating their powers to the Union. The issue of modification of state sovereignty in the context of the EU’s relations with member states and candidate countries for EU membership is acute, which raises concerns about the forced restrictions on their state economic sovereignty. The methodological basis of the study are such general-science and special methods as historical-legal, dialectical, comparative-legal, and others. The historical-legal method was used to study the genesis of the content of the legal categories of ‘economic sovereignty’, ‘sovereign debt’, and the stages of European integration. The usage of the dialectical method provided a comprehensive study of the process of forming EU economic policy, as well as defining the ratio between the categories of ‘economic sovereignty restriction’ and ‘restriction of sovereign economic rights of the state’. By using the comparative-legal method, the paper reveals the specifics of the approaches of individual states to the legal regulation of relations to ensure economic sovereignty and economic security of the state. The study, based on the experience of the new EU member states, has shown that European integration as a whole contributes to changing the volume of sovereign powers of states during the implementation of economic state sovereignty. However, the authors conclude that such a process is twofold: on the one hand, factors that objectively reduce the economic sovereignty of countries through the delegation of their sovereign rights are increasing, and, on the other, most states voluntarily and consciously accept such restrictions to obtain economic, political, and social benefits.
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Casas-Cortes, Maribel, Sebastian Cobarrubias, and John Pickles. "CHANGING BORDERS, RETHINKING SOVEREIGNTY: TOWARDS A RIGHT TO MIGRATE." REMHU : Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana 23, no. 44 (June 2015): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1980-85852503880004404.

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Abstract The intervention of European Union border authorities in countries of Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe has shown how the European state “border” has been displaced from its national moorings and externalized across the territories of neighboring states. Our research examines the outsourcing of the southern European Union border, focusing on the case of Spain and its relationship with Morocco and countries of Western Africa. In this paper we describe the development and implementation of this strategy of migration management, signaling implications of border externalization from the point of geopolitics and legality, including a suggestive call to reclaim the legal tradition of the Right to Migrate.
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Sicakkan, Hakan G. "Political Asylum and Sovereignty-Sharing in Europe." Government and Opposition 43, no. 2 (2008): 206–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00253.x.

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AbstractIn focusing on the relationships between asylum recognition rates and the different institutional arrangements through which European states share or preserve their sovereignty, this article seeks to show how sovereignty-sharing affects the right to political asylum in practice. After a qualitative overview of variations in sovereignty-sharing forms, the article presents the results from a multiple regression analysis of the relationship between legal and institutional frames of asylum decision-making in 17 West European countries (EU-15, Norway and Switzerland) and the asylum recognition rates in these countries. The article ends with a brief assessment of the significance of the results for a potential policy change in the European Union.
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Körner, Finn Marten, and Hans-Michael Trautwein. "Rating sovereign debt in a monetary union – original sin by transnational governance." Journal of Risk Finance 16, no. 3 (May 18, 2015): 253–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jrf-11-2014-0171.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to test the hypothesis that major credit rating agencies (CRAs) have been inconsistent in assessing the implications of monetary union membership for sovereign risks. It is frequently argued that CRAs have acted procyclically in their rating of sovereign debt in the European Monetary Union (EMU), underestimating sovereign risk in the early years and over-rating the lack of national monetary sovereignty since the onset of the Eurozone debt crisis. Yet, there is little direct evidence for this so far. While CRAs are quite explicit about their risk assessments concerning public debt that is denominated in foreign currency, the same cannot be said about their treatment of sovereign debt issued in the currency of a monetary union. Design/methodology/approach – While CRAs are quite explicit about their risk assessments concerning public debt that is denominated in foreign currency, the same cannot be said about their treatment of sovereign debt issued in the currency of a monetary union. This paper examines the major CRAs’ methodologies for rating sovereign debt and test their sovereign credit ratings for a monetary union bonus in good times and a malus, akin to the “original sin” problem of emerging market countries, in bad times. Findings – Using a newly compiled dataset of quarterly sovereign bond ratings from 1990 until 2012, the panel regression estimation results find strong evidence that EMU countries received a rating bonus on euro-denominated debt before the European debt crisis and a large penalty after 2010. Practical implications – The crisis has brought to light that EMU countries’ euro-denominated debt may not be considered as local currency debt from a rating perspective after all. Originality/value – In addition to quantifying the local currency bonus and malus, this paper shows the fundamental problem of rating sovereign debt of monetary union members and provide approaches to estimating it over time.
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Agiakloglou, Christos, and Emmanouil Deligiannakis. "Sovereign risk evaluation for European Union countries." Journal of International Money and Finance 103 (May 2020): 102117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jimonfin.2019.102117.

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Forte, Francesco. "The European Union building from Public Choice to Ordo, Röpke’s and Einaudi’s ideas of Europe." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 35, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569120x15847229936986.

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The first part the article deals with the Public Choice approach to the European Union as a club of sovereign states that decide to share, without losing sovereignty, some segment of their public goods and related power under the subsidiarity principle. It also deals with Ordo, Röpke’s and Einaudi’s liberal third way between historical capitalism and a competitive market economy, with – at its centre – the people and the civitas humana. The second part presents the dualistic performances of the main countries of the euro area, building on the analysis of eight parameters for the period 2013–18, and discusses the incompleteness of the institutional construct of the European Union. The third part discusses potential solutions to these problems in the light of Ordo, Einaudi’s and Röpke’s ideas of Europe.
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Castleberry, Douglas, Balasundram Maniam, and Geetha Subramaniam. "The Euro And The European Debt Crisis." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 13, no. 1 (December 31, 2013): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v13i1.8360.

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This paper studies the history of the Euro leading up to its inception, what happened after the Euro was introduced into circulation and implications for its future. The Euro was set up to accommodate a unified currency while preserving sovereignty among nations who, less than a century ago, were mortal enemies. Preserving sovereignty weakened the ability to respond to crisis by design, and it wasnt long before the limits of the European Monetary Union were tested after a series of financial crisis threatened the very existence of the Euro. The Euro held together, yet the inability of the European Central Bank to assist member nations control subsequent debt following the financial crisis may wound the ability of the Euro to replace the dollar as the dominant world currency or even prove fatal. Greece is on the verge of collapse, and is so entangled with other Euro nations; a systemic domino effect will occur should any of the troubled member Eurozone nations collapse uncontrollably. Three options remain for the European Monetary Union, banding together and preserving the currency, grossly indebted countries exiting to preserve the health of countries which are more fiscally responsible, or the Euro may land inconsequentially between success and failure, never challenging the power of the dollar as the dominant world currency.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Sovereignty – European Union countries"

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Anastasiou, Michaelangelo. "Globalization; But Under What conditions? -- The Case of the E.U." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/432.

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The present study explores the relationship between trust placed in national institutions and opinion of globalization. A secondary data analysis is conducted using data collected by the European Commission in a 2004 Eurobarometer survey of European Union (EU) citizens on various issues regarding the EU, globalization and national challenges. A prominent theme in the literature is that, in recent times, globalization has had the effect of compromising the sovereignty of nation-states. This has generated a backlash of nationalistic attitudes wherein globalization is posited in opposition to the nation-state. This surge in nationalism has reinforced a culture wherein any external force that has the capacity to compromise or merely challenge national sovereignty is deemed undesirable. The EU represents a unique response to the phenomenon of globalization. It is the only economic bloc that attempts to manage globalization and mitigate its negative effects through the promotion of a free market system that is actively reinforced by political and social transnational unity. By assessing EU citizens' opinion of globalization and its relation to national attachment, one can investigate whether in living in a system of shared national sovereignty, which attempts to actively manage globalization, one experiences globalization not as an external invasive force, but as an integral component of the nation-state.
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Juma, Nyabinda Richard. "An Inquiry into the Compatibility of the Demo-Conditionality with State Sovereignty in International law : With Special Focus on The European Union and the African, the Caribbean and the Pacific Countries Relations." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-136109.

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This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law.  From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African,  Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.
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Blikstad, Nicholas Maguns Deleuse 1985. "O projeto de integração europeu e a crise da zona do euro (2007-2013)." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/286396.

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Orientador: Giuliano Contento de Oliveira
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T23:38:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Blikstad_NicholasMagunsDeleuse_M.pdf: 2418684 bytes, checksum: d8b98bbe49c4a2141d314bf67f99c71c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
Resumo: Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar a crise da zona do euro (2007-2013) à luz do processo de integração europeu do pós-guerra e da teoria econômica ortodoxa que embasou e legitimou a forma de constituição da zona do euro. Em relação ao processo de integração, o trabalho enfatiza cinco fatores: 1) mudança das motivações; 2) consolidação da liderança alemã; 3) como as diversas etapas de integração impactaram na coordenação de políticas econômicas; 4) inserção do bloco no sistema monetário e financeiro internacional em cada período; e 5) constituição de um bloco com países heterogêneos. Argumenta-se que a evolução do processo de integração, resultando na constituição de uma união monetária, em 1999, ocorreu sob influência da teoria econômica ortodoxa, com o Novo Consenso Macroeconômico e a Hipótese dos Mercados Eficientes, além dos efeitos dessas teorias para as modificações da teoria das Áreas Monetárias Ótimas. Nesse sentido, sustenta-se que a institucionalidade da zona do euro, em um contexto de livre movimentação de capitais, resultou em problemas estruturais que permitiram: 1) a evolução dos desequilíbrios internos ao bloco, no período de expansão econômica (2000-2007), entre centro e periferia (PIIGS); 2) o aprofundamento e transformação da crise, a partir de 2010, com a crise dos títulos soberanos dos PIIGS; e 3) o prolongamento da crise, devido às recomendações realizadas pelas autoridades europeias. Defende-se, assim, que a crise da zona do euro é o resultado dessa dinâmica e que os países centrais possuem um papel essencial para sua determinação. Dessa forma, as causas da crise da zona do euro devem ser buscadas nos problemas estruturais do bloco, com a evolução de suas assimetrias internas e das dificuldades que a institucionalidade do euro impôs para a adoção de políticas econômicas autônomas, especialmente de caráter anticíclico. Para isso, será utilizado o referencial teórico keynesiano e pós-keynesiano, evidenciando a importância da incerteza, das expectativas e do comportamento dos bancos nesse processo
Abstract: This paper seeks to analyze the eurozone crisis (2007-2013) in the light of the European integration process and orthodox economic theory that contributed to legitimate the form of the constitution of the euro area. Regarding the integration process, the paper emphasizes five factors: 1) change in the motivations; 2) consolidation of the German leadership; 3) how the different integration steps impacted in the coordination of the economic policies; 4) insertion of the region in the international monetary and financial system in each period; and 5) establishment of a monetary union with heterogeneous countries. It is argued that the evolution of the integration process, resulting in the formation of a monetary union in 1999, occurred under the influence of orthodox economic theory, with the New Consensus Macroeconomic and the Efficient Market Hypothesis, in addition of the effects of these theories to the modifications of the theory of Optimal Currency Area. In this sense, the overall goal of the dissertation is to show that the institutions of the euro area, in a context of free movement of capital, resulted in structural problems that allowed: 1) development of internal imbalances, between center and periphery (PIIGS), in the economic expansion period (2000-2007); 2) deepening and transformation of the crisis, from 2010, with the crisis of sovereign bonds in the PIIGS; and 3) prolonging the crisis, due to recommendations made by the European authorities. It is argued, therefore, that the eurozone crisis is the result of this dynamic and those central countries has a key role in its determination. In this sense, the causes of the eurozone crisis must be sought in the structural problems of the monetary union, in the performance of its internal imbalances and the difficulties that the institutions of the euro imposed for the adoption of autonomous economic policies, especially countercyclical ones. For this, a theoretical framework of Keynesian and post-Keynesian nature will be used, highlighting the importance of uncertainty and bank behavior
Mestrado
Teoria Economica
Mestre em Ciências Econômicas
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Deleixhe, Martin. "Contribution à une théorie démocratique du contrôle des frontières: de la tension entre la souveraineté populaire et les droits de l'homme à la frontière de la communauté politique européenne." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209585.

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A de nombreuses reprises, l’Union européenne a inscrit explicitement les principes de la démocratie et de l’Etat de droit au centre de son projet politique. L’ambition de cette thèse de doctorat est de problématiser l’affirmation selon laquelle l’application lors du passage de la frontière, ou suite à un passage irrégulier de la frontière, de mesures coercitives à des ressortissants de pays tiers est compatible avec ces principes. La question théorique centrale à laquelle nous répondrons est la suivante : la mise en place aux frontières d’une entité politique d’une série d’activités de contrôle, de sélection et, in fine, d’expulsion s’inscrit-elle dans la logique démocratique de l’autogouvernement collectif ou vient-elle heurter les principes qui s’y rattachent ? Plus précisément, le contrôle unilatéral des frontières est-il justifié d’un point de vue démocratique du fait qu’il relève de l’exercice de la souveraineté populaire entendue comme contrôle d’un territoire par un peuple circonscrit ? Ou bien la théorie démocratique doit-elle inclure dans l’élaboration d’un régime frontalier tous ceux qui, membres ou non-membres de la communauté politique, sont affectés par le mode de contrôle adopté ?
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Keitch, Raymond John. "Politics of sovereignty : Britain and European Monetary Union." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2111/.

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The thesis examines the interrelationship between conceptions of British sovereignty and European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). The central argument advanced is that the multiple discourses of sovereignty generated in the political debate have been a key influence in understanding British government policy on EMU. Before 1997 both Conservative government policy and Labour opposition policy on EMU was marked by an overall "wait and see" approach and a referendum commitment. After 1997 there was a divergence between the "Yes subject to economic tests" policy of the Labour government and the "No for two Parliaments" policy of the Conservative opposition. The multiple discourses of sovereignty focused on the locus of sovereignty (executive, parliamentary or popular) and the divisibility of sovereignty (pooling, differentiated or absolutist). These discourses taken together influenced policy in a number of identifiable ways. Initial chapters outline the epistemological approach of discourse analysis, the interpretation of sovereignty as a social construct and the serious challenges of EMU to British conceptions of sovereignty. The relationships between the discourses of sovereignty and government policy on EMU are examined in the political debate from the Maastricht ratification process in 1992/3 to the aftermath of the European election of 1999. Five arguments are advanced. Firstly, the discourses of sovereignty reinforced the cautious "wait and see" policy. Secondly, sovereignty was a key component of Conservative divisions, which influenced Conservative government policy (1992-1997). Thirdly, Conservative divisions, arguments on popular sovereignty, and reaction by the Labour opposition fostered the referendum commitment by both major parties. Fourthly, the referendum commitment itself strongly influenced Labour government policy (1997-2001). Finally, the alternative discourses of pooling and absolutist sovereignty between the two major parties prefigured the 1997 policy divergence. Other factors influencing government policy on EMU are considered. The conclusion stresses the key influence of the multiple discourses of sovereignty.
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Rasco, Clark Joseph. "Demographic trends in the European Union : political and strategic implicaitons /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FRasco.pdf.

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Li, Xin. "European identity, a case study." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.

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Krasniuk, S. O. "Adult learning technologies in the European Union countries." Thesis, Київський національний університет технологій та дизайну, 2018. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/10707.

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Beetz, Jan P. "Popular sovereignty in Europe." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/17653.

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This thesis proposes a realist analysis of the contemporary concept of popular sovereignty in its ability to make sense of the EU's legitimacy. Drawing upon Bernard Williams' political thought, a conception of legitimacy should make sense of hierarchical rule as a desirable civic order from within its own historical circumstances at the normative level. In addition, it should offer realistic guidance to political agents, meaning that its political fictions must therefore acquire a certain degree of practical resonance in order to act as heuristic tools. The modern concept of popular sovereignty sets appropriate criteria of legitimacy based upon the bonds created between citizens. Through a genealogical inquiry, I reconstruct conceptions of popular sovereignty which underpin defences of the EU's output, democratic, and identitarian legitimacy from canonical arguments. These justifications of the state consider the people as beneficiaries of security and economic prosperity, as a self-governing demos, and as a cultural nation, respectively. I propose a realist vindication of this multi-faceted conception of popular sovereignty at the normative level, because these different conceptions complement one another in making sense of the sovereign state's legitimacy. The thesis then discusses how the political fictions of the people could simultaneously make sense within the European polity. In short, the citizens of Europe's polities have become part of the normative systems which create judicial-economic, civic-democratic, and socio-cultural relationships within the territorial borders of the European states. In addition, the centralisation of decision-making power and implementation resources has given plausibility to the political fiction of sovereignty. European integration has, however, resulted in a reconfiguration of these normative systems and restructuring of power into a two-tier political order. In this novel context, a realist vindication of the contemporary conception of popular sovereignty is no longer possible. The thesis concludes by suggesting that a demoicratic reconceptualisation of popular sovereignty offers a constructive way to make sense of the EU's legitimacy.
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Slapin, Jonathan B. "Institutional design in the European Union how governments negotiated the Treaty of Amsterdam /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1459915981&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Books on the topic "Sovereignty – European Union countries"

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Michael, Newman. Democracy, sovereignty and the European Union. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996.

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1979-, Adler-Nissen Rebecca, and Gammeltoft-Hansen Thomas, eds. Sovereignty games: Instrumentalizing state sovereignty in Europe and beyond. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

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1960-, Walker Neil, ed. Sovereignty in transition. Oxford: Hart, 2003.

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European integration and postcolonial sovereignty games: The EU overseas countries and territories. New York: Routledge, 2013.

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Stetter, Stephan. EU foreign and interior policies: Cross-pillar politics and the social construction of sovereignty. New York, NY: Routledge, 2007.

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Die Souveränität der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und die Integration der Europäischen Gemeinschaft: Konsequenzen der deutschen Vereinigung für eine künftige Europäische Union im Spiegel der EG-Entwicklung von 1957 bis 1992. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1994.

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National constitutional identity and European integration. Cambridge: Intersentia, 2013.

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The reception of asylum seekers under international law: Between sovereignty and equality. Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2014.

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The EU- Russia strategic partnership: The limits of post-sovereignty in international relations. London: Routledge, 2010.

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Jones, RobertA. The Soviet concept of 'Limited sovereignty' from Lenin to Gorbachev: The Brezhnev doctrine. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Sovereignty – European Union countries"

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Muraviov, Viktor. "The Supranational Character of the European Union Associations with Third Countries." In Limitations of National Sovereignty through European Integration, 183–97. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-7471-0_11.

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Alexopoulou, Ioana, Irina Bunda, and Annalisa Ferrando. "Sovereign Bond Spreads in the New European Union Countries." In Sovereign Debt, 335–44. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118267073.ch37.

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Kley, Florian K., and Holger Lengfeld. "Is There an East–West Divide over European Solidarity? Comparing European Citizens’ Attitudes Towards Cross-Border Solidarity 2016." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 81–108. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_4.

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Abstract The Euro and sovereign debt crises since 2008, as well as the following Great Recession, have challenged the strength of European solidarity between EU citizens and member states. This chapter analyses the strength of European solidarity within East Central Europe and other European countries in two dimensions: citizens’ willingness to support indebted European countries financially (European fiscal solidarity) and their willingness to reduce welfare differences among EU member states (European territorial solidarity). The analyses are based on a comparative survey conducted in 13 European countries in 2016. Results show that citizens displayed a notably high level of European solidarity in both dimensions. While ECE countries showed slightly lower approval rates for European fiscal solidarity, their demand for European territorial solidarity is average. However, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland do not form a unique cluster standing out on these topics, making further policies of European integration possible.
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Martin, Ciaran. "Geopolitics and Digital Sovereignty." In Perspectives on Digital Humanism, 227–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86144-5_30.

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AbstractThe geopolitical dialogue about technology has, for a quarter of a century, essentially revolved around a single technological ecosystem built by the American private sector. An assumption took hold that, over time, clearer “rules of the road” for this digital domain would take hold. But progress toward this has been surprisingly slow; we sometimes refer to “grey zone” activity, because the rules, insofar as they exist, are fuzzy.In the meantime, the digital climate is changing. China’s technological ambitions are not to compete on the American-built, free, open Internet, but to design and build a completely new, more authoritarian system to supplant it. This is forcing a bifurcation of the Internet, and organizations like the European Union and countries across the world have to rethink whether the regulation of American technology is really where the focus should be, rather than working with the USA to contest China’s ambitions.
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Celeste, Edoardo, and Federico Fabbrini. "Competing Jurisdictions: Data Privacy Across the Borders." In Palgrave Studies in Digital Business & Enabling Technologies, 43–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54660-1_3.

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Abstract Borderless cloud computing technologies are exacerbating tensions between European and other existing regulatory models for data privacy. On the one hand, in the European Union (EU), a series of data localisation initiatives are emerging with the objective of preserving Europe’s digital sovereignty, guaranteeing the respect of EU fundamental rights and preventing foreign law enforcement and intelligence agencies from accessing personal data. On the other hand, foreign countries are unilaterally adopting legislation requiring national corporations to disclose data stored in Europe, in this way bypassing jurisdictional boundaries grounded on physical data location. The chapter investigates this twofold dynamic by focusing particularly on the current friction between the EU data protection approach and the data privacy model of the United States (US) in the field of cloud computing.
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Poli, Eleonora. "European Economic Governance and Rising Sovereignism." In Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 241–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_15.

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AbstractEuropeans have experienced a variety of challenges in recent years. The rise of sovereignism is one of them. Against this backdrop, this chapter analyses the link between the economic crises and the development of right-wing populist parties. It assesses that while the European economic governance, through a set of mechanisms and institutions, acquired a renovated economic and financial equilibrium, it failed to deal with other salient imbalances concerning wage and fiscal policies across European Union (EU) member countries allowing sovereign parties to gain more legitimacy.
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Fontana, Olimpia. "Tra solidarietà europea e responsabilità nazionali: la tutela dei beni pubblici europei." In Studi e saggi, 143–62. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-591-2.09.

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The theme of solidarity between European Union (EU) member states lies at the heart of the European integration process itself, in the context of an ongoing tension between the renunciation of national sovereignty, driven by a drive for cooperation, and the maintenance of prerogatives of strategic interest to states. In fact, the EU was born from the decision of its members to pool selected aspects of their sovereignty, in a process whose evolution is expressed both in the choice of community policies and in the availability and methods of financing those policies. These are two sides of the same coin, that of the Community budget, which is the operational instrument that supports and accompanies the major steps in the EU's evolutionary process. Indeed, since the 1980s, the Community budget has represented the instrument capable of holding together on the one hand the process of economic liberalisation and on the other the objective of social integration between countries that had different starting conditions. However, cooperation and solidarity are aspects that need to be strengthened today, albeit in new dimensions. The financial crisis has brought about a new acceleration in the coordination of national fiscal policies, without, however, generating the missing piece to European economic policy, namely an autonomous fiscal capacity, endowed with taxation power, on which a full fiscal union would be based.
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Davidson, Ian D. "Sovereignty." In European Monetary Union: The Kingsdown Enquiry, 83–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24825-4_16.

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Eppler, Annegret. "European Union." In The Forum of Federations Handbook of Federal Countries 2020, 147–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42088-8_12.

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Pemberton, Jo-Anne. "The European Union: Sovereignty in the Twilight Zone." In Sovereignty: Interpretations, 166–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230581944_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Sovereignty – European Union countries"

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Aanstoos, Ted A. "Management Challenges in Emerging European Union Eco-Standards." In ASME 2004 Power Conference. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/power2004-52115.

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The European Union is 450 million citizens in 25 otherwise sovereign countries, but connected in a multinational federal metastate that claims a combined economy in excess of $9 trillion (US), making it one of the world’s largest economies. As a community faced with massive decontamination and re-industrialization from devastating wars, Europe places due emphasis on issues of environmental sustainability and pollution prevention. Under broad policy guidelines of the New Approach and Integrated Product Planning frameworks, the European Commission is drafting legislation that will mandate eco-standards for all energized end-use equipment for sale in the internal market. These proposed standards may raise controversy in many industry sectors and international arenas (including within Europe itself) because they may not be based on sound and accepted scientific analysis, because they may constitute a de-facto violation at least in spirit of the Technical Barriers to Trade Agreement, and because nobody can yet predict their cost impact and other market effect. Compliance with these emerging energy efficiency regulations will impose considerable management requirements on manufacturers as they devise documentation and certification programs for their products that are likely to be of a scope similar to ISO 14000. This paper assesses the new requirements from a product and design management perspective.
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Nagy, Péter Artúr. "Effects of the Global Financial Crisis on the V4." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2020.proc.7.

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The aim of the research is to explore the development of trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their major Western European partners since accession to the European Union. The topic is currently an important one, as the Visegrád region is highly dependent on Western European countries, especially in the area of foreign trade. The research analyzed how the 2008-2009 global economic crisis and the subsequent sovereign debt crisis in Europe affected these trade relationships, i.e. did it cause significant changes in levels of relationship and/or trends. To answer this question, this paper used a time-series analysis method called Interrupted Time Series Analysis. As a result, statistically significant changes in the level and trend of foreign trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their Western European partners were detected. Finally, a more detailed breakdown of product groups also revealed which product groups are most responsible for slowing down the growth of trade relations.
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Uslu, Kamil. "The Evaluation of the Energy Resources of Exclusive Economic Zones in Eastern Mediterranean." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02348.

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The Eastern Mediterranean has attracted new attention on the gas potential in the world. In fact, overseas research in the eastern Mediterranean waters began in the late 1960s with a number of wells opened by Belpetco. With the overseas production of the region in recent years, it has entered the world agenda. However, these discoveries have triggered additional conflicts between the states on the establishment of sovereign rights and the limitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In 2009, a large amount of energy was produced in the Eastern Mediterranean Region. The resulting supply, economic line in the westward movement, between Cyprus and Turkey, Turkey would reach out to EU countries. Arish-Ashkelon, which supplies gas to Israel, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, has been identified as a pipeline. The other line is the Arab Gas Pipeline. The cooperation with the implementation of the line was met and accepted. But the Syrian civil war has postponed this view for now. When Cyprus joined the EU in 2004, the Sea of Levantine made the European Union a sea border for all practical purposes. In the early 2000s, Cyprus and Turkey's EU membership expectancy, could boost optimism about the possibility of a breakthrough. Turkey should not be admitted to the EU has prevented the solution of the Cyprus problem. Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and made clear that the agreement with the International Exclusive Economic Zone reached 200 Mile limits. The energy source derived from the region, the future of both Turkey and the TRNC will be able to improve the economic well-being. Thus, will contribute to peace in the region.
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Macerinskiene, Irena. "INTANGIBLES ASSESSMENT IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b24/s7.050.

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Dudaitė, Jolita, Rūta Dačiulytė, and Jolanta Navickaitė. "LIFELONG LEARNING SITUATION IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In 14th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2021.1679.

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Cikes, N., J. Dudler, F. Lioté, DE Bax, and NDS Bax. "THU0596 Rheumatology specialty training in european union countries." In Annual European Congress of Rheumatology, 14–17 June, 2017. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and European League Against Rheumatism, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2017-eular.3314.

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Bir iakova, Na a., Jana Stavkova, and Veronika Anto ova. "Income Poverty in Selected Countries of the European Union." In 2013 International Conference on the Modern Development of Humanities and Social Science. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mdhss-13.2013.124.

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Albu, Angela. "CORRELATION BETWEEN INNOVATION AND COMPETITIVENESS IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.3/s04.066.

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Kocisova, Kristina, and Martina Pastyriková. "DETERMINANTS OF NON-PERFORMING LOANS IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In 13th Economics & Finance Virtual Conference, Prague. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/efc.2020.013.005.

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Eren, Miraç, and Selahattin Kaynak. "Analysis of Innovation Performances of European Union Member Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01852.

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Together with the transition from the industrial society to the information society, Innovation at the forefront of the countries' development arguments has strategic significance for companies, industries, and countries and it is emerging as the main element of being in the market. Also, Innovation has vital importance in determining the policies of countries because of increasing social welfare and living standards of individuals. Countries having effective innovation policies and systems are rapidly advancing in the development race. Even in countries with low innovation performance, demand for innovative products and services are high. According to the Lisbon Strategy, it is important to know the innovation performances of the member countries of the European Union, which see the innovation as the basic element of economic growth, and to measure their activities. For these reasons, the purpose of this research is to analyze the innovation performances of the EU member countries. So, Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) to measure the performance of each member country against the other member countries in the group consisting of European Union countries was considered. Therefore, the variables that are used in determining the level of innovation of the member states of the European Commission were respectively considered as Input Variables (Human Research, Research Systems, Finance, and Support) and Output Variables (Innovators, Economic effects). Tone (2001)'s Slack-Based Model and Lotfi & Poursakhi (2012)'s dynamic DEA Model was considered together to measure the efficiency of the countries in few periods instead of a single period.
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Reports on the topic "Sovereignty – European Union countries"

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Tomás, Inês, and Ricardo Barradas. Household indebtedness in the European Union countries: Going beyond the mainstream interpretation. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2021.03.

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Carbo-Valverde, Santiago, Edward Kane, and Francisco Rodriguez-Fernandez. Evidence of Differences in the Effectiveness of Safety-Net Management in European Union Countries. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13782.

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Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.

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This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.
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Barradas, Ricardo. Drivers of private consumption in the era of financialisation: new evidence for the European Union countries. DINAMIA'CET-IUL, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2017.04.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Finance-growth nexus in the age of financialisation: An empirical reassessment for the European Union countries. DINAMIA-CET IUL, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2018.07.

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.

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The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
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Sheridan, Anne, and Sarah Groarke. Trends in migration to Ireland of nationals of countries with visa liberalisation agreements with the European Union. ESRI, August 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat75.

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.

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This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.
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Barradas, Ricardo. Financialisation and the fall in the labour share: a panel data econometric analysis for the european union countries. DINAMIA'CET-IUL, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2017.02.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Why has labour productivity slowed down in the era of financialisation? Insights from the post-Keynesians for the European Union countries. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2022.03.

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This paper employs a panel data econometric approach in order to empirically ascertain the role of the phenomenon of financialisation in the deceleration of labour productivity in the European Union (EU) countries from 1980 to 2019. During that time, the EU countries suffered a huge structural transformation based on Reaganomics and Thatcherism and their financial systems have experienced strong liberalisation and deregulation, which have contributed to poor evolution of labour productivity and have revived fears around a new ‘secular stagnation’ in the era of financialisation. Grounded in post-Keynesian literature, the slowdown of labour productivity in the majority of developed economies in the last decades cannot be separated from the phenomenon of financialisation, which has occurred through four different channels, namely the weak economic performance, the decline in the labour income share, the increase in personal income inequality, and strengthening of the degree of financialisation. Our findings confirm that lagged labour productivity, economic performance, and labour income share have a positive impact on labour productivity in the EU countries, while personal income inequality and the degree of financialisation impact it negatively. Our findings also reveal that labour productivity in the EU countries in the last decades would have grown more if there had been a stronger economic performance, a smaller decline (or even a rise) of the labour income share, a smaller increase (or even a decrease) of personal income inequality, and a weakening of the degree of financialisation.
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