Journal articles on the topic 'Sovereignty – Denmark'
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1
Jacobsen, Marc. "Greenland’s Arctic advantage: Articulations, acts and appearances of sovereignty games." Cooperation and Conflict 55, no. 2 (October 23, 2019): 170–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836719882476.
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Greenland representatives successfully use the renewed international geostrategic interest in the Arctic to enhance Greenland’s foreign policy sovereignty. This is facilitated by Denmark’s dependence on Greenland’s geographic location and continuous membership of the Danish Realm for maintaining the status of an Arctic state, which recently has become one of the five most important security and foreign policy priorities. The dependency gives Greenland an ‘Arctic advantage’ in negotiations with Denmark, while turning circumpolar events into strategic arenas for sovereignty games in the aim to move the boundary of what Greenland may do internationally without Danish involvement. This article analyzes how these games unfold in the Arctic Council, at the high-level Ilulissat meetings and at circumpolar conferences where Greenland representatives articulate, act and appear more foreign policy sovereignty through outspoken discontent, tacit gestures and symbolic alterations. Altogether, this contributes to the expanding of Greenland’s foreign policy room for maneuver within the current legal frameworks, while enhancing Greenland’s international status and attracting external investments, important in their striving towards becoming a state with full formal Westphalian sovereignty.
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Knapp, Jeffrey. "Hamlet and the Sovereignty of Reasons." Review of Politics 78, no. 4 (2016): 645–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467051600053x.
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AbstractWhy does Shakespeare link the psychological disintegration of Hamlet with the political disintegration of Denmark? This essay answers that question by comparing Shakespeare's tragedy to his later history plays, which foreshadow the “antic” Prince Hamlet in the “frantic” King Richard II and the “madcap” Prince Hal. All of these plays insist that a monarch pays a heavy price for claiming that he represents and even embodies the people he rules: he comes to feel internally divided, multiplicitous, populous. But the plays also cast doubt on the ability of the people to achieve any greater coherence as a sovereign power. ThroughHenry VandHamletin particular, Shakespeare offers the theater as a model of powersharingamong diverse forces: not only the monarch and the people, but also the actors, the audience, and the author.
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Holten, Birgitte. "Brazil's Early Nineteenth-Century Policy Towards Denmark and Sweden, 1808–1831." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021550.
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Brazil's active foreign policy tradition dates from the beginning of its existence as an independent state in the early nineteenth century. More than the former Spanish colonies in Latin America, Brazil considered the international recognition of its sovereignty an important goal. Therefore, Brazil demonstrated in the 1820s a great interest in the establishment of diplomatic relations and the negotiation of commercial treaties with the European nations and the United States.
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Xhelilaj, Ermal, and Kristofor Lapa. "Territorial Claims in North Polar Maritime Zone in View of International Security." Transactions on Maritime Science 11, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 278–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7225/toms.v11.n01.021.
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The main feature of the political relations, developed among the coastal states with strong interests over the North Pole region and the Arctic Ocean, have been the frequent interstate disputes over the last fifty years, as well as the efforts of these Arctic states during this period to cooperate in so that the sovereignty and sovereign rights of each coastal state over this region turn into a common benefit for the entire international community. Consequently, sovereignty and sovereign rights are considered fundamental factors for interstate relations in the Arctic Ocean region, for which coastal states have historically been willing to engage in political or military conflicts. The Arctic Ocean, including North Pole maritime region, is governed by customary international law and the law of the sea, which are largely represented by UNCLOS (1982) and the Geneva Conventions on the Law of the Sea (1958). Four Arctic coastal states, Canada, Norway, Denmark, and Russia have ratified these international conventions, while the US accepts its main provisions as norms of customary international law, but is also in the process of ratifying UNCLOS. The purpose of this article is to analyze and discuss the legal, practical, and political situation regarding the delimitation of maritime zones in the North Pole region and the Arctic Ocean, addressing interstate disputes over the major economic, strategic and geopolitical interests of this maritime area in the context of international security.
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Rebhan, Christian. "National identity politics and postcolonial sovereignty games: Greenland, Denmark, and the European Union." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 26, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2018.1429231.
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Svåsand, Lars. "Party Sovereignty and Citizen Control.Selecting Candidates for Parliamentary. Elections in Denmark, Finland, Iceland and Norway." Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning 45, no. 01 (February 24, 2004): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-291x-2004-01-07.
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Gammeltoft-Hansen, Thomas, and Sune Klinge. "Arctic Asylum." Nordic Journal of International Law 91, no. 1 (February 22, 2022): 148–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-91010007.
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Abstract This article examines the regulation and rights of refugees and other foreigners in independent, overseas and other not fully sovereign territories. It analyses two Nordic cases, Greenland and Svalbard. Greenland is an autonomous territory within the Kingdom of Denmark, and Svalbard an unincorporated area subject to Norwegian sovereignty through the 1920 Spitsbergen Treaty. Unlike their parent states, both territories remain outside the Schengen Area. As this article highlights, both territories are subject to distinct regulatory frameworks in respect to asylum-seekers and refugees. While the number of asylum-seekers or refugees in each place is so far very limited, the regulatory differences nonetheless raise principled questions both from a rights-based perspective and at the more theoretical level. As this article argues, Greenland and Svalbard both exemplify how international law and late sovereign constructions may themselves provide for an unmooring of asylum and refugee rights within the ordinary statist framework. The effects in each case are multi-directional. On the one hand, the legal frameworks pertaining to these arctic territories provide for significantly more liberal rules in terms of access to asylum and immigration control. On the other hand, these legal bifurcations serve to upend the ordinary Nordic social contract and welfare rights owed to refugees and other aliens.
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Dawes, Peter R., and Tapani Tukiainen. "Hans Ø, celebrated island of Nares Strait between Greenland and Canada: from dog-sledge to satellite mapping." Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland (GEUS) Bulletin 15 (July 10, 2008): 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.34194/geusb.v15.5049.
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Hans Ø – or Tartupaluk to the indigenous population of North-West Greenland – is a small steeply sided island in Nares Strait at c. 80°50´N. Charted in 1871 and named after Greenlander Hans Hendrik, it is one of five limestone islands forming an integral part of the Greenland Silurian succession. Rising less than 170 m above normally ice-infested waters, the 1.25 km2 island is physiographically far oversha d owed by nearby Franklin Ø (Fig. 1). The island’s notoriety results from its placing more or less equidistant between the coasts of Kennedy Channel on the political boundary between Greenland and Canada. For 40 years the rocky patch has been the subject of a dispute be tween the Danish/Greenland and Canadian governments regarding sovereignty rights, an issue that remains unresolved. However, there is mutual understanding between Ca nada and Denmark that “since the question of sovereignty over the island has not yet been solved no action should be taken by either side which might prejudge the settlement of the issue” (Brückner 1984). Formally, this remains the position today.
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Kubiak, Krzysztof. "Ziemia Eryka Rudego. Duńsko-norweski spór o terytoria na wschodzie Grenlandii." Studia Scandinavica 24, no. 4 (December 2, 2020): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/ss.2020.24.08.
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Eric The Red’s Land cannot be found on contemporary maps. There are not many older cartographic publications in which such an area would be marked either. They were published in only one country, Norway, and for a limited time. This was the result of the territorial claims that Norway reported to parts of eastern Greenland. To locate the area in geographical space, the name of Eric The Red’s Land was used (Norwegian: Eirik Raudes Land). Norwegian claims to East Greenland met the strong opposition of Denmark. In the interwar period, it seemed that the verdict of the Permanent International Court of Justice in The Hague, adopted in 1933 and recognizing Denmark’s sovereignty over all of Greenland, had ended the dispute. However, during World War II, Norway raised the issue of the possession of eastern Greenland again. This happened at a time when both Nordic countries were occupied by Germany. The cooperation with Germany undertaken by “Arctic expansionists” ultimately intersected with Norwegian ambitions in the eastern part of Greenland.
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Heymann, Matthias, Henrik Knudsen, Maiken L. Lolck, Henry Nielsen, Kristian H. Nielsen, and Christopher J. Ries. "Exploring Greenland: Science and Technology in Cold War Settings." Scientia Canadensis 33, no. 2 (October 19, 2011): 11–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1006149ar.
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This paper explores a vacant spot in the Cold War history of science: the development of research activities in the physical environmental sciences and in nuclear science and technology in Greenland. In the post-war period, scientific exploration of the polar areas became a strategically important element in American and Soviet defence policy. Particularly geophysical fields like meteorology, geology, seismology, oceanography, and others profited greatly from military interest. While Denmark maintained formal sovereignty over Greenland, research activities were strongly dominated by U.S. military interests. This paper sets out to summarize the limited current state of knowledge about activities in the environmental physical sciences in Greenland and their entanglement with military, geopolitical, and colonial interests of both the USA and Denmark. We describe geophysical research in the Cold War in Greenland as a multidimensional colonial endeavour. In a period of decolonization after World War II, Greenland, being a Danish colony, became additionally colonized by the American military. Concurrently, in a period of emerging scientific internationalism, the U.S. military “colonized” geophysical research in the Arctic, which increasingly became subject to military directions, culture, and rules.
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Reeh, Niels. "Towards a New Approach to Secularization: Religion, Education and the State in Denmark, 1721—1900." Social Compass 56, no. 2 (May 27, 2009): 179–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768609103352.
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The author attempts to develop a new approach to the process of secularization. It is argued that the existing theories of secularization have failed to pay sufficient attention to the state. Here, the state is regarded as an actor with interests among which the maintenance of sovereignty vis-à-vis other states is vital. The author has analysed Danish state policies with regard to the teaching of religion in elementary schools from 1700 onwards. The founding of schools in the early 18th century was crucial to the establishment of the “Sacred Canopy”, since schools were almost exclusively devoted to the teaching of religion. These schools had a primarily military purpose. From the 18th century onwards the teaching of religion in Denmark changed according to the external relations of the state and state bodies, i.e. on the primary or vital interests of the state.
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Villadsen, Kaspar. "I Assure You, We Have the Strictest Alien Act Possible!" Qui Parle 29, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 145–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10418385-8241934.
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Abstract This essay tells the story of how Denmark transformed from a very welcoming and tolerant country to one whose prime ministers reassure its residents, “We have the strictest Alien Act possible.” The approach is genealogical, following Michel Foucault, and the empirical focal point is Danish immigration policies as they evolved from the late 1960s until today. This development culminates in the emergence of the “restrictionist policy paradigm,” which associates immigrants with risks like economic burdens, high unemployment levels, crimes, undemocratic attitudes, and the development of ghettos. From the perspective of the welfare project, the immigrants became “risky” as they were profiled in terms of their higher probability of developing suboptimal or dysfunctional behaviors that endanger the welfare state. The Danish experience is analyzed from a broader thesis on the welfare state as caught up between welfarist universality, industrial-capitalist expansion, and sovereign territoriality. Drawing on Foucault’s work, these different logics of statehood are analyzed as evolving constellations of law, discipline, and security. Danish immigration policy mutates over time so that policies of security premised on free circulation gradually give way to discipline and legal sovereignty that block, filter, and segregate immigrants. Alongside this movement toward territorial enclosure, the discursive construction of the immigrant changes fundamentally.
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Larsen, Bárður, and Kári á Rógvi. "A New Faroese Constitution? – Faroe Islands between Parliamentary Sovereignty and Sub-Sovereign Constitutionalism, between Statutory Positivism and Pragmatic Reasoning." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 4, no. 1 (2012): 341–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000097.
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Abstract The Bill for a Faroese Constitution [StjórnarskipanFøroya] submitted to Parliament [Løgtingið] on 6 March 2010, proposes a comprehensive Constitution for the Faroe Islands, for the first in history. This seems left somewhat on the late side, since the Faroes are an ancient polity with similar historic developments to Norway and Iceland, both of which got their full-bodied constitutions as sub-sovereign entities, in 1814 and 1874 respectively. Furthermore, few metropolitan powers should prima facie be more accommodating to sub-sovereign constitutions as Denmark, to whose Crown the Faroes have been associated, as she has historically recognised both an Icelandic constitution ‘besides’ and both a Common Constitution1 and EU quasifederal2 structure ‘above’ the Danish one. However, the same proud civil service that produced a beautiful construction of federation with the ‘Basic-Law on the Rights of Nationality’ of 1756 with its elaborate hierarchy of ‘Realms and Lands’ and ‘equivalents’ has perplexingly advised rather strongly against the proposed expression of popular sovereignty of the equivalent Nation of one of these Lands and the intended invitation to continue a long-standing peaceful plurality. In a Note of 2 June 2010, and a supplementary Note of 20 June 2011, the Danish Justice Ministry expressed the disgust of the Danish administrative establishment. The critique mostly focused on the supposed collision course with the Basic Law of the Danish Realm [groundless] and claimed that the Faroese Constitution would create considerable ‘doubt of a constitutional character.’ We argue that the issues raised do not follow from any convincing constitutional doctrine but are more ideological and based on an anti-pragmatic, a-historic and fundamentalist view of constitutional law, best categorised as late-late statutory positivism. As an alternative, we suggest the tradition of the Home Rule compact as a pragmatic and constructive disagreement that the Justice Ministry is about to abandon at its peril. Blocking the development of a living constitutional culture on the Faroe Islands will create tension that will be released somehow. The Ministry’s preoccupation with the proclamation that all power stems from the People of the Faroe Islands is at odds with the classic and almost trivial democratic notion of popular sovereignty. However, this is but the latest skirmish in a larger tragic and unnecessary campaign against realism and, indeed, reality that creates all sorts of problems for a small polity that needs to focus on principled solutions and gradual developments of the particulars of law in all fields.
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Cavell, Janice, and Jeff Noakes. "The origins of Canada's first Eastern Arctic Patrol, 1919–1922." Polar Record 45, no. 2 (April 2009): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247408007924.
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ABSTRACTIt is widely believed among historians that in 1920, the Danish explorer Knud Rasmussen and the Danish government challenged Canada's sovereignty over Ellesmere Island. This paper draws on a wide range of Canadian and British government files and private papers to contest this view. It demonstrates that Prime Minister Arthur Meighen and others in Ottawa were initially convinced by Vilhjalmur Stefansson that Denmark harboured territorial ambitions in the north, but most realised in the spring of 1921 that they had been mistaken. However, one civil servant, J. B. Harkin, stubbornly maintained his belief in the Danish threat. After Mackenzie King's Liberals came to power, Harkin was able to obtain a hearing for his views. It was largely due to Harkin's persistence that the first Eastern Arctic Patrol went north in 1922.
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Wawrzinek, Jennifer. "Hospitality and the Nation in Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Short Residence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark." Romantik: Journal for the Study of Romanticisms 3, no. 1 (March 4, 2016): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rom.v3i1.23257.
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<p>In the summer of 1795, when Mary Wollstonecraft journeyed to Scandinavia, she was disillusioned with human society and the possibility of meaningful relation with others. She had recently been in Paris, where she had seen many of her moderate revolutionary friends executed under Robespierre’s Reign of Terror, and by the time of her arrival in Scandinavia her unsatisfactory relationship with Gilbert Imlay was coming to an end. The book that resulted from this journey, A Short Residence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, is remarkable for its critique of sovereignty and the reification of difference inherent to the construction of national borders and the drives of commercial exchange. The article argues that Wollstonecraft insists upon openness to the people and cultures she encounters through configuring epistemology as a twin process of experiential contact and sceptical inquiry. This a process that remains inherently and necessarily ethical because it resists the structures of tyranny, domination, and control, which Wollstonecraft perceives to be afflicting late-eighteenth-century Europe, whilst simultaneously allowing for a re-conception of politics and justice according to the demands both of the present and the not-yet-formalised future.</p>
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Thomson, Erik. "The Dutch Miracle, Modified. Hugo Grotius's Mare Liberum, Commercial Governance and Imperial War in the Early-Seventeenth Century." Grotiana 30, no. 1 (2009): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016738309x12537002674367.
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AbstractThis paper examines the reception of Dutch commercial ideas and institutions in continental Europe during the first half of the seventeenth century. Using printed and archival sources from France, Sweden and Denmark, it argues that it is more useful to examine how statesmen and thinkers adapted Dutch material to different local circumstances and changing political conditions than to search for a mercantilist approach to political economy. Dutch arguments were particularly important, because they focused attentions upon the just and expedient relations between sovereignty and commerce. Replacing Hugo Grotius's Mare liberum in the contexts of the broader debate about the governance of commerce and of the politics of the Thirty Years War allows us to recover part of its further significance, for its polemical clarity allowed statesmen and scholars to refine more sharply their notion of commerce's relation to the state.
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Zhuravel, Valery. "THE PROBLEM OF ARCTIC DEVELOPMENT UNDER THE SANCTION PRESSURE ON RUSSIA." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220223240.
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The development of the Arctic region was strongly influenced by the international situation – on February 24, the Russian Federation launched a special military operation in Ukraine. The United States, Great Britain and the EU, a number of international and regional organisations condemned Russia’s actions and imposed extended sanctions against it in the areas of politics, economics (transport, finance, trade, defense industry, aviation) and scientific research, which also had regional consequences. The article analyses the manifestation of sanctions against the Russian Federation in the first 4 months of 2022, as well as the measures taken by the Russian government to ensure sovereignty, economic, and technological independence. The author pays special attention to the situation in the Arctic Council, in which Denmark, Iceland, Canada, Norway, the USA, Finland and Sweden refused to take part in all meetings held under the chairmanship of the Russian Federation and on its territory.
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Ackrén, Maria. "The Faroe Islands: Options for Independence." Island Studies Journal 1, no. 2 (2006): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24043/isj.195.
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The Faroe Islands are currently at a crossroads in their constitutional status. Discussions concerning changes in the current constitutional status are ongoing and several analyses about possible trajectories of future development are being proposed. Argued in a context of Faroese nationalism, this article tries to assess these trajectories in the future jurisdictional and political development of the Faroe Islands in terms of three possible scenarios: independence or full sovereignty (as is Iceland); a freely associated statehood (as are Niue and the Cook Islands in relation to New Zealand); or a confederation, probably involving changes at both the central level of the Danish state and the European Union level. This article argues that the most likely future development is that of a state in free association with Denmark. Meanwhile, island politics can change very quickly and the traditional cleavages in Faroese politics are liable to changing degrees of public support.
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Pharand, Donat. "Les problèmes de droit international de l’Arctique." Études internationales 20, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 131–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702464ar.
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The territorial sovereignty over Alaska, the Arctic islands of the Soviet Union, Svalbard, Greenland and the Canadian Arctic Archipelago poses no problem, but the continental shelf off those territories and islands has yet to be delimited between the five Arctic States: Alaska, the Soviet Union, Norway, Denmark and Canada. Beyond the continental shelf, the mineral resources of the deep sea-bed should normally form part of the common heritage of mankind, but their presence has not yet been determined. The Arctic Ocean, in spite of the permanent presence of ice, is subject to the freedoms of the seas. The straits of the Northeast Passage are internal waters of the Soviet Union, at least since the establishment of straight baselines in 1985 (presumably, under the Territorial Sea Convention to which the USSR is a Party) and, possibly before, by way of historic title. Under the Convention, a right of innocent passage would exist but not if they are historic waters. The waters of the Northwest Passage are internal waters of Canada since their enclosure by straight baselines in 1985, under customary international law, and no right of passage exists. The sovereignty of Arctic States extends to the air space above their territory, internal waters and territorial sea. There is no right of over flight above those areas, outside of the I.C.A.O. Conventions. The Arctic Ocean being a semi-enclosed sea, bordering States should cooperate under the new Law of the Sea Convention in the exploitation of the living resources, the protection of the marine environment and the conduct of scientific research. This cooperation could best be attained by the creation of an Arctic Basin Council composed of all Arctic States and, possibly, the Nordic countries.
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Tronch Pérez, Jesús. "Vindicating Pablo Avecilla’s Spanish ‘Imitation’ of Hamlet (1856)." Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, no. 25 (November 15, 2012): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/raei.2012.25.18.
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This essay examines Pablo Avecilla’s Hamlet, an ‘imitation’ of Shakespeare’s tragedy of the prince of Denmark published in 1856, both in its own terms and in the historical context of its publication. This Shakespearean adaptation has been negatively judged as preposterous and unworthy of comment, but it deserves to be approached as what it claimed to be, a free handling of the Shakespearean model, and as responding to its own cultural moment. Avecilla turns the Shakespearean sacrificial prince into a righteous sovereign that has kept the love of a lower-ranked lady and, by pursuing revenge, has successfully overthrown a dishonourable and corrupt ruler. This re-focusing of the Shakespearean plot and politics recalls the French neoclassical adaptation by J-F. Ducis in 1769. In fact, Avecilla seems to combine neoclassical form, which he advocated in his 1834 treatise Poesía trágica, with more Romantic traits at a time when playgoers demanded stronger sensations. As with Ducis’s Hamlet and its earliest translation-adaptations in Spanish at the turn of the century, the alterations from the Shakespearean model may be seen to have political resonances. Seen in the historical context of the so-called Progressive Biennium of 1854-1856, Avecilla’s emphasis on virtue and implicit approval of popular uprising led by an idolized authority is in tune with contemporary concerns for the right of the people and their leaders to rise up against immoral rule, with the Progressives’ support for both monarchy and national sovereignty, with their criticism of the corruption of conservative governments prior to the 1854 revolution, and with the role of ‘revolutionary’ generals such as O’Donnell and Espartero. This political interpretation is strengthened when Avecilla’s own political involvement in the Progressive programme is taken into account.
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Kristinsdóttir, Kristín María. "Líkami drengsins sem aldrei var til." Ritið 18, no. 2 (September 4, 2018): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/ritid.18.2.5.
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Moonstone: The Boy Who Never Was (Mánasteinn: Drengurinn sem aldrei var til, 2013) by Sjón tells of three eventful months in the life of Máni Steinn in the fall of 1918. In this short period the volcano Katla erupts, the Spanish flu rages and Iceland regains its sovereignty from Denmark. Building on Judith Butler’s, Mary Douglas’s and Michel Foucault’s theories regarding the body as a cultural construct, this article focuses on body discourse as presented in Moonstone. According to Douglas there is a direct link between boundaries of the body and boundaries of society. Everything that endangers the stability of society’s boundaries is considered social pollution. Foucault’s theory on panopticism likewise identifies surveillance and discipline of citizens’ bodies as means of maintaining society’s social structure. Because Máni Steinn is queer, his body is considered abnormal according to the period’s definitions on what constitutes a healthy and stable body. Aberrations from the „healthy“, heterosexual body creates divergence within society's fabric. To regain the appearance of a „pure“ society Máni needs to be hidden or banished from it. Yet the arrival of the Spanish flu to Reykjavík deconstructs conventional definition of the body and unravels the social hierarchy. The distinction between the healthy and the infected is obliterated, as the body becomes a site where irreconcilable opposites merge. During the turmoil of the Spanish flu boundaries of the body become as unstable as society's boundaries become fluent.
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Noël, Émile. "The Single European Act." Government and Opposition 24, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1989.tb00103.x.
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THIS ARTICLE' PUTS FORWARD SOME GENERAL reflections on the Single European Act, on the conditions in which it was negotiated and on its first consequences. But a detailed description of the modalities of the Single Act, of the entire range of changes which it will introduce and of its potential would be beyond its scope. The Single Act has been extremely controversial, during its negotiation, after its conclusion, and for different reasons, during the ratification process. Some decried it as inadequate, even derisory, but others saw in it a threat to national sovereignty. Two referendums (in Denmark and in Ireland) were needed before it could be ratified. Today, on the contrary, the Single Act and its best-known feature — the achievement of the internal market in the Community by the end of 1992 — are presented in the media as the basis of a new Europe, the foundation of all European policy. The Single European Act does not deserve so much honour, any more than it deserved the past indignity, but it contains important innovations, which might lead to significant changes in the behaviour of the institutions and in the way in which the Community itself will develop. This is what I shall try to put forward by recalling briefly first the background of the Single Act, describing the details of the negotiations and, lastly, by singling out some of the original features of the new Treaty.
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Karandasheva, V. Yu. "China’s Policy in Arctic region." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 1 (April 11, 2019): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-1-24-32.
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The article deals with the process of formation of China’s Arctic policy and mechanisms for its implementation. Till the end of the 1990s, Beijing was not interested in the Arctic region because of its geographical remoteness from China, as well as because of the lack of the necessary scientific and technological basis. The economic reforms of 1972 and the establishment of the Arctic Council in 1996 gave an impetus to the development of China’s policy in the Arctic. Since then, China has intensified its activities aimed at expanding the state’s presence in the region. Special attention is given to China’s policy document in the region ― a white paper titled “China’s Arctic Policy”. It is noted that this document was aimed at legitimizing China’s activities in the region.Despite the fact that the Arctic is not a priority region for Beijing, China is a prominent actor there. China’s attention to the Arctic is determined by economic factors, namely, by the possible development of the region’s resources, as well as its transport capacities, which can be used in the framework of the One Belt One Road Initiative.The article analyses China’s cooperation with the «Arctic five» countries and the position of the Arctic States towards intensifying Beijing’s activities in the region. China is promoting cooperation with Norway, Denmark and Iceland. despite the existing contradictions, it is noted that the Arctic states are interested, as Chinese investments play an important role in the development of the region. China has consistently stated the need for greater involvement of interested non-regional states in the multilateral management of the region, while respecting the sovereignty of the Arctic countries.
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Serdy, Andrew. "Reactions and Overreactions to the Russian Flag on the Seabed at the North Pole." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 1, no. 1 (2009): 499–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000025.
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Abstract Despite alarmist media reports and rhetoric from some who should know better, there is no cause for concern about Russian activities on the Arctic seabed. While the melting Arctic Ocean ice cover will have profound consequences for navigation, there is no reason for the resources regime of the continental shelf (including the part beyond 200 nautical miles from the baselines) to be affected, and whatever happens on the seabed will have no effect on sovereignty over the land. The gimmickry of the flag-planting aside, most of the criticism of Russian activities incorrectly assumes they depart from the established international legal framework. In fact they are a good example of compliance with the framework that will have the beneficial effect of contributing to legal certainty about jurisdictional boundaries. Under the rules in Article 76 of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea for establishing the outer limits of the continental shelf beyond 200 nautical miles, Russia and other coastal States are not making “claims” but merely technical submissions to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf on where the outer limits of their shelves run. The geological circumstances of the Lomonossov Ridge traversing the North Pole may well support the enclosure of at least part of it within Russia’s continental shelf, and possibly the same would apply to a submission by Denmark from the other (Greenland) end of the Ridge, which it has until 2014 to make. In practice, the distance of the central Arctic Ocean from markets, extreme conditions and high extraction costs make hydrocarbon exploitation there unlikely even at the high oil prices of mid-2008.
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Khorishko, Liliia. "POLAND'S ENERGY SECURITY IN THE CONTEXT OF EU ENVIRONMENTAL INITIATIVES." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 7, no. 4 (September 27, 2021): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2021-7-4-226-230.
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The current conditions of global development actualize the need for political actors to form a high level of energy security. It expands the state's ability to ensure the sustainability of economic development and the ability to withstand likely threats. The issue of energy security and sovereignty are key on the agenda of the EU, which seeks to implement a strategy of global leadership. The environmental modernization of the EU energy sector and each member state must comply with the main goal of «The European Green Deal», which is to reduce carbon emissions by 55% before 2030. The subject of the study is the substance and peculiarities of the formation of energy security in Poland. The aim of the study is to analyze the mechanisms of energy security of Poland in the context of EU environmental initiatives. Research methodology: systematic approach, method of analysis and comparison. The issue of energy security is recognized as key in achieving sustainable economic development in Poland. The content and basic principles of state energy security are presented in the National Security Strategy and detailed in the Energy Policy. Among the main directions of ecological modernization of the energy sector the following have been identified: efficient consumption of national energy resources; modernization of the energy sector and infrastructure; diversification of natural gas, oil, liquid fuel supplies; optimization of energy market functioning; construction of nuclear power plants; expansion of alternative energy sources; modernization of heating and co-generation energy systems; increasing energy efficiency. Polish officials have emphasized the need for a three-phase energy transition, involving a reduction in the production and use of coal, a gradual increase in the share of natural gas and the expansion of opportunities to use energy from alternative sources. The modernization of Poland's energy sector correlates with the implementation of «The European Green Deal» and other EU environmental initiatives. Energy sovereignty is secured through domestic and foreign financial assistance. The National Fund for Environmental Protection and Water Management of Poland attracts investments in environmental projects related to the development of geothermal energy and improvement of infrastructure energy efficiency. EU special funds (European Regional Development Fund/European Social Fund, Cohesion Fund, Just Transition Fund and Modernization Fund) provide funding for national or regional projects aimed at the comprehensive modernization of the Polish energy sector and the implementation of commitments to achieve climate neutrality. Poland pursues an active policy of cooperation in the energy sphere with other states – Denmark, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. Projects such as "Baltic Pipe" and "The Baltic Synchronisation Project" are in the active implementation phase. The results of the study: energy security is a key factor in the sustainability of economic development of Poland, the implementation of the modernization of the national energy complex correlates with the EU environmental initiatives, which contributes to the attraction of domestic and foreign investment, as well as the resources of public diplomacy.
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Irkhin, I. V. "The Main Scenarios for the Formation of Territorial Autonomies in the Modern World (Constitutional and Legal Aspect)." Lex Russica, no. 2 (February 1, 2019): 132–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.147.2.132-150.
Full textAbstract:
As part of the analysis of the practices of institutionalization of constitutional and legal status of territorial autonomies of Bolivia, Great Britain, Denmark, India, Indonesia, Canada, China, Moldova, Uzbekistan, Finland on the basis of the criteria and methods of their formation, it is indicated that there are two main scenarios. According to the first one, territorial autonomies are formed on the basis of international and national legal acts. The second scenario assumes the formation of autonomies based on national legal acts only.In the structure of the first scenario, territorial autonomies formed as a result of negotiations between the parties to the conflict (confrontation model) and in the Directive order (Directive model) are separated. In the structure of the second scenario, territorial autonomies established following the negotiations on the basis a peaceful compromise or as a result of confrontation (consensus and confrontation models), as well as autonomies formed unilaterally (policy model) are highlighted.The conceptual requirements for the successful institutionalization of territorial autonomy are as follows: the presence of rooted in society and the state traditions of democracy and the rule of law; the establishment of a real regime of internal self-government; limited material and financial resources and the resulting dependence on the state; the absence of disputes about sovereignty; clarity of the formal legal structure of the constitutional legal status; small population and the territory of autonomy. In this case, the structure and content of these requirements are very mobile, and therefore can be combined in different proportions with different specific gravity.Typical examples of the most stable territorial autonomies (in terms of territorial integrity and unity of the state), in which these conditions are present in different volumes, are the autonomies of Bolivia, the Aland Islands, the Faroe Islands, Hong Kong and Macao. This category can also include Karakalpakstan and Nunavut because of their total dependence on the support of national governments.In turn, the potential for the development of separatist tendencies remains in the UK (Scotland, Northern Ireland), India, Indonesia, China (Tibet), Moldova, and the Philippines.
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Zaikov, Konstantin S., and Nikolay A. Kondratov. "Features of the Arctic Policy of the United States and Canada and the Contribution of Their Northern Universities in Its Implementation." Arctic and North, no. 46 (March 25, 2022): 127–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/issn2221-2698.2022.46.127.
Full textAbstract:
The United States and Canada, along with Russia, Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Finland and Sweden, are the so-called "official" Arctic countries. In the 21st century, The United States and Canada have begun to implement national Arctic strategies and updated them. The accepted documents have both similarities and differences. The United States and Canada are active members of the Arctic Council and view it as a platform for negotiations on a wide range of issues related to the development of the Arctic. The United States has come a long way in the Arctic, including in terms of regulation. Unlike other Arctic countries, the United States has a minimal area of access to the Arctic Ocean, their strategy as a whole is turned “outward”. The first Canadian strategy for the development of the Northern Territories (2013) is addressed directly to the development of the northern periphery of the country, formulates tasks for its sustainable socio-economic development, the development of indigenous peoples, and the support of sovereignty. In 2019, the updated strategy presented already combined national and international goals for the development of the Arctic and the North. To advance national interests in the Arctic, the US and Canada have developed and funded a geographically, infrastructure, stakeholder, and thematically differentiated Arctic research policy in which higher education institutions play an important role and are used to reinforce their geopolitical aspirations. The purpose of the article is to characterize the features of the Arctic strategies of the USA and Canada, as well as to analyze the contribution of universities and colleges in Alaska (USA) and the northern territories and provinces of Canada to the implementation of research policy in the Far North and the Arctic. The practical significance of the paper is in the possibility of its use in the educational process, as well as for the analysis and updating of international aspects of research activities by universities in the Arctic zone of Russia.
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Романова, Вера. "To a question on the structure of the institute of legal responsibility of the state." Advances in Law Studies 5, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/20916.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the structure of the legal responsibility institute of the state. The article reveals the peculiarities of legal regulation of constitutional, civil and international legal responsibility of the state.
The features of the subinstitute of constitutional responsibility of the State, which aims to ensure the inviolability of the principles of democracy and supremacy of the Constitution, as well as to protect the rights and freedoms of man and citizen are being shown. The author analyzed foreign experience of legal regulation of the legal responsibility of the state. The history of the formation and functioning of the procedure for impeachment of the Institute in the following countries: United States, United Kingdom, Denmark, Norway and the Federal Republic of Germany are expounded.
Also considered are the basics of civil responsibility of the state. According to para. 2, Art. 8 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation in the Russian Federation it is recognized and protected equally private, state, municipal and other forms of property. Equal protection of all forms of property means, in particular, establishing the inadmissibility of any exception regarding the property responsibility for individual subjects, including the state. On this basis, we analyzed the concept of functional and absolute immunity of foreign states. The main provisions of both international law and the Federal Law of 11.03.2015, № 297-FZ "On the jurisdictional immunities of foreign States and property of a foreign state in the Russian Federation." are reviewed.
The features of subinstitute of international legal responsibility of the state are investigated. It is generally known that one of the fundamental principles of contemporary international law is sovereignty. However, this principle does not indicate a lack of interaction and interdependence of the state, since no state can exist and develop in isolation from the world community.
The article was supported by the Russian Foundation for Humanities, the project № 16-33-00017 «A comprehensive, interdisciplinary institute of legal responsibility: the concept, structure, relationships and place in the legal system".
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Hayward, John. "VIII. The Arnold Lulls Book of Jewels and the Court Jewellers of Queen Anne of Denmark." Archaeologia 108 (1986): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261340900011760.
Full textAbstract:
While few surviving jewels can be identified with any certainty as English work of the sixteenth or early seventeenth centuries, much descriptive evidence exists in the form of inventories and lists of gifts of jewels and plate exchanged between the sovereign and the courtiers each year on New Year's Day. A further fruitful source of information lies in the many contemporary portraits, those of ladies usually showing them with a lavish display of jewellery. Such jewels cannot, however, be claimed as certainly of English make; jewellery was an article of international commerce and much was imported.
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Sander, Heldur, and Toivo Meikar. "The Forests of Naissaare Island in 1297–1698 in relation to the development of the City of Tallinn, Estonia." Forestry Studies 74, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/fsmu-2021-0002.
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Abstract The article explores the development of the North Estonian city of Tallinn and the history of the forests on Naissaar, the greatest of the four offshore islands, in the 13th–17th century. In 1219, the northern part of Estonia was conquered by King of Denmark Waldemar II, who built a new stone citadel on the site of the former Estonian stronghold on the hill of Toompea. Under the sovereign rule of the King of Denmark, North Estonia became the Duchy of Estonia. Subsequently, the citadel developed into the settlement of Toompea, the seat of the governor and state authority, and the surrounding areas into the settlement of Tallinn. In 1248, Tallinn gained Lübeck city rights. King of Denmark Erik VI Menved’s law of 1297 granted the city of Tallinn and Toompea, i.e., the state, joint use of the insular forests. The law came to be interpreted as the beginning of nature conservation in Estonia, as it was the first law regulating forest use and users. Naissaare forest also served as a landmark for sea vessels. As the state did not interfere with the city’s affairs, the latter saw itself as the sole owner of Naissaare Island. Over the next four centuries, Tallinn exploited the Naissaare forests for various purposes. The city managed the forests with relative economy, but not without conflicts, as the provincial government also contended for the use of Naissaare. In 1689, the state asserted its rule over the islands by reduction. The city of Tallinn was forced to terminate the use of Naissaare forests, with the right of forest use reserved to the state.
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Garnier, Marie-Dominique. "I Stink, Therefore I Mink: A Manifesto." Word and Text - A Journal of Literary Studies and Linguistics 11 (2021) (December 2021): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.51865/jlsl.2021.06.
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The recent mass culling of mink in Denmark and elsewhere, following the animals’ contamination by a COVID-19 variant, is taken as a re-entry point into Derrida and Lacan’s mink-mediated conversation in The Beast and the Sovereign. Out of the etymological ‘stink’ attached to the mink emerges an animot gifted with (unlimited) ink, with a potential to disturb philosophies of language, to write back or strike back, as it has recently done in the form of alignments of dead yet resurfacing animals. In the wake of Derrida’s verbal disseminations around the vison, and of Lacan’s attribution of a ‘sort of language’ to the animal in The Formations of the Unconscious, this essay follows an animal pack with includes the 17 million mink programmed for (double) extinction by inhumation and cremation. A hauntology follows, adumbrated by Lacan’s interest in the ‘secretion’ of fur, mink oil and (psychoanalytic) sense, and by Derrida’s encounter with the neoliberal, crypto-vison Alain Minc in 1994.
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Szabó, Imre. "Trade unions and the sovereign power of the state. A comparative analysis of employer offensives in the Danish and Irish public sectors." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (March 25, 2018): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918762077.
Full textAbstract:
The changing composition of trade unions has far-reaching consequences for the relationship between unions and the polity. In particular, the concentration of trade union membership in the public sector – a process that has been taking place in most EU countries – implies a shift away from collective agreements towards legislation as the dominant way of managing employment relations. Pluralist models of collective bargaining assume a neutral, mediating role of the state, but in the public sector the state by definition acts as an employer as well. The state is equipped with the sovereign power to circumvent traditional bargaining agreements and force its will upon trade unions through legislation. The article investigates major bargaining disputes in Europe after 2008, focusing on two countries (Ireland and Denmark) that have different political environments and that, although affected differently by the financial crisis, underwent similar government interventions in labour relations. The findings suggest that a shift towards legislation is a tendency that affects all types of industrial relations systems.
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Bessudnov, Daniil Alexandrovich. "Genesis and transformation of Polish-Lithuanian sovereigns’ protectorship right over the Livonian confederation lands." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 144–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201764206.
Full textAbstract:
As known, from the end of the XV century Livonia became the object of close attention of the sovereigns As known, since the end of the XV century Livonia became the object of close attention of the sovereigns of Denmark, Sweden, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Crown of Poland and the Moscow State, who were attracted by its favorable strategic position, an important role in the international Baltic trade and rich land resources. However, the possibility of direct expansion by the Catholic states was limited by the status of Livonia as a crusading state, under the auspices of the two most influential political assemblies of Catholic Europe - the Pope and the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation. An interesting way to bypass this obstacle was used by the rulers of the Polish-Lithuanian state, who applied a special form of political expansion that did not violate or at least created an appearance of preserving the papal and imperial prerogatives, and at the same time allowed them to postulate themselves as their legitimate implementers. That was promoted by the ancient political and legal concept according to which they acted as protectors and conservators of the states of the Livonian Confederation. It emerged in the XIV century, but, however, it was fully in demand by the rulers of the Polish-Lithuanian state only in the XVI century, when Livonia became the main object of the battle for the Baltic and a very interesting problem is the historical roots and the modification of this political concept from the time of its appearance to its finalization.
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Pedersen, Lars Schreiber. "Dansk arkæologi i hagekorsets skygge 1933-1945." Kuml 54, no. 54 (October 20, 2005): 145–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v54i54.97314.
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Danish archaeology in the shadow of the swastika, 1933-1945 With Hitler’s takeover in 1933 and the emergence of the National Socialist regime, Prehistoric archaeology in Germany was strengthened, both on the economical and the scholarly level. Prehistoric archaeologists entered into a Faustian bargain with the new government, and arguing the presence of Germanic peoples outside the borders of the Third Reich, they legitimated the Nazi “Drang nach Osten”. With the Fuhrer’s lack of interest in German prehistory, the fight for control of this field became a matter between two organisations, the Ahnenerbe, which was attached to Heinrich Himmler’s SS, and the competing Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte under NSDAP’s chief ideologist, Alfred Rosenberg’s “Amt Rosenberg” (Figs. 1-2). When the Second World War broke out in 1939, Ahnenerbe appeared as winner of the fight over the German prehistory. However, the archaeological power struggles continued in the conquered territories until the end of the war.Immediately after the Nazi takeover in 1933, leading staff members of the Danish National Museum in Copenhagen, such as Mouritz Mackeprang, Poul Nørlund, and Johannes Brøndsted (Figs. 3-4) dissociated themselves from the political development south of the border. However, in the course of time, and in conformity with the official Danish accommodation policy towards Germany in the 1930s, the opposition changed their attitude into a more neutral policy of cultural adjustment towards Nazified German colleagues.The Danish government’s surrender on the 9th of April 1940 meant a continuing German recognition of Denmark as a sovereign state. From the German side, the communication with the Danish government was handled by the German ministry of foreign affairs in Berlin, and by the German legation in Copenhagen. Denmark was the sole occupied country under the domain of the ministry of foreign affairs, and from the beginning of the occupation it became a regular element in the policy of the ministry to prevent other political organs within the Nazi polycracy to gain influence in Denmark. Not until the appointment of SS-Gruppenfuhrer Werner Best (Fig. 5) as the German Reich Plenipotentiary in Denmark in November 1942, the SS and the Ahnenerbe got an opportunity to secure their influence in Denmark. However, due to the chilly attitude in the Danish population towards the German culture propaganda, practiced mainly through the German Scientific Institute in Copenhagen, and the gradual worsening of the political conditions following the resignation of the Danish government on the 29th of August 1943, the Ahnenerbe, led by Wolfram Sievers (Fig. 6), was never firmly established in Denmark. The one result of Ahnenerbe’s influence in Denmark worth mentioning was the effort by the Kiel Archaeologist Karl Kersten (Fig. 7) to prevent German destruction of prehistoric Danish (Germanic) relics. Kersten began his work in 1940 and was met from the start with aversion from the National Museum in Copenhagen, which regarded the activities of the Ahnenerbe-archaeologist as German interference with Danish conditions. Yet, in time the work of the Kiel archaeologist was accepted and recognised by the muse- um, and he was officially recognized by the Danish state when in 1957, Kersten was made Knight of Dannebrog.Less successful than the Ahnenerbe rival was the prominent Nazi archaeologist Hans Reinerth (Fig. 8) and the efforts by Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte to gain influence on the Danish scene of culture politics. One of Reinerth’s few successes in occupied Denmark was a short contact with two Danish archaeologists, Gudmund Hatt and Mogens B. Mackeprang (Figs. 9-10). However, the connections with the RfDV-leader do not seem to have been maintained, once the Danish government had ceased to function from the 29th of August 1943.During the occupation, around 300 listed burial mounds and an unknown number of prehistoric relics below ground level were destroyed or damaged due to construction projects carried out by the German occupants (Figs. 11-12). The complaints about the damage put forward by the National Museum were generally met by understanding in the German administration and in the Bauleitung (construction department), whereas the Wehrmacht had a more indifferent approach to the complaints. As opposed to this, the Danish museums managed to get through the war with no damage or German confiscations worth mentioning, thus avoiding the fate of museums, collections, and libraries in countries such as France, Poland, and the Soviet Union.Lars Schreiber PedersenÅrhusTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle
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Alam, Suryam. "Accomplishment of Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA) on Actualizing Energy Democracy in Central Java with Environmental Support Programme Phase-3 (ESP-3) Program." Journal of International Studies on Energy Affairs 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.51413/jisea.vol3.iss1.2022.59-80.
Full textAbstract:
This research analyses the energy democracy in Central Java conducted by the Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA) in the Environmental Support Programme Phase 3 (ESP-3) scheme. This research aims to explain DANIDA's effort to actualize energy democracy through the outcome of a clean energy management project in Central Java within four chosen regions, i. e. Semarang City, Cilacap Regency, Klaten Regency, and Karimunjawa Islands. In order to analyse this problem, the writer used energy democracy as an effort to achieve equity in energy access. Qualitative methods are used in this research, emphasizing the use of secondary data, including earlier research, official documents, and related archives, using primary data from interviews with related informants. This research shows that DANIDA can actualize energy democracy in Central Java, manifesting Denmark's commitment to global environmental problem mitigation. Two indicators of energy democracy, such as popular sovereignty and participatory governance, proved from local community satisfaction response by local government involvement and the increase of energy supply which fulfilled the needs. The third indicator, civic ownership, including ownership of access, was not seen clearly; however, the local community acquires access availability. Those indicators, therefore, become the benchmark of DANIDA's accomplishment of energy democracy in Central Java.
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Connery, Christopher. "Sea Power." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 125, no. 3 (May 2010): 685–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2010.125.3.685.
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There is no More Sea Power. What Kind of Awe can a Fleet or an Aircraft Carrier inspire in the Nuclear Age, Whose Blasts have given a new character to military majesty and sublimity and whose marine vehicles are hidden beneath the waves? Nor do the ocean-girding voyages of global commerce offer a sense of majesty, the neat stacks of containers rising high above the decks being mere floating versions of the endless stacks at the prosaic, crane-filled ports of Busan, Long Beach, Elizabeth, or Singapore. The sea is full of transport, labor, and industry, but spectacle has moved elsewhere: what remains of the nautical in the visual media is the nostalgic sublimity of sinking ships or historical reenactments of blue-water glory. As if to underscore this vacuum of hegemonic maritime power in an age of shock and awe, the pirates of Puntland and Sulu still have their way in the Gulf of Aden and the Strait of Malacca, as they have for centuries. Latter-day posturing by the epigones of interstate maritime power contenders approaches farce, as in the struggle for the Arctic, joined by Russia, Canada, the United States, Denmark, and Norway, punctuated by Russian flags at the bottom of the sea and by the specter of Danish military incursion into what Canada claims as its sovereign territory (Craciun).
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Бессуднов, Д. А. "Reflection of the Role of Pskov and Pskov Land in the Materials of Herzogbriefarchiv (Berlin)." Археология и история Пскова и Псковской земли, no. 36(66) (December 3, 2022): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.25681/iaras.2021.978-5-94375-382-4.155-163.
Full textAbstract:
Собрание документов Herzogbriefarchiv из Тайного архива Прусского культурного наследия в Берлине представляет собой обширный комплекс источников, охватывающий период c начала XVI по XVII век. Данный фонд, состоящий преимущественно из личной переписки прусского герцога Альбрехта Бранденбург-Ансбахского и снятых для его нужд копий официальных постановлений, даёт обстоятельное представление о характере и динамике развития международных отношений на заре Нового времени. Во второй половине XVI века внимание государей Швеции, Дании, Польско-Литовского государства и самой Пруссии оказалось сосредоточено вокруг судьбы так называемой Старой Ливонии (Alt-Livland), ставшей камнем преткновения в территориальных спорах с молодым Московским государством. Псков, находящийся в непосредственной близости к прибалтийским землям, издревле играл в русско-ливонских отношениях двойственную роль: с одной стороны, он имел важное значение в транзитной торговле через Ливонию, однако вместе с тем являлся и ключевым пунктом в системе стратегической обороны западнорусских земель. Целью настоящего исследования является освещение роли Пскова и псковской земли в разгоревшемся конфликте за территорию Старой Ливонии в документах фонда Тайного архива Прусского культурного наследия, относящихся к начальному периоду Ливонской войны (1558-1583 гг.). He Herzogbriefarchiv collection of documents from the Secret Archives of the Prussian Cultural Heritage in Berlin is a complex of resources encompassing the period from the early 16 to the 17 century. This fund mainly consists of personal correspondence of Prussian Duke Albrecht of Brandenburg-Ansbach and copies of official decrees, giving a detailed idea of nature and dynamics of international relations development at the beginning of Modern history. In the second half of the 16 century, attention of sovereigns of Sweden, Denmark, the Polish-Lithuanian state and Prussia itself was fоcused on the fate of so-called Old Livonia (Alt-Livland), which became a stumbling block in territorial disputes with the Moscow state. Pskov, located close to the Baltic lands, was of great importance in the strategic defense system of the West Russian lands. The purpose of this study is to highlight the role of Pskov and the Pskov land in the outbroken conflict for the territory of Old Livonia in the Secret Archive of the Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation documents dating back to the initial period of the Livonian War (1558-1583).
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "Editorial Foreword." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 8, no. 1 (August 15, 2016): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v8i1_1.
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Volume 8, issue no. 1 (2016) of Revista Română de Studii Baltice şi Nordice/ The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies (RRSBN) gathers articles dealing with history, literary history and literary studies. The first group of articles engaged with topics related to Nordic and Baltic history from the early Middle Ages to the Modern Age. Such is the article which opens the journal signed by Costel Coroban. His thesis is that Konungs skuggsjá (King’s Mirror or Speculum Regale), the piece of work elaborated in 1250 under King Hákon Hákonarson (1217-1263) for his son, future King Magnús lagabœtir (1263-1280), emphasizes piety as one of the essential features of a good Christian. Cases of arrogance and individualism have to be chastened and that was one of the essential attributes and duties of a sovereign. Roxana-Ema Dreve tackles the national identity building in Norway following the separation from Denmark and the creation of a union with Sweden. The article addresses the 1830s’ developments especially with regard to the puzzling debate on the spoken and written national languages and the polemics of Henrik Wergeland and Johan Sebastian Welhaven. Henrik Ibsen continues to inspire inquiries in fields such as literature, social sciences, culture, philosophy as he did when he lived. Gianina Druță studies Ibsen’s masterpiece Hedda Gabler inspired by Gilles Deleuze’s concepts such as deterritorialisation, antigenealogy, rhizome or alliance. Dalia Bukelevičiūtė opens new perspectives in the field of social and welfare of Lithuanian population in Latvia during the interwar period and points out to the unbalanced situation between the two neighboring states of Latvia and Lithuania. While the number of Latvians in Lithuania who needed social protection was meagre, the number of Lithuanians in Latvia was considerable. This posed difficulties to the Lithuanian Government confronted, on one hand, with the needs of Lithuanians, the higher expenses of social services in Latvia and the desire to keep up the Lithuanian identity of the population across the border. This resulted into a wavering policy of the Lithuanian Governments which, however, always returned to the Convention on social assistance concluded with the Latvian counterparts in 1924. This issue of our journal continues to tackle the perceptions of Nordic peoples on Romania, in this case Mihaela Mehedinţi-Beiean depicting the Nordic and Russian travellers’ recollections of corruption and political instability imbedded into the Phanariot system of the 18th century Romania. Finally, this issue brings to the fore a Norwegian personality with a significant role in the Romanian-Norwegian relations, author of chapters, articles and books dealing with this topic: Jardar Seim. Crina Leon successfully sails through the memories of Professor Seim’s first encounters of Romania and the developments of this interest into a research topic.
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Nicole Wassenberg. "Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP): The Possible Impact on the European Union and North America." Journal of Advance Research in Business Management and Accounting (ISSN: 2456-3544) 2, no. 8 (August 31, 2016): 01–08. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/nnbma.v2i8.92.
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The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is projected high-standard and inclusive free trade agreement which is being conversed between the United States (US) and European Union (EU). Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is a chain of trade negotiations operating between EU and US. The TTIP is mainly about decreasing the regulatory obstacles to trade to open up a way for bigger businesses such as environmental legislation, food safety, sovereign powers of the individual nations and also banking regulations. The US and EU are two of the most integrated countries when it comes to economy globally. It is as a result of their trade in services, investments and the high commercial presence in each other's financial prudence. These two regions support each other when it comes to the economy, and that's why they are good trading partners in products and services. The EU and U.S trade and investment partnership which is sometimes referred to as transatlantic economy has a significant global relationship and creates a mutually beneficial understanding between the two states (Hoekman and Kostecki, 2009). The TTIP is one of the largest trade and investment partnership in the world and also the most significant because of its absolute size. It has many for example the European Union has 28 member states which include: Bulgaria, Cyprus, Belgium, Austria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Germany, Denmark, Finland. Greece, Ireland, Hungary, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Slovenia, Lithuania, Romania, Spain, Latvia, Sweden, Portugal and United Kingdom are also part of the partnership. The initial negotiations on TTIP which was to become the first largest bilateral free trade and investment partnership agreement were earlier supported by a paramount and independent study of the Center for Economic Policy Research (CEPR). The study by CEPR was called Reduction of the Transatlantic Barriers to Trade and investment. The negotiations were mainly to provide independent advice to the two negotiators based on the additional research. Despite, TTIP being one of the largest trade and investment partnership, it has created both negative and positive impacts on the two states. There are benefits t being enjoyed by the member states such as job creation and home growth. The EU depends on the US exports; they can get investments from the US and also import the goods and services they require (Khanna, Palepu, and Sinha, 2005). Other positive impacts of the TTIP includes; upholding and promoting human rights, governing in a transparent manner that can hold to account individuals in authority and also has markets that can be open to free and reasonable competition and is well-regulated market areas. TTIP also protects the people and the planet through their international rules. For example, the rules look at everyone's health, their condition at workplaces, the endangered species around them and the entire environment. There are also challenges that have come out from TTIP in the field of politics and economics, poor labor standards, workers' rights and security of their workplaces, democracy, and state authority. Foreign shareholder protection, public health and the environment as a whole, health care, consumer safety and food security, climate change and environment protection, banking regulation and privacy and many others. Some competitors challenge the TTIP on slowness in services than in goods leading to difficulty in opening markets in service areas.
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Bugge, K. E. "Menneske først - Grundtvig og hedningemissionen." Grundtvig-Studier 52, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 115–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v52i1.16400.
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First a Man - then a Christian. Grundtvig and Missonary ActivityBy K.E. BuggeThe aim of this paper is to clarify Grundtvig’s ideas on missionary activity in the socalled »heathen parts«. The point of departure is taken in a brief presentation of the poem »Man first - and then a Christian« (1838), an often quoted text, whenever this theme is discussed. The most extensive among earlier studies on the subject is the book published by Georg Thaning: »The Grundtvigian Movement and the Mission among Heathen« (1922). The author provides valuable insights also into Grundtvig’s ideas, but has, of course, not been able to utilize more recent studies.On the background of the revival movement of the late 18th and early 19th century, The Danish Missionary Society was established in 1821. In the Lutheran churches such activity was generally deemed to be unnecessary. According to the Holy Scripture, so it was argued, the heathen already had a »natural« knowledge of God, and the word of God had been preached to the ends of the earth in the times of the Apostles. Nevertheless, it was considered a matter of course that a Christian sovereign had the duty to ensure that non-Christian citizens of his domain were offered the possibility of conversion to the one and true faith. In the double-monarchy Denmark-Norway such non-Christian populations were the Lapplanders of Northern Norway, the Inuits in Greenland, the black slaves in Danish West India and finally the native populations of the Danish colonies in West Africa and East India. Under the influence of Pietism missionary, activity was initiated by the Danish state in South India (1706), Northern Norway (1716), and Greenland (1721).In Grundtvig’s home the general attitude towards missionary work among the heathen seems to have reflected traditional Lutheranism. Nevertheless, one of Grundtvig’s elder brothers, Jacob Grundtvig, volunteered to become a missionary in Greenland.Due to incidental circumstances he was instead sent to the Danish colony in West Africa, where he died after less than one year of service. He was succeeded by his brother Niels Grundtvig, who likewise died within a year. During the period when Jacob Grundtvig prepared himself for the journey to Greenland, we can imagine that his family spent many an hour discussing his future conditions. It is probable that on these occasions his father consulted his copy of the the report on the Greenland mission published by Hans Egede in 1737. It is a fact that Grundtvig imbibed a deep admiration for Hans Egede early in his life. In his extensive poem »Roskilde Rhyme« (1812, published 1814), the theme of which is the history of Christianity in Denmark, Grundtvig inserted more than 70 lines on the Greenland mission. Egede’s achievements are here described in close connection with the missionary work of Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg in Tranquebar, South India, as integral parts of the same journey towards the celestial Jerusalem.In Grundtvig’s famous publication »The Church’s Retort« (1825) he describes the church as an historical fact from the days of the Apostles to our days. This historical church is at the same time a universal entity, carrying the potential of becoming the church of all humanity - if not before, then at the end of the world. A few years later, in a contribution to the periodical .Theological Monthly., he applies this historicaluniversal perspective on missionary acticity in earlier times and in the present. The main features of this stance may be summarized in the following points:1. Grundtvig rejects the Orthodox-Lutheran line of thought and underscores the Biblical view: That before the end of time the Gospel must be preached out into all comers of the world.2. Our Lutheran, Biblically founded faith must not lead to inactivity in this field.3. Correctly understood, missionary activity is a continuance of the acts of the Apostles.4. The Holy Spirit is the intrinsic dynamic power in the extension of the Christian faith.5. The practical procedure in this extension work must never be compulsion or stealth, but the preaching of the word and the free, uninhibited decision of the listeners.We find here a total reversion of the Orthodox-Lutheran way of rejection in principle, but acceptance in practice. Grundtvig accepts the principle: That missionary activity is a legitimate and necessary Christian undertaking. The same activity has, however, both historically and in our days, been marred by unacceptable practices, on which he reacts with forceful rejection. To this position Grundtvig adhered for the rest of his life.Already in 1826, Grundtvig withdrew from the controversy arising from the publication of his .Retort.. The public dispute was, however, continued with great energy by the gifted young academic, Jacob Christian Lindberg. During the 1830s a weekly paper, edited by Lindberg, .Nordisk Kirke-Tidende., i.e. Nordic Church Tidings, became Grundtvig’s main channel of communication with the public. All through the years of its publication (1833-41), this paper, of which Grundtvig was also an avid reader, brought numerous articles and reports on missionary activity. Among the reasons for this editorial practice we find some personal motives. Quite a few of Grundtvig’s and Lindberg’s friends were board members of the Danish Missionary Society. Furthermore, one of Lindberg’s former students, Christen Christensen Østergaard was appointed a missionary in Greenland.In the present paper the articles dealing with missionary activity are extensively reported and quoted as far as the years 1833-38 are concerned, and the effects on Grundtvig of this incessant .bombardment. of information on missionary activity are summarized. Generally speaking, it was gratifying for Grundtvig to witness ho w many of his ideas on missionary activity were reflected in these contributions. Furthermore, Lindberg’s regular reports on the progress of C.C. Østergaard in Greenland has continuously reminded Grundtvig of the admired Hans Egede.Among the immediate effects the genesis of the poem »First the man - then the Christian« must be mentioned. As already observed by Kaj Thaning, Grundtvig has read an article in the issue of Nordic Church Tidings, dated, January 8th, 1838, written by the Orthodox-Lutheran, German theologian Heinrich Møller on the relationship between human nature and true Christianity. Grundtvig has, it seems, written his poem in protest against Møller’s assertion: That true humanness is expressed in acceptance of man’s fundamental sinfulness. Against this negative position Grundtvig holds forth the positive Johannine formulations: To be »of the truth« and to hear the voice of the Good Shepherd. Grundtvig has seen a connection between Møller’s negative view of human nature and a perverted missionary practice. In the third stanza of his poem Grundtvig therefore inserted some critical remarks, clearly inspired by his reading of Nordic Church Tidings.Other immediate effects are seen in the way in which, in his sermons from these years, Grundtvig meticulously elaborates on the Biblical argumentation in favour of missionary activity. In this context he combines passages form the Old and New Testament - often in an ingenious, original manner. Finally must be mentioned the way in which Grundtvig, in his hymn writing from the middle of the 1830s, more often than hitherto recognized, interposes stanzas dealing with the preaching of the Gospel to heathen populations.Turning from general observations and a study of immediate impact, the paper considers the effects, which become apparent in a longer perspective. In this respect Grundtvig’s interpretation of the seven churches mentioned in chapters 2-3 of the Book of Revelation is of crucial importance. According to Grundtvig, they symbolize seven stages in the historical development of Christianity, i.e. the churches of the Hebrews, the Greeks, the Romans, the English, the Germans and the »Nordic« people. The seventh and last church will reveal itself sometime in the future.This vision, which Grundtvig expounds for the first time in 1810, emerges in his writings from time to time all through his life. The most impressive literary monument describing the vision is his great poem, »The Pleiades of Christendom« from 1856-60.In 1845 he becomes convinced that the arrival of the sixth stage is revealed in the breakthrough of a new and vigourous hymn-singing in the church of Vartov. As late as the spring of 1863 Grundtvig voices a contented optimism in a church-historical lecture, where the Danish missions to Greenland and to Tranquebar in South India are characterized as .signs of life and good omens.. Grundtvig here refers back to his above-mentioned »Roskilde Rhyme« (1812, 1814), where he had offered a spiritual interpretation of the names of persons and localities involved in the process. He had then observed that the colony founded in Greenland by Hans Egede was called »Good Hope«, a highly symbolic name. And the church built by the missionaries in Tranquebar was called »Church of the New Jerusalem«, a name explicitly referring to the Book of Revelation, and thus welding together his great vision and his view on missionary activity. After Denmark’s humiliating defeat in the Danish-German war of 1864, the optimism faded away. Grundtvig seems to have concluded that the days of the sixth and .Nordic. church had come to an end, and the era of the seventh church was about to commence. In accordance with his poem on »The Pleiades« etc. he localizes this final church in India.In Grundtvig’s total view missionary activity was the dynamism that bound his vision together into an integrated process. Through the activity of »Denmark’s apostle«, Ansgar, another admired mis-sionary, the universal church had become a locally rooted reality. Through the missions of Hans Egede and Ziegenbalg the Gospel was carried out to the ends of the earth. The local Danish church thus contributed significantly to the proliferation of a universal church. In the development of this view, Grundtvig was inspired as well as provoked by his regular reading of Nordic Church Tidings in the 1830s.
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Filipek, Michał. "Międzynarodowoprawny status archipelagu Wysp Alandzkich : kwestia demilitaryzacji i neutralizacji Alandów." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 29, 2011): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.6.
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This article deals with the question of demilitarization and neutralization of the ?land Islands in respect to international law regulating this issue. In this paper it was not intented to go into details of all historical phases and changes of the ?land's status, but rather to concentrate on international treaties regulating this question, which are still in force. ?land is an autonomous, demilitarized and neutralized region of Finland with a largely Swedish-speaking population. The ?land Islands form an archipelago in the Baltic Sea. They are situated in the entrance to the Gulf of Bothnia. Its legislative autonomy and a strong protection for its population's Swedish language and culture are enshrined in the Finnish constitution. The ?land Islands are located in a very strategically important place. There are three problems under international law connected with the ?land Islands: that is to say, demilitarization, neutralization and autonomy of ?land. After the Crimean war it was decided that Russia should not fortify the ?land Islands. The strategic position was one of the factors that influenced the decision of the Paris Peace Conference in 1856 to demilitarize the ?land Islands. After the Crimean War (1854-56) an appendix to the 1856 Treaty of Paris forbade Russia from establishing fortifications, maintaining or building up a military presence and naval forces on the islands. In 1917 Finland gained independence from Russia and ?land became for a number of years a source of controversy or even conflict between Finland and Sweden as a result of the ?landers' demand for ?land's reunification with Sweden. In 1921 the League of Nations resolved the ?land question. ?land remained a part of Finland but gained autonomy along with the historically rooted principles of neutrality and demilitarization. In October 1921 the Convention relating to the non-fortification and Neutralization of the ?land Islands was signed by Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Latvia, Poland, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The Western powers did not regard Bolshevik Russia as a sovereign state after the revolution of 1917 and Russia (the Soviet Union) was not a party to this convention. The treaties that regulatedthe demilitarization and neutralization were: 1) the 1856 Convention on the Demilitarisation of the ?land Islands (annexed to the 1856 Paris Peace Treaty), 2) the 1921 Convention on the Demilitarization and Neutralization of the ?land Islands, 3) bilateral treaty of 1940 between Finland and Russia (the Soviet Union) on the demilitarization of the ?land Islands and 4) the 1947 Paris Peace Treaty. There is no cause to doubt the continuance in force of the demilitarization and neutralization of ?land. The treaties and agreements of 1921,1940 and 1947 are still in force. ?land's demilitarization and neutralization remain beyond question, despite the changes in the political context. The ?land Islands are both demilitarized and neutralized, the main purpose is to keep it completely outside the armed actions of armed conflicts. ?land's status received renewed attention in the 1990s in view of the changes taking place in Europe. The 1994 treaty on Finland's accession to the EU recognizes in its Protocol No. 2, that the ?land Islands enjoy a special status under international law. Furthermore, another legal regulation dealing with this question is the Additional Protocol I to the 1949 Geneva Convention on the protection of war victims (Article 60) obligates States Parties to respect demilitarized zones during international armed conflicts. ?land's demilitarized and neutralized status has a strong foundation and position in the international law. Some experts and writers have described this status as a example of a "permanent settlement" or "objective regime" in international law. According to another experts (H. Rotkirch), the special status of the ?land Islands is of such long standing " that it has without doubt become part of customary international law and is thus binding on the international community as a whole". Since 1970, ?land has had its own representation in the Nordic Council and participates in the work of the Nordic Council of Ministers. Since 1989, ?land is a member of the Council of Europe. One might also mention the fact that, ?land stands outside the EU tax union and has retained the limitations on ownership of land and operation of business.
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Johnstone, Rachael Lorna. "The impact of international law on natural resource governance in Greenland." Polar Record 56 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247419000287.
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Abstract The paper demonstrates how the evolution of international law on colonial and indigenous peoples, in particular evolving rights to sovereignty over natural resources, shaped the changing relationship between Greenland and the rest of the Danish Realm. Greenland today is in a unique position in international law, enjoying an extremely high degree of self-government. This paper explores the history, current status and future of Greenland through the lens of international law, to show how international obligations both colour its relationship with the Kingdom of Denmark and influence its approaches to resource development internally. It considers the invisibility of the Inuit population in the 1933 Eastern Greenland case that secured Danish sovereignty over the entire territory. It then turns to Denmark’s registration of Greenland as a non-self-governing territory (colony) in 1946 before Greenland’s-purported decolonisation in 1953 and the deficiencies of that process. In the second part of the 20th century, Denmark began to recognise the Greenland Inuit as an indigenous people before a gradual shift towards recognition of the Greenlanders as a people in international law, entitled to self-determination, including the right to permanent sovereignty over their natural resources. This peaked with the Self-Government Act of 2009. The paper will then go on to assess competing interpretations of the Self-Government Act of 2009 according to which the Greenland self-government is the relevant decision-making body for an increasing number of fields of competence including, since 1 January 2010, the governance of extractive industries. Some, including members of the Greenland self-government, argue that the Self-Government Act constitutes full implementation of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP 2007), but this view is not universally shared. The paper also considers the status and rights of two Greenland minorities: the North Greenlanders (Inughuit) and the East Greenlanders, each of whom has distinct histories, experiences of colonisation, dialects (or languages) and cultural traditions. While the Kingdom of Denmark accepts the existence of only one indigenous people, namely, the Inuit of Greenland, this view is increasingly being challenged in international fora, including the UN human rights treaty bodies, as the two minorities are in some cases considered distinct indigenous peoples. Their current position in Greenland as well as in a future fully independent Greenland is examined, and the rights that they hold against the Greenland self-government as well as the Kingdom of Denmark explored. Greenland’s domestic regime for governance of non-renewable natural resources (principally mining and hydrocarbons) is briefly analysed and compared with international standards, with a particular emphasis on public participation. The paper assesses the extent to which it complies with the standards in key international instruments.
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MADSEN, MIKAEL RASK, JUAN A. MAYORAL, ANTON STREZHNEV, and ERIK VOETEN. "Sovereignty, Substance, and Public Support for European Courts’ Human Rights Rulings." American Political Science Review, November 5, 2021, 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055421001143.
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Is the public backlash against human rights rulings from European courts driven by substantive concerns over case outcomes, procedural concerns over sovereignty, or combinations thereof? We conducted preregistered survey experiments in Denmark, France, Poland, Spain, and the United Kingdom using three vignettes: a foreigner who faces extradition, a person fighting a fine for burning Qurans, and a home owner contesting eviction. Each vignette varies with respect to whether a European court disagrees with a national court (deference treatment) and whether an applicant wins a case (outcome treatment). We find little evidence that deference moves willingness to implement judgments or acceptance of court authority but ample evidence that case outcomes matter. Even nationalists and authoritarians are unmoved by European court decisions as long as they agree with the case outcome. These findings imply that nationalist opposition to European courts is more about content than the location of authority and that backlash to domestic and international courts may be driven by similar forces.
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Olesen, Thorsten Borring. "Denmark in Europe 1973-2015: Processes of Europeanization and ‘Denmarkization’." Journal of Contemporary European Research 11, no. 4 (October 14, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v11i4.668.
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Since becoming a member of the European Community in 1973, Denmark has conducted seven referenda on its involvement in the process of European integration. Five of the referenda have produced a ‘yes’ to accession and further integration while the remaining two have resulted in ‘noes’. The Danish approach of using referenda, of claiming opt-outs after ‘noes’ and of setting up parliamentary controls to check government policy in Brussels has been a way of checking Europeanization - in this article termed ‘denmarkization’. For a long period, the two processes of Europeanization and denmarkization have co-existed and helped to create equilibrium and legitimacy behind Danish European policy. However, this seems to have changed lately as denmarkization by centre-right and populist parties no longer appears efficient in safeguarding Danish sovereignty in the vital welfare domain. This has provoked a situation in which Europeanization and denmarkization according to the interpretation of this article are heading for collision, which will necessitate some form of reconfiguration of Danish European policy. This article investigates and discusses this dual-faced aspect of the Danish membership experience and finally raises the question of whether this experience finds parallels in other EU member states
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Kobzeva, Mariia. "Towards customised sovereignty: West Nordic societies in the new great power rivalry." Polar Record 58 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003224742200033x.
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Abstract Two factors historically played a decisive role in the West Nordic region’s affairs: its strategic location and small societies’ long struggle for independence. The current power balance shift challenges the progress of Iceland, the Faroe Islands, and Greenland towards strengthening their independence and sovereignty. The research suggests a theoretical contemplation of the West Nordic region’s shifting practices of sovereignty in current affairs with Russia and China amid the US’ patronage. Drawing on the model of Patron-Client relations, the article considers the US as a patron state for the West Nordic region, whereas Iceland, the Faroe Islands, and Greenland are discussed as clients. The Kingdom of Denmark is regarded as a junior patron due to its intermediate position in relations with the US on the one hand and the Faroe Islands and Greenland on the other. Russia and China are addressed as patron adversaries. The research enquires as to whether any of the two US opponents advertise themselves as alternative patrons for the West Nordic region and what explains the weak or alarmist US reactions to Russia and China initiatives in the region. Special focus is on the comparison of the three great powers’ behaviour in the region. Major findings raise the discussion of customisation of sovereignty and its consequences for future relations in the West Nordic and globally.
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"Party sovereignty and citizen control: selecting candidates for parliamentary elections in Denmark, Finland, Iceland and Norway." Choice Reviews Online 41, no. 09 (May 1, 2004): 41–5530. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-5530.
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Hálfdanarson, Guðmundur. "“Separation will mean the Destruction of Iceland”: Icelandic independence-politics and separation from the Kingdom of Denmark." Politica 51, no. 4 (December 11, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v51i4.131177.
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According to Danish critics, Iceland was too small and empoverished to support independence and had to settle with Danish leadership. The Icelanders aimed late for sovereignty and full separation from Denmark under these conditions. This Danish-Icelandic connection was not acceptable in the long term for Iceland. The Danish state was defined as a Danish nation-state, the latest from 1864, and the Icelanders were always guests in this nation-state. Danish politics made no attempt to rethink the state as a multinational state and even less to build one nation. Therefore, the Icelanders had to demand initially separation and then full divorce, even though they had a weak basis for running their own state. The Icelanders could not remain in the relationship with the Danish fellow nation in the south.
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McDonald, James. "Exercising Agency in an International Socioscientific Controversy: The Use of Human and Material Agents to Assert Canada’s Sovereignty in the Arctic." Canadian Journal of Communication 35, no. 1 (April 1, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.22230/cjc.2010v35n1a2248.
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Abstract: What determines a nation's sovereignty over a particular territory? This question is now the subject of a heated debate on the international political scene, with global warming having rendered previously unreachable Arctic resources accessible to the five countries that have territorial claims in the far North: Canada, the United States, Russia, Denmark, and Norway. By building on the concepts of human and material agency, I demonstrate how both human and material agents represent the collective of Canada and thus give the Canadian government a material presence in the Arctic. This presence is key to actors such as the Canadian prime minister who are making the case for Canadian sovereignty in the Arctic region. This article therefore shows that the agency of participants in deliberation over socioscientific issues is largely influenced by the action of both other humans and material entities.Résumé : Qu'est-ce qui détermine la souveraineté d'une nation sur un territoire particulier? Cette question fait présentement l'objet d'un débat sur la scène politique internationale, alors que le réchauffement de la planète rend accessibles des ressources arctiques jadis inatteignables pour les cinq pays qui ont des revendications territoriales dans le Grand Nord : le Canada, les États-Unis, la Russie, le Danemark et la Norvège. En m'inspirant des concepts de l'agence humaine et matérielle, je démontre que des agents humains et matériels représentent le collectif du Canada et donnent ainsi au gouvernement canadien une présence matérielle dans l'Arctique. Cette présence est essentielle pour des acteurs, comme le premier ministre canadien, qui revendiquent la souveraineté du Canada dans l'Arctique. Ainsi, cet article vise à montrer que la capacité d'agir des participants dans la délibération sur des questions sociotechniques est grandement influencée par l'action d'autres humains et entités matérielles.
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Wagner, Lorin-Johannes. "Member State nationality under EU law – To be or not to be a Union Citizen?" Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law, March 10, 2021, 1023263X2098607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x20986078.
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The question of who ought to be regarded as Union citizen is a central but not an easily answered question. Drawing on an analysis of the ECJ’s case-law and the underlying constitutional set up of Union citizenship, this article argues that the notion of nationality in EU law is based on a jurisdictional conception that builds on the idea of a genuine link and a territorial link with the EU. Relying on this understanding the article assesses the peculiar cases of Germany, the UK and Denmark, establishing not only if and how Member States can reconfigure the meaning of their nationality under EU law but also highlighting that the notion of nationality as a peremptory marker for Union citizenship is defined within the constitutional realm of EU law. The understanding that Member States are free to define their nationality within EU law, hence, is a misplaced overstatement of sovereignty. Against this backdrop the last part of the article turns to the case of Latvian non-citizens, arguing that Latvian non-citizens, who are generally not regarded as Union citizens, have been Union citizens all along.
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Sølvará, Hans Andrias. "Freden i Kiel 1814 – England, Sverige, Danmark og de nordatlantiske øer / The Treaty of Kiel 1814 – England, Sweden, Denmark and the North Atlantic Islands." Fróðskaparrit - Faroese Scientific Journal, February 13, 2018, 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18602/fsj.v0i0.102.
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<p><strong>Úrtak:</strong> Ymisk ástøði hava verið sett fram um orsøkirnar til, at Føroyar, Ísland og Grønland vóru verandi undir donskum valdi eftir Friðin í Kiel, tá danska krúnan noyddist at lata Noreg frá sær til svensku krúnuna. Meðan eldri gransking hevur hildið uppá, at danski samráðingarmaðurin hevði ein høvuðsleiklut í hesum, so hevur nýggjari gransking lagt størri herðslu á leiklutin hjá Svøríki og serliga Onglandi. Tað hevur m.a. verið hildið uppá, at onglendingar í veruleikanum ætlaðu at leggja tær norðuratlantisku oyggjarnar undir ensku krúnuna, men at teir í seinastu løtu broyttu støðu og syrgdu fyri, at tær vóru verandi undir donsku krúnuni. Í hesi grein verður grundgivið fyri, at hóast tað er sannlíkt, at Ongland vildi forða fyri, at tær atlantisku oyggjarnar gjørdust svenskar, so eru eingi prógv fyri, at Ongland hevði hendan leiklutin; og at keldurnar beinleiðis tykjast mótprógva, at onglendingar høvdu nakrar ætlanir um at leggja tær norðuratlantisku oyggjarnar undir ensku krúnuna. Heldur mundi tað vera vantandi áhugi fyri norðuratlantisku oyggjunum, sum var orsøkin til, at tær vóru verandi danskar.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> Different theories have been proposed to explain why the Faroe Islands, Iceland and Greenland remained under Danish sovereignty after the Treaty of Kiel, when the Danish Crown had to give up Norway to the Swedish Crown. While older research maintains that the Danish negotiator played a key role in this, more recent research has paid more attention to the role of Sweden and especially England. It has e.g. been claimed that the English really intended to annex the North Atlantic Islands to the English Crown, but that they in the last moment changed their minds and directly caused that the islands remained under the Danish Crown. In this article, it will be argued that even if it is likely that England wanted to prevent that the Atlantic islands became Swedish, there is no evidence to support that England had this role; and that the sources directly appear to disprove that the English had any intentions to annex the North Atlantic Islands to the English Crown. It is more conceivable that a lack of interest for the North Atlantic Islands was the reason for that they remained Danish.</p>