Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Sovereignty and self-determination'
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Shepard, Michael Andrew Alvarez. "The substance of self-determination : language, culture, archives and sovereignty." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/52865.
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Everyday communication in minority languages continues to experience decline around the world, even given efforts to reverse these processes. As language shift progresses the products of language documentation, including the oral histories and the unique cultural information they contain, become increasingly important. Archives are commonly used to store these resources, but the design and functionality of archives often fails to address language community interests in protecting their capacity for self-determination and other core cultural beliefs. I find that most existing language archives examples lack sufficient controls to maintain culturally based sharing protocols, enable contextualization of resources, provide opportunities for local collaboration and support educational dissemination. Lack of capacity to manage use of and access to language resources in an archive can contribute to an erosion of sovereignty for the language community. Partially in response to the cultural incongruence of existing archive options, community-based and participatory archives are on the rise. In this dissertation I critically evaluate the capacity of endangered language archives to operate in concert cultural beliefs, including the maintenance of sovereignty and demonstration of indigeneity. The identification of language ideologies is a useful lens to determine the cultural compatibility of archives and their practices. I present research with people from Indigenous communities in Washington State, Alaska and California. In addition, I describe interviews with managers and directors from international language archives and small community based ones. My research makes use of the Mukurtu CMS archive platform to both test this tool and its applicability for language preservation. Control of language resources enables tribes to reassert their capacity for cultural resource management as part of their self-determination.Arts, Faculty of
Anthropology, Department of
Graduate
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Lewis, Norman. "A new age of intervention : sovereignty under question." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285108.
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Christianty, Syanthy. "Tensions between Sovereignty and Self-Determination Principles in the UN : UN's Ambiguity in relation to the West Papua Self-Determination Claims." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-18461.
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Sovereignty and self-determination are two principles accepted by UN in the UN Charter and resolutions. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the tensions between sovereignty and self-determination principles in the UN and to increase understanding of how these tensions might have led to ambiguity in UN policy toward the West Papua case. The thesis identifies that there are tensions between those two principles in the UN resolutions. The tensions cause ambiguity in the UN when they are involving in self-determination cases outside the classical colonial context. The argument will be strengthened by conducting a single case study analysis on West Papua self-determination claim. As one of the self-determination claims outside the classical colonial context, the UN role when being involved in the case is argued to be lack of response and ambiguous. It concludes that the ambiguity of the UN when involved in the West Papua self-determination claim is resulted from the tensions between sovereignty and self-determination principles in the UN resolutions.
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Murphy, Michael Andrew 1964. "Nation, culture, and authority : multinational democracies and the politics of pluralism." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35025.
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This dissertation examines the theoretical aspects of communication and coexistence among different and sometimes competing national cultures in contemporary liberal-democratic states. As its primary example, the study focuses on the quest for self-determination of Canada's indigenous peoples, but the theoretical significance of the project extends well beyond the bounds of this particular case. With this end in mind, the dissertation advances and defends a set of normative political principles which could, with certain necessary modifications, serve to guide just, equitable, and stable relations among different national cultures in a broad range of cases and contexts. The discussion opens with the development of a model of cross-cultural understanding and accommodation, which in turn is used to demonstrate the manner in which the theory and practice of liberal democracy often serves to legitimate the assertion of the authority of particular national cultures over their relatively smaller and weaker rivals.In opposition to this more conventional liberal approach, the dissertation proposes a reformulation of the theoretical and institutional bases of liberal conceptions of national sovereignty and self-determination. This alternative approach bypasses any attempt to identify authentic or foundational liberal values which must frame and govern the principle of national self-determination, and which assert their categorical primacy over competing normative ideals and traditions. This approach to self-determination balances, on the one hand, the importance of more localized national ends, ideals, and institutions with a concern, on the other, for universal standards of democratic conduct, responsibility, and governance. What results is not a grand theory of national self-determination, but rather a set of flexible principles which can be attuned to different cultural contexts and circumstances, and which are subject to the democratic consent of the nations or peoples concerned.
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Koller, Christian. "Fremdherrschaft : ein politischer Kampfbegriff im Zeitalter des Nationalismus /." Frankfurt/Main ; New York : Campus, 2005. http://books.google.com/books?id=2fCDAAAAMAAJ.
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Bettan, Isaac. "Self-determination and the politics of human rights, peoples, sovereignty, and the accommodation of identities." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0025/MQ51299.pdf.
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Samarasinghe, Ruwan P. "Tamil minority problem in Sri Lanka in the light of self-determination and sovereignty of states." View thesis, 2005. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20050921.152436/index.html.
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Alshammari, Yahya. "The promotion of the right of self-determination in international law and the impact of the principle of non-interference." Thesis, Brunel University, 2014. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/9199.
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This dissertation presents an analytical study of the evolution of the right of political selfdetermination and the influence of the principle of non-interference on promotion of this right. The intellectual and legal interests in democracy, good governance and social justice have contributed to the development of this right and its realisation for peoples lacking the least degree of good governance. The right of political self-determination is strongly associated with international intervention because governments facing popular demands for this right often resort to repression and military means to suppress such claims. Such interventions have also been driven by contemporary interest in supporting collective rights through international organisations that monitor and identify violations of various political rights. Thus, this dissertation focuses on the tension between the principle of non-interference and the modern legal trend to promote the political rights of all peoples. This research contributes considerable insights into the transformation of the principle of non-interference from an absolute obligation into a flexible concept by tracing the contributing legal changes both in international practices and in emerging rules and principles in international law. It is concluded that the promotion of the right of self-determination has resulted in international practices that have dramatically influenced and caused tension with the principle of noninterference. Keywords: right of political self-determination, democracy, statehood, the principle of noninterference, international intervention, sovereignty.
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Tamuno, Paul Samuel. "The potential of the indigenous people's right to self-determination as a framework for accommodating the Niger Delta Communities' demand for self-determination within the sovereignty of Nigeria." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2015. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=227612.
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This thesis examines the potential of the indigenous right to internal self-determination as a framework accommodating the demands of the Niger Delta Peoples for Self-determination within the sovereignty of Nigeria. The unsustainable exploitation of crude oil in the Niger Delta resulted in the ecological devastation of the region and adversely affected the Niger Delta People's subsistent traditional mode of using their lands. The response of the Niger Delta People was originally to seek redress by instituting legal actions in Nigerian courts. The failure of the majority of these actions, and the combined factors of the exclusion of the Niger Delta People from the process and proceeds of the oil industry and their marginalization in the political and administrative structure of Nigeria resulted in the demand by the Niger Delta People that Nigeria recognize their right to self-determination. They justified this demand for self-determination with the arguments that: Their dispossession from their lands by the government in Nigeria was akin to the exploitation of indigenous peoples in the Americas by colonial settlers. The unsustainable exploitation of resources in their territory placed them in the same position as colonized peoples experienced under foreign domination in the era of colonization. In a bid to protect her sovereignty, Nigeria does not recognize the rights of self-determination or 'peoplehood' or even minority status of any ethnic groups within Nigeria. This thesis argues that the indigenous right to internal self-determination is a framework that has the potential to bring lasting solution to the conflict between the Niger Delta people and the government of Nigeria for the following reasons: Indigenous internal self-determination prescribes a category of self-determination that is consistent with the sovereignty of states because it recommends inter alia autonomy with the territories of states. Indigenous internal self-determination provides a regime for sustainable development of resources as it recommends inter alia that states recognize the right of indigenous peoples to participation, consultation and free prior informed consent in the exploitation of resources in indigenous peoples' territory.
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Rainie, Stephanie Carroll, Jennifer Lee Schultz, Eileen Briggs, Patricia Riggs, and Nancy Lynn Palmanteer-Holder. "Data as a Strategic Resource: Self-determination, Governance, and the Data Challenge for Indigenous Nations in the United States." UNIV WESTERN ONTARIO, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/624737.
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Data about Indigenous populations in the United States are inconsistent and irrelevant. Federal and state governments and researchers direct most collection, analysis, and use of data about U.S. Indigenous populations. Indigenous Peoples' justified mistrust further complicates the collection and use of these data. Nonetheless, tribal leaders and communities depend on these data to inform decision making. Reliance on data that do not reflect tribal needs, priorities, and self-conceptions threatens tribal self-determination. Tribal data sovereignty through governance of data on Indigenous populations is long overdue. This article provides two case studies of the Ysleta del Sur Pueblo and Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe and their demographic and socioeconomic data initiatives to create locally and culturally relevant data for decision making.
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Bourgault, Kevin. "Navigating Tribal Credentialism: An Ethnographic Case Study of the Higher Education Perceptions within a Pacific Northwest Tribal Community." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20411.
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This ethnographic dissertation examines contemporary perceptions of higher education within the context of a Tribal government. The purpose of this dissertation is to understand how Tribal community members perceive higher education as related to Tribal self-determination. This project was partially modeled around two specific research questions relating to Brayboy’s (2012) model of self-determination. Specific research questions for this dissertation included: (1) What are the perceptions of education in a Tribal community as they relate to sovereignty, nation building, and self-determination? (2) Are there differences among perceptions of education between groups (e.g., traditionalists v. credentialists)?
In addition to addressing the specific research questions, this project also included a modified grounded theory to foster emergent theme development. Emergent theme development was intended to account for narratives beyond specific research questions.
Participants were presented the following questions in one-on-one, open-ended interviews organized around the following questions: (1) How is formal education important for Tribal members? (2) How is formal education important to Tribal community development? (3) What formal educational credentials are most important to the operations of the Tribe? (4) What do you think formal educational credentials represent? (5) What tensions exist between a formal education v. cultural knowledge? (6) What do you think should be the ideal process of Tribal higher education? (7) How well do you think the current educational policies and practices of the Tribe complement self-determination? (8) What are the goals of a self-determination education?
Results for this project were mixed. Narratives indicated a relative absence of conceptual constructs associated with Brayboy’s model of self-determination. Additionally, narratives also did not indicate a robust example of group dynamic. Results appeared to indicate an underlying presence of epistemological standpoints to frame Tribal higher education in terms of: (1) Formal Credentials; (2) Practical Experience; and (3) Cultural Experience. Finally, emergent theme development established how educational credentials are promoted, valued, and employed within the Tribal government setting. Narratives produced an extremely nuanced and dynamic landscape of perceptions, groups, utilities, tensions, obstacles, and reforms within Tribes. Narratives also indicated the presence of educational credentialism affecting self-determination in Tribal communities.
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Paramalingam, Sandrasegaram. "Sovereignty, self-determination and human rights in international law, with special reference to the Tamil people of Sri Lanka." Thesis, Keele University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602811.
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International law has evolved to recognise the state as its primary subject and as a member of the family of nations. The United Nations Organisation has formulated many legal regimes in order to impose duties and responsibilities on states and to regulate state affairs in order to achieve the goals of the Charter, including the protection and promotion of the rights of peoples and minorities. The jurisprudence of international law recognises that duty, responsibility and accountability of states are integral elements of sovereignty. This research aims to appraise the impact of concepts of sovereignty, self-determination and human rights on state and examines whether the regimes created in order to recognise these concepts have achieved the anticipated goals. Further, it explores whether there is a need for the institutions of the UN and regional groupings to play a more positive role in achieving the ultimate aims of these regimes. Based on the above inquiry, it is intended to identify whether sovereign state has become a legal entity under the regimes of international law and, thereby, is treated as 'juridical state', whose rights and duties are regulated by international law. If state is a primary subject and juridical entity of international law why are' the international regimes of rights experiencing legal and non-legal resistance from states? Contemporary international law has formulated and developed mechanisms for settlement of inter - states disputes. However, there is a lack of international mechanisms for resolving internal conflicts which cannot be resolved nationally due to the fact that the institutions of the state will not undermine the sovereignty of the state. In this thesis, an attempt is made to demonstrate the difficulties in enforcing the legal entitlements of peoples, nations and minorities which are granted by international legal regimes. As a result of the absence of an appropriate forum to resolve the disputes between states and non - state actors over their respective entitlements enshrined in international regimes, there are many internal conflicts which cause threats to international peace and security. Relying on the above mentioned three concepts and their jurisprudence, this research aims to identify the legal dimensions of the sovereignty claim of the Tamil people of Sri Lanka. Prior to colonial rule there were Sinhala and Tamil native kingdoms. The Sinhalese and Tamils had lived within their historically demarcated territories. These kingdoms were conquered by different colonial rulers over a period of time. The entire island was brought under highly centralised administration by the British and it underwent a series of socio- political and legal Since the de - colonisation in 1948, the Sinhala and Tamil- speaking people have struggled to their legal rights and the internal conflict has drawn the attention of the UN and the international community. two of the thesis, attempts are made to identify the legal dimensions of the internal conflict, the sovereignty m of the Tamil- speaking people and the application of law to reach the judicial settlement required to the internal conflict. In short, this thesis focuses on the legal status of sovereignty, self-determination and human rights in international law and how these concepts could be accommodated to resolve the internal conflict of Sri Lanka.
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Lönner, Kristian. "Katalonien – region, nation eller suverän stat? : En fallstudie över katalansk secession från Spanien." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-37665.
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In the Spanish region of Catalonia, the overriding political issue during more than adecade has been the conflict concerning the region’s aspirations for independence. Inpolitical science research, the withdrawal of a region from a state is called secession.This phenomenon highlights the conflict between peoples’ and nations right to selfdeterminationand the right of states to protect their borders and defend the nationalunity. This case study focuses on the supporters of Catalan independence and the aimof the study is to better understand the Catalan independence movement’s view on theconflict between self-determination and state sovereignty. The study investigates whyCatalonia has the right to become an independent state according to the independentmovement, what alternative ways Catalonia has toward independence and whatstrategies the independence movement makes use of. The study uses both textanalysis and qualitative interviews to respond the questions. The study shows thatthere are two main alternatives for the independence movement. One is a referendumaccepted by the Spanish state as a result of dialogue and negotiation, the other wayis to reach independence through a unilateral declaration of independence and the useof civil disobedience.
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Dolan, Jamie Marie. "'Do Good Things for the Fish': Organizational Innovation in Tribal Governance." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195674.
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This dissertation examines the organizational aspects of fish and wildlife management for Native American nations. Fish and wildlife management is an arena of great importance to many Native nations in subsistence, economic and cultural realms. Additionally, fish and wildlife, being common-pool resources, offer interesting management challenges. My research focuses on what happens when Native American nations exercise self-determination in this arena which requires them for both political and practical reasons to interact with state and federal governments and for economic reasons to deal with markets, all while attempting to meet the needs of their nations. Using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis and drawing upon survey and case study research with Native American fish and wildlife programs, I examine how tribes manage their fish and wildlife resources and with what results.This research helps identify under what conditions tribes may achieve various management goals. In some important ways, tribes are limited in what they can do, particularly in regards to land base size and degree of jurisdiction over non-Indians. More importantly, however, this research identifies some of the many ways tribes can work to take charge of or support tribal fish and wildlife management without having to appeal to outsiders. While there are some very real limitations to fish and wildlife management external to tribes, within those limits, tribes have opportunities to assume and be effective in resource management.This dissertation also provides evidence to suggest that as tribes are better able to determine their own management and governance paths, elements of clan structures and logics develop where the organizational literature would predict they would not. Studying tribal fish and wildlife programs in particular offers an examination of these clan-like features typically found only on the societal fringes. Perhaps even more importantly, this dissertation research demonstrates that there are different governance structures, or logics, co-existing and operating in hybrid forms. For tribes, these hybrid structures create some challenges and inconsistencies that more pure governance structures would not. Nevertheless, these hybrid structures also allow for flexibility and effectiveness in responding to the diverse stakeholders invested in or influencing tribal fish and wildlife management.
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Hayat, Javaid [Verfasser]. "Azad Jammu & Kashmir (AJK): Prospects for Democratic Governance Amidst Ambiguous Sovereignty, Absence of Self-determination and Enduring Conflict / Javaid Hayat." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1080171185/34.
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Shay, Susan Carol Rothenberg. "The right to control the land : law, heritage and self-determination by native Hawaiians." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/286153.
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Hawai'i was once an independent Indigenous sovereign island nation with a distinctive culture, history, and legislative past. The laws of the modern state of Hawai'i reflect that history as Indigenous heritage has been integrated into state law. However, during the last forty years the laws protecting Native Hawaiian rights have been challenged in Hawai'i through a series of significant land claim lawsuits. Native Hawaiian struggles for sovereignty are based on the assertion of their heritage rights in lawsuits. This dissertation explores the use of heritage in land claim lawsuits and the role it plays in the construction of a modern Indigenous identity. It uses Native Hawaiian efforts for land control in Hawai'i as a case study to explore how involvement in the legal process has impacted both Indigenous identity and heritage. In this dissertation I examine three major lawsuits following one line of legal precedent: traditional and customary access rights. The investigation answers the questions of how legal narrative construction using heritage impacts Indigenous identity; how heritage values are substantiated; what the role is of experts in formulating cases; if there is a measurable change over time in the way that cultural claims are structured; and what the impact is of increased Indigenous political leadership and land control on Native Hawaiian identity and heritage. To complete this research, I applied a mixed qualitative method approach of ethno-historical, socio-legal, and legal narrative analyses with content analysis to examine Indigenous textural production and court performance as forms of social practice. I supported my research with ethnographic semi-structured interviews and participant observation in recognition of Indigenous protocol. The results indicate that Native Hawaiian use of heritage in courtrooms has contributed to Indigenous identity construction by enhancing collective memory, increasing land control, and protecting group rights. The results also provide insight into how such actions by Indigenous peoples can advance upward social mobility, encourage collective identification and civic involvement, regenerate cultural practices, and strengthen group identity. This research provides new insights into how Indigenous heritage can be used as a means of Indigenous empowerment and develops a greater and more complex understanding of the uses of heritage for land control and sovereignty. These findings may be used by other special interest groups using heritage to achieve common goals.
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Rabaza, Jiménez Ramir. "The Unilateral Declaration of Independence in Catalonia, 2017: strategies of legitimation in political discourses." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21589.
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The relation between the Catalan nationalist forces as well as the other sub-nationalisms and the Spanish Government has been a matter discussed throughout all the Spanish democracy. In recent years the challenge to the Spanish state set by the Catalan government when taking a unilateral approach on Independence has resulted in the imprisonment and exile of political leaders. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the events that occurred in Catalonia after the Catalan elections of 2015 and the unilateral approach on self-determination taken by the Catalan Autonomous Government with the promise of a binding referendum. The laws passed by the Catalan government which were rejected by the Constitutional Court, as the law itself denied the authority of the Constitutional Court and declared independence. This resulted in the application of the 155th article of the Spanish Constitution, suspending autonomous government, to enforce the Constitutional Court’s resolutions by the Spanish government. The essay will focus on the discourses given by politicians to criticize or justify these actions, analysed through theoretical and political normative perspectives.
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Block, Kelci A. M. "The gray wolf and Native American self-determination : a comparative study of the White Mountain Apache and Nez Perce Tribe." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1241.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Meckler, Markus A. "Der Kleinstaat im Völkerrecht : das Fürstentum Liechtenstein im Spannungsfeld zwischen Souveränität und kleinstaatenspezifischen Funktionsdefiziten /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/517432234.pdf.
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Manga, Jean-Baptiste. "Le droit des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes en droit et en relations internationales contemporaines : etude comparée de la Nouvelle-Calédonie et du Nunavut." Thesis, Nouvelle Calédonie, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013NCAL0052.
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Que devient le principe à l’heure de la mondialisation ? S’il se transforme, une nouvelle règle émerge-t-elle? Quelles en sont les causes et comment cela se traduit-il dans les formes politiques, les structures de droit public et au-delà ? Pour y répondre, la Nouvelle-Calédonie et le Nunavut servent de champ d’investigation intéressant car ils représentent deux formes ou « modèles » d’évolution du principe. Avec une approche comparative, l’étude tente de montrer que le principe se transforme et que son évolution est due au nouveau contexte international, à ses propres contradictions et à son rapport dialectique avec la souveraineté des États. Elle démontre que l’autodétermination est facteur de « restriction » de la souveraineté, en même temps qu’elle en est protectrice, bénéficiaire et tributaire. L’autodétermination protège la souveraineté car elle est reconnue au peuple-État mais la souveraineté conditionne et transforme à son tour l’autodétermination. Le droit des peuples a rendu beaucoup de services, mais il a aussi déçu. Destiné à l’origine aux seuls peuples coloniaux, constitués en États ou non, on l’a cru tombé en désuétude après la dernière vague de décolonisation des années 60-70. Il semble pourtant connaître unenouvelle vie depuis la fin de la bipolarisation. Bien que la priorité reste accordée à ces peuples, il est invoqué fréquemment par d’autres « peuples », notamment les peuples autochtones, et tend à devenir un droit identitaire et un droit au partage des pouvoirs. Une nouvelle conception du principe émerge, qualifiée de postmoderne, influencée par la mondialisation et marquée par une affirmation forte des droits de l’homme et de l’identité, et par des avancées notables en matière de démocratie pluraliste.Elle se matérialise par la mise en selle du droit à ne pas devenir un État, l’autre versant du droit des peuples, par la mise en valeur de l’option du libre choix de n’importe quel statut reconnue par l’ONU mais longtemps négligée, par l’émergence d’un droit à la démocratie pour l’ensemble de la population et d’un droit à l’autonomie, et surtout par l’évolution même du concept d’autodétermination qui se dédouble en autodétermination externe et autodétermination interne. Cette transformation s’appuie sur une reconnaissance du pluralisme et une évolution normative, certes lente et partielle, mais effective au plan international. Au plan interne, l’obstacle de la souveraineté perdure mais celle-ci est peu à peu battue en brèche avec la transformation des principes constitutionnels, celle de l’organisation des pouvoirs, le développement du pluralisme juridique et l’apparition de nouvelles formes de démocratie et de citoyenneté que les États concèdent eux-mêmes en leur sein. Le concept du droit des peuples n’est donc pas « mort » ; il n’est pas en crise non plus. Il se métamorphose. Il reste un concept de « combat », à la rationalité imparfaite, mais il évolue du fait d’une double dialectique, interne et externePas de description en anglais
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Bremond, Zérah. "Le territoire autochtone dans l'Etat postcolonial : étude comparée des Etats issus de la colonisation britannique et hispanique." Thesis, Montpellier, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018MONTD012.
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Si l’État moderne s’est constitué par un processus d’unification de sa souveraineté territoriale, celle-ci doit aujourd’hui être repensée. En effet, bien que demeure une inclination de tout État à préserver son unité, il apparaît que le territoire sur lequel l’État entend étendre sa souveraineté fasse désormais l’objet de revendications diverses. Cette situation est particulièrement prégnante dans les États issus de la colonisation et au sein desquels l’indépendance n’a pas nécessairement remis en cause le lien de subordination des peuples colonisés aux peuples colonisateurs. Faisant perdurer une situation de domination largement condamnée sur le plan international compte tenu de la proclamation du droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes, ce phénomène de décolonisation partielle pose inévitablement question du point de vue de la théorie de l’État. En effet, cela conduit à opposer d’un côté, un modèle étatique d’inspiration européenne aspirant à la souveraineté territoriale et de l’autre, des peuples autochtones entretenant une revendication vis-à-vis de ce même territoire, fondée su l ’illégitimité originelle de la conquête dont sont finalement issus ces États. Ainsi, la réhabilitation de la vérité historique et la condamnation plus ou moins unanime de la colonisation a pu conduire à ce que de manière générale, les peuples autochtones soient rétablis dans leurs droits territoriaux. Ce faisant, le droit qu’ont les États sur le territoire ne peut désormais s’exercer sans tenir compte des privilèges originels dont ils sont susceptibles de jouir. En conséquence, une telle démarche peut conduire à la remise en cause de la souveraineté territoriale de ces États puisqu’ils ne disposent plus d’une puissance absolue et inconditionnelle sur leur territoire, mais bien d’une autorité conditionnée par le respect des droits des peuples autochtones, dimension alors largement confirmée par le développement d’un droit international des peuples autochtones. Ce phénomène, qui caractérise les États d’Amérique latine issus de la colonisation hispanique ainsi que certains États issus de la colonisation britannique – États-Unis, Canada, Australie, Nouvelle-Zélande – peut conduire à voir émerger une catégorie particulière d’État que représente l’État postcolonialModern State has been formed by unification process of its territorial sovereignty but this must be redefined today. Indeed, although all States have a tendency to preserve their unity, it appears that the territory on which the State intends to extend its sovereignty is the subject of various claims. This situation is particularly characterized for States deriving from colonization and for which, independence did not challenged the subordination of colonized peoples to colonizing peoples. By perpetuating a situation of domination largely condemned by International law, considering the right of peoples to self-determination, this partial decolonization raises question in State theory. This leads to oppose on the one hand, an European State model aspiring to territorial sovereignty and on the other hand, some indigenous peoples having a claim to the same territory, based on the original illegitimacy of the conquest from which these States have emerged. Thus, there habilitation of historical truth and the unanimous condemnation of colonization have restored indigenous peoples in their territorial rights. Thereby, the States’ right on territory cannot be exercised without considering the original privileges of first inhabitants. Consequently, such approach may dispute territorial sovereignty of these States because they no longer have an absolute and unconditional power over their territory, but only aconditioned authority by the respect of indigenous peoples’ rights, which is largely confirmed by the development of an international law of indigenous peoples. This situation, which appear in the Latin-America States derived of Hispanic colonization, and in some States derived British colonization – United States, Canada,Australia, New-Zealand –, may contribute to define a particular category of States, which represents the postcolonial State
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Hadj, Cherif Hamza. "Le droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles dans les territoires occupés et les territoires non autonomes." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0217/document.
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Notre thèse portant sur les « difficultés de mise en œuvre du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles dans les territoires occupés et les territoires non autonomes » est née d’un constat initial selon lequel le droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles dans les territoires occupés et les territoires non autonomes n’est toujours pas respecté par plusieurs acteurs de la scène internationale, dont certains se disant très attachés aux normes du droit international. Deux hypothèses ont été avancées pour expliquer ce dilemme, à savoir soit le principe de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles n’a pas été encore affirmé comme une règle de droit international positif applicable aux territoires occupés et aux territoires non autonomes ; ou bien ce principe est d’ores et déjà enraciné en droit international mais il n’est pas encore effectif en raison du manque de mécanismes de suivi permettant sa mise en œuvre. Concernant la question de savoir si le principe de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles constitue une règle du droit international positif, notre examen a montré que l’enracinement juridique de ce principe a profondément bouleversé le cadre juridique régissant les activités d’exploration et d’exploitation des ressources naturelles menées dans les territoires occupés et les territoires non autonomes. L’examen de l’effectivité du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles devait passer inévitablement par un état des lieux des activités d’exploration et d’exploitation des ressources naturelles dans un échantillon des territoires occupés et des territoires non autonomes. Cet état des lieux a renforcé davantage la présomption de la difficile effectivité du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles. Les actions menées par les organisations internationales en faveur du suivi et de la mise en œuvre du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles dans les territoires occupés et les territoires non autonomes ont montré de nombreuses limites en la matière. L’effectivité du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles est également et manifestement remise en cause par une pénurie de mécanismes juridictionnels capables de remédier efficacement à l’exploitation illégale des ressources naturelles dans les territoires non autonomes et les territoires occupés. Par ailleurs, l’examen du rôle joué par certains ONG et fonds d’investissement dans le suivi et la mise en œuvre du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles dans les territoires non autonomes et les territoires occupés, a montré que ces acteurs privés peuvent constituer des outils efficaces afin d’inciter les entreprises mises en cause à mettre fin à leurs activités illégales. Toutefois, ce rôle encourageant des acteurs privés est loin de remédier seul à la situation causée par la pénurie de mécanismes mis en place par les acteurs publics (Etats et organisations internationales)Our thesis on "the difficulties in the implementation of the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources in occupied and non-self-governing territories" was developed from the initial observation that the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources in occupied and non-self-governing territories is still not respected by several actors on the international scene, some of whom claim to be very committed to the norms of international law. Two hypotheses have been put forward to explain this dilemma: either the principle of permanent sovereignty over natural resources has not yet been affirmed as a positive rule of international law applicable to occupied and non-self-governing territories; or this principle is already rooted in international law but is not yet effective due to the lack of monitoring mechanisms for its implementation. On the question of whether the principle of permanent sovereignty over natural resources is a rule of positive international law, our review has shown that the legal routing of this principle has profoundly changed the legal framework regulating the exploration and exploitation of natural resources in occupied and non-self-governing territories. The examination of the effectiveness of the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources would inevitably require an inventory of natural resource exploration and exploitation activities in a sample of occupied and non-self-governing territories. This inventory has further reinforced the presumption of the difficult effectiveness of the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources. The efforts of international organizations to monitor and implement the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources in the occupied and non-self-governing territories have shown many limitations in this regard. The effectiveness of the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources is also clearly undermined by a lack of jurisdictional mechanisms capable of effectively remedying the illegal exploitation of natural resources in the non-self-governing and occupied territories. Furthermore, an examination of the role of certain NGOs and investment funds in monitoring and implementing the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources in the non-self-governing and occupied territories has shown that these private actors can be effective tools in encouraging the implicated companies to put an end to their illegal activities. However, this encouraging role of private actors is far from remedying by itself the situation caused by the lack of mechanisms put in place by public actors (States and international organizations)
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Culaj, Gjon. "La création d’une nouvelle nation au XXIème siècle : l’exemple du Kosovo de 1974 à 2008, au lendemain de l’éclatement de la Yougoslavie." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020074.
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Nombreux sont ceux qui pensent que la dissolution de la Yougoslavie commence et finit au Kosovo. Il s’agit d’une suite logique de l’éclatement yougoslave une fédération fragile composée des différentes nationalités. Province autonome sous l’ère de Tito de 1974 - 1989, le Kosovo avait des prérogatives similaires à une république. Le régime de Milosevic supprima cette autonomie déclenchant ainsi des violences et des tensions. Face aux incessantes violations de leurs droits fondamentaux, les Albanais du Kosovo ont d’abord opté pour une résistance pacifique, toutes en boycottant les institutions serbes et yougoslaves. Ils ont réussi à crée une véritable société parallèle, une sorte d’Etat dans l’Etat. Les guerres yougoslaves ont initié la création des nouveaux Etats, il s’agit d’un processus de redéfinition des identités nationales de l’ex-Yougoslavie qui met en relation plusieurs conceptions de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que la naissance d’un Etat du Kosovo peut amener la création d’une nouvelle Nation, cependant la création de cette nation suppose une conscience partagée et des circonstances politiques favorables. L’objectif de cette recherche était d’argumenter les causes de l’effondrement violent de l’ex-Yougoslavie et de tirer les enseignements d’une accession mouvementée et parfois tragique du Kosovo à l’indépendance et consistait aussi à analyser les difficultés, pour une société composite et fragmentée, d’accéder au XXIème siècle à la souveraineté nationale. Il ressort de cette thèse que la cause principale de l’effondrement violent de l’ancienne Yougoslavie était le programme national serbe qui cherchait à créer la Grande Serbie et que l’indépendance du Kosovo, au lendemain de la désintégration yougoslave, était la seule solution possible qui pouvait assurer la paix et la stabilité dans la régionMany people believe that the dissolution of Yugoslavia begins and ends in Kosovo. This is a logical continuation of the Yugoslav breakup a fragile federation composed of various nationalities. Autonomous province under the Tito’s era of 1974 - 1989, Kosovo had similar powers to a republic. Milosevic 's regime abolished Kosovo’s autonomy triggering violence and tensions. Faced with constant violations of their human rights, Kosovo Albanians opted for a peaceful resistance, all by boycotting Serbian and Yugoslav institutions. They managed to create a real parallel society, a kind of State in the State. The Yugoslav wars initiated the creation of new States, it is a process of redefining of the national identities of the former Yugoslavia which connects several conceptions of nation and citizenship. There are good reasons to belive that the birth of Kosovo State can cause the creation of a new nation, however, the creation of this nation requires a shared awareness and favorable political circumstances. This thesis aims to argue the causes of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia and to learn of a turbulent and sometimes tragic accession of Kosovo to independence and also to analyze the challenge and difficulties for a composite and fragmented society, to access in the 21st century to national sovereignty. This research showed that the main cause of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia was the Serbian national program that sought to create a Greater Serbia and that Kosovo's independence after the disintegration of Yougoslavia was the only possible solution that could ensure peace and stability in the region
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Bossacoma, Pau. "Justícia i legalitat de l'autodeterminació nacional i la secessió: una contribució al debat sobre la independència de Catalunya." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/145646.
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En aquest treball s’explora la justícia i la legalitat de l’autodeterminació nacional i la secessió. Explorar la justícia significa submergir-se en la moralitat del dret de secessió. Des d’una anàlisi de filosofia política, es defensa un dret moral primari a la secessió basat en l’autodeterminació nacional. Aquesta defensa es fa a partir d’un contracte multinacional hipotètic. En virtut de tal mètode contractual, es desenvolupen uns requisits secessionistes en forma de principis que es contrasten acuradament amb les diferents teories secessionistes i objeccions al dret moral a la secessió de les comunitats nacionals. Explorar la legalitat significa estudiar del dret internacional, el dret constitucional i el dret europeu sobre l’autodeterminació i la secessió. Malgrat el treball demostra sovint les dissonàncies entre la proposta filosòfica i el dret positiu vigent, es mostren indicis de consonància, es plantegen interpretacions conformes i es proposen reformes de la legalitat per tal d’apropar-se al dret moral primari a la secessió basat en l’autodeterminació nacional.En este trabajo se explora la justicia y la legalidad de la autodeterminación nacional y la secesión. Explorar la justicia significa sumergirse en la moralidad del derecho de secesión. Desde un análisis de filosofía política, se defiende un derecho moral primario a la secesión basado en la autodeterminación nacional. Esta defensa se realiza a partir de un contrato multinacional hipotético. En virtud de tal método contractual, se desarrollan unos requisitos secesionistas en forma de principios que se contrastan cuidadosamente con las diferentes teorías secesionistas y objeciones al derecho moral a la secesión de las comunidades nacionales. Explorar la legalidad significa estudiar el derecho internacional, el derecho constitucional y el derecho europeo sobre la autodeterminación y la secesión. Aunque el trabajo demuestra a menudo las disonancias entre la propuesta filosófica y el derecho positivo vigente, se muestran indicios de consonancia, se plantean interpretaciones conformes y se proponen reformas de la legalidad para acercarse al derecho moral primario a la secesión basado en la autodeterminación nacional.
This work explores the justice and legality of national self-determination and secession. The exploration of justice involves making a close examination of the moral right to secede. In making an analysis of the political philosophy, it advocates for a primary moral right to secede based on national self-determination. This defence is based on a hypothetical multinational contract. Under such a contractual method, secessionist conditions are developed in the form of principles that are carefully contrasted with the different theories of secession and objections to the moral right to secede of national communities. The exploration of legality involves studying international law, constitutional law and European law on self-determination and secession. Although the work demonstrates the dissonance between the philosophical approach and the positive law in force, some signs of consistency are observed, harmonizing interpretations are presented, and legal reforms are proposed to move towards the primary moral right to secede based on national self-determination.
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Battaglia, Antonia. "Du droit des peuples non étatiques à se constituer en Etat souverain." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210207.
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La présente thèse veut fonder le droit moral à faire sécession, en analysant le principe de souveraineté nationale, le concept de peuple, celui de nation et de nationalisme, pour arriver à considérer la sécession en tant que phénomène inévitable suivant la dissolution de l'Etat en tant que principe absolu, et en tant que conséquence parfois souhaitable dans les conflits inter-ethniques qui n'arrivent pas à être résolus. Notre point de vue ne sera pas celui de qui veut forcer une minorité ou un groupe à demeurer dans une situation de status quo, afin de ne pas déranger les équilibres politiques internationaux ou de ne pas trahir le principe de la souveraineté d’un État sur son territoire ou celui de la non-ingérence. Nous aurons plutôt à cœur d’établir la réalité des faits derrière le mouvement sécessionniste, pour garantir au peuple demandeur de sécession une impartialité de traitement et l’avènement de meilleures conditions de vie pour sa population. Nos considérations seront pragmatiques, réalistes, marginalisant les fondements de droit international comme le principe de non-ingérence et le respect de la souveraineté étatique ainsi que les considérations d’ordre politique et stratégique. Ce qui nous intéresse est la fondation d’un droit moral qui puisse se révéler capital dans la résolution de conflits et crises interethniques, et qui puisse faciliter les prises de décisions dans les crises sécessionnistes – quand la sécession en cours sera justifiable – pour aboutir à la création d’un nouvel État pour des raisons biens fondées, raisons qui n’ont pas pu être accommodées à travers des instruments tels quels l’octroi de droits spéciaux, les tentatives de pacification, la cohabitation forcée, l’autonomie, le fédéralisme.
Les événements qui portent une minorité ou un groupe national à contempler une solution sécessionniste sont en général marqués par une tension politique plus ou moins forte, des problèmes d’ordre social ou économique, parfois des violations de droits collectifs ou, pire, des conflits armés, violence de masse, génocide. Ce n’est jamais, ou seulement dans de très rares cas, une situation de bien-être qui génère une demande d’indépendance, et ce sera donc avec une encore plus grande humanité et de sentiments d’impartialité et de bienveillance qu’on devra considérer la situation en question.
Le droit à faire sécession existe parce qu’il appartient à chaque peuple de pouvoir se donner l’organisation politique et juridique de son choix. La référence juridique ne tournera plus autour des droits de l’homme (les droits fondamentaux des individus) mais autour des droits des gens (les droits fondamentaux des peuples) :ce droit, dans lequel ont cru aussi des philosophes comme Walzer, Livingstone, Boykin et Sandel, est une priorité éthique très forte pour la communauté internationale. C’est un droit fondamental et inaliénable, et comme tel il appartient à la sphère de la praxis humaine qui a à faire avec le comportement social, l’organisation politique et l’action civile pour une meilleure survie anthropologique du groupe.
La norme qui devrait sanctionner la fondation du droit moral à faire sécession est l’application effective du droit des peuples à choisir librement leur organisation politique et à poursuivre leur développement économique, social et culturel. Cette norme est reconnue à l’article 1er du Pacte international sur les droits politiques et civils, et à l’article 55 de la Charte des Nations Unies. Mais notre interprétation est très utopiste et elle se place très loin de la pratique de la politique internationale, qui veut voir dans le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples la seule autodétermination politique des peuples avec un État national bien défini :ce magnifique droit collectif est ainsi réduit à la seule possibilité de choisir son régime politique par les élections.
Doctorat en Philosophie
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Fleury, Thibaut Charles. "La question du territoire aux Etats-Unis de 1789 à 1914 : apports pour la construction du droit international." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020018/document.
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Cette étude repose sur l’hypothèse selon laquelle, de l’adoption de la constitution fédérale à la Première Guerre Mondiale, l’expansion territoriale des États-Unis d’Amérique, de même que le projet fédéral, ont appelé une « construction » des règles et principes du droit international au sein même des frontières américaines. Car, en 1789 déjà, tant les États-Unis,que les États membres de la Fédération ou les Nations indiennes, revendiquent sur tout ou partie de cet espace la souveraineté que reconnaît le droit international à tout « État ». C’est alors en définissant, en aménageant, en repensant, les notions d’ « État » ou de « souveraineté » sur un territoire, les conditions de détention et de formation d’un titre territorial, ou encore en fixant la valeur juridique interne du droit international, que ces revendications seront – ou non –satisfaites. Fondé sur l’analyse de la pratique, de la doctrine et de la jurisprudence américaines durant le « long XIXe siècle », ce travail a ainsi pour objet d’interroger la question du territoire telle qu’elle se pose au sein de cet « État fédéral » territorialement souverain que constitueraient les États-Unis. Il espère ce faisant mettre au jour des constructions du droit international dont l’actualité tient à leur objet : la question du territoire aux États-Unis entre 1789 et 1914interroge en effet les principales notions et problématiques de ce droit – au premier rang desquelles celle de l’articulation spatiale des compétencesThis study is based upon the hypothesis that, from the entry into force of the federal constitution to the First World War, the United States territorial expansion, as well as the federal project, called for a « construction » of international law’s rules and principles within the American boundaries. It is to be remembered that, in 1789, the United States, the member States and the Indian Nations claimed for themselves, on parts or the whole of that space, the sovereignty that every « State » is entitled to according to international law. It is therefore by defining, adapting, or rethinking the notions of « State » or « territorial sovereignty », the conditions required for a territorial title to be held or formed, and by setting the legal status of international law, that those claims have been enforced – or not. Grounded upon the analysis of the American doctrine, practice and case law, the purpose of this study is thus to inquire about territorial issues as raised within what is usually described as a « federal State », sovereign on its territory. Because those issues, and mainly jurisdictional ones, are fundamental to international law, this work hopes to bring to light constructions of international law which are still relevant today
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Joie, Thomas. "Titres et statuts territoriaux au Moyen-Orient." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30032.
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Les titres et les statuts territoriaux occupent une place centrale en droit international en raison de la territorialité de cet ordre juridique. L’émergence des Etats du Moyen-Orient présente des spécificités historico-juridiques, qui sont en grande partie à l’origine des problèmes territoriaux actuels. En effet, dans la région étudiée, l’application des régimes de protectorat et de Mandat a eu une incidence considérable sur les titres territoriaux des Etats. Contrairement à la colonisation pure et simple, ces régimes territoriaux laissaient, en principe, subsister pour l’entité sous domination, une personnalité internationale distincte. Une telle situation intermédiaire a très souvent conduit à des interrogations sur les règles de droit international applicables. La présente étude envisage justement cette problématique : quels effets ont eu les régimes de protectorat et de Mandat sur l’établissement ou la modification des titres territoriaux ? L’objectif de l’étude est de contribuer à mettre en exerguel’origine des titres territoriaux au Moyen-Orient, pour mieux comprendre et analyser les problèmes territoriaux actuels dans la régionTerritorial titles and statuses occupy a central place in international law because of the territoriality of this legal order. The emergence of the Middle East States presents historical and legal specificities which are largely the sources of current territorial problems. Indeed, in the region under study, the application of Protectorate and Mandate regimes had a significant impact on the States territorial titles. Under these territorial regimes, unlike outright colonization, a separate international personality remained, in principle, for the entity under domination. Such an intermediate situation has often led to questions about the applicable rules of international law. The study considers precisely this issue: what effects have had the regimes of Protectorate and Mandate on the establishment or modification of territorial titles? The objective of thestudy is to contribute to highlight the origin of territorial titles in the Middle East, in order to better understand and analyze the current territorial problems in the region
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Savić, Mihajlo. "Politics of state sovereignty: the US foreign policy towards Georgia and Serbia." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-351200.
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Research conducted in this thesis revolves around the issue of state sovereignty. More precisely, this thesis aims at examining the foreign policy of the United States of America and its impact on sovereignty of Georgia and Serbia. Different attitude towards the recognition of unilateral declarations of independence of South Ossetia and Kosovo, breakaway regions of Georgia and Serbia, by the US officials represents the starting point of this study. Following state-centric approach this thesis presents an assessment of bilateral relations between the USA and case study countries Georgia and Serbia. The purpose of this study is to enable better understanding of different approaches by the US officials towards the issue of respecting state sovereignty.
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Cruz, Lynette Hiʻilani. "From resistance to affirmation, we are who we were reclaiming national identity in the Hawaiian sovereignty movement 1990-2003 /." 2003. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=765882711&SrchMode=1&sid=9&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1208478467&clientId=23440.
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Cummings, Tracie Kuʻuipo. "Hawaiian sovereignty and nationalism : history, perspectives and movements." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/11780.
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TAUNTON, CARLA JANE. "Performing Resistance/Negotiating Sovereignty: Indigenous Women's Perofrmance Art in Canada." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/6803.
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Performing Resistance/ Negotiating Sovereignty: Indigenous Women’s Performance Art In Canada investigates the contemporary production of Indigenous performance and video art in Canada in terms of cultural continuance, survivance and resistance. Drawing on critical Indigenous methodology, which foregrounds the necessity of privileging multiple Indigenous systems of knowledge, it explores these themes through the lenses of storytelling, decolonization, activism, and agency. With specific reference to performances by Rebecca Belmore, Lori Blondeau, Cheryl L'Hirondelle, Skeena Reece and Dana Claxton, as well as others, it argues that Indigenous performance art should be understood in terms of i) its enduring relationship to activism and resistance ii) its ongoing use as a tool for interventions in colonially entrenched spaces, and iii) its longstanding role in maintaining self-determination and cultural sovereignty.Thesis (Ph.D, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2011-09-30 09:07:41.999
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Samarasinghe, Ruwan P., University of Western Sydney, College of Law and Business, and School of Law. "Tamil minority problem in Sri Lanka in the light of self-determination and sovereignty of states." 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/30155.
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This thesis analyses the Tamil minority problem in Sri Lanka in the light of self-determination and state sovereignty. State practice with respect to self-determination is discussed, in particular cases of Aaland Island, Katanga, Biafra and Bangladesh. Historical background, location and composition, as it relates to the Tamil minority problem in the country, are described, and the specific issue of self-determination in the Sri Lankan context of secession is dealt with. The research attempts to ascertain the legal conditions which would warrant secession.Master of Laws (Hons.)
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Fernando, Francisca Maryanne Udeshika. "Sovereignty Denied & Sovereignty Yielded:Through the Looking Glass on 21st Century Piracy in the Seychelles." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/30590.
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Using the case study of 21st century Piracy as it affects the small islands archipelagic state of the Seychelles, this paper sets the stage for a broader discussion on the sovereignty of small island states in international law. Sovereignty can be viewed through different lenses; sovereignty denied considers the many challenges faced by small island states and their claim to the traditional concept of sovereignty, as promoted during the decolonisation era and projected by the right of self determination. On the other hand sovereignty can also be yielded by small island states, where the jurisdiction of the state becomes a resource. This is demonstrated through the degree of international assistance afforded to the Seychelles in dealing with pirates and more generally, through the development of offshore companies in small island states. Consequently, this paper suggests that international law is both the problem and solution to the sovereignty of small island states.
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Aulinger, Maximilian. "Presence, practice, resistance, resurgence: understanding food sovereignty within the context of Skownan Anishinaabek First Nation." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/30338.
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One of the defining characteristics of early European colonial endeavours within the Americas is the discursive practice through which Indigenous peoples were transformed into ideological subjects whose proprietary rights and powers to be self-determining were subordinated to those of settler peoples. In this thesis, it is argued that a similar process of misrepresentation and disenfranchisement occurs when it is suggested that the material and financial poverty plaguing many rural First Nations can be eradicated through their direct and extensive involvement in natural resource extraction industries based on capital driven market economies. As is shown by the author’s participatory research conducted with members of Skownan Anishinaabek First Nation involved in local food production practices, the key to overcoming cycles of dependency is not simply the monetary benefit engendered by economic development projects. Rather it is the degree to which community members recognize their own nationhood oriented value systems and governance principles within the formation and management of these initiatives. The thesis concludes with an examination of one such community led enterprise in Skownan, which ultimately coincides with the political aims of the Indigenous food sovereignty movement.
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Iwata, Taro. "When Injustice Becomes Justice: Western Domination Over Hawai'i Through Political Mythmaking." 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/21104.
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Robson, Dexter. "Evaluating the potential of cybercartography in facilitating Indigenous self-determination: a First Nations case study on Vancouver Island." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/11703.
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Since the arrival of settlers in the 16th century, the Canadian Government has dispossessed First Nations people of their land and culture through a history of colonialism. This has led to over a century of contentious relationships between First Nations and the Canadian Government in which First Nations have often struggled with the revitalization and reclamation of their culture and land due to oppressive systemic structures. Cartography has been one approach, among many, adopted by First Nations to facilitate self-determination in recent decades. However, the role of cartography has been one focused on western technocratic approaches of drawing territorial boundaries as part of the land claims process. Such approaches may assist First Nations in documenting land use and negotiating territorial rights and as such move them towards self-determination. Conventional western cartography is inherently incapable of representing the rich spatial nature of First Nations’ sense of cultural place. More recently, cybercartography has emerged due to technological advances in software and web-based publishing that has the potential to encapsulate First Nations’ oral history and culture by providing digital multimedia elements (i.e. audio, imagery, and video) within a digital spatial context. The use of cybercartography in this manner is quickly increasing over time, but research is lacking in understanding how new representations of First Nations history and culture through cybercartographic frameworks explicitly facilitate, or prohibit, First Nations ability to attain self-determination. To address this gap, this study evaluates the ways in which contemporary cybercartographic technologies may facilitate the process of self-determination through an application development and interview process with a local First Nation on Vancouver island, BC. The research process throughout the project are evaluated using the Indigenous principles of Ownership, Control, Access, and Possession (OCAP) and uses this as a framework to understand how the experiences of the Nation relate to the broader narrative of self-determination. The results of this study suggest that using a community-engaged approach to cybercartography facilitates community-specific requirements of self-determination, mainly because community engagement can lead to the development of tools that match community objectives and needs. Furthermore, this study demonstrated that the OCAP principles have the potential to be used in future studies for evaluating the efficacy of technologies that are intended to facilitate self-determination in First Nation communities.Graduate
2021-04-16
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Gonschor, Lorenz R. "Law as a tool of oppression and liberation: institutional histories and perspectives on political independence in Hawaiʻi, Tahiti Nui / French Polynesia and Rapa Nui." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/20375.
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Brown, Kirby Lynn. "Stoking the fire : nationhood in early twentieth century Cherokee writing." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-05-4986.
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My research builds upon interdisciplinary trends in Native scholarship emphasizing tribal-specificity; attention to understudied periods, writers, and texts; and a political commitment to engage contemporary challenges facing Indigenous communities. My dissertation examines the persistence of nationhood in Cherokee writing between the dissolution of the Cherokee government preceding Oklahoma statehood in 1907 and political reorganization in the early 1970s. Situating writing by John Milton Oskison, Rachel Caroline Eaton, Rollie Lynn Riggs and Ruth Muskrat Bronson explicitly within the Cherokee national contexts of its emergence, I attend to the complicated ways they each remembered, imagined, narrated and enacted Cherokee nationhood in the absence of a functioning state. Often read as a transitional “dark age” in Cherokee history, this period stands instead as a rich archive of Cherokee national memory capable of informing contemporary debates in the Cherokee Nation and Native Studies today.text
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McMullen, Jennifer. "Regenerating Indigenous health and food systems: assessing conflict transformation models and sustainable approaches to Indigenous food sovereignty." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4350.
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Through exploring nine Indigenous young adults’ perceptions of their roles in building health and wellness through traditional food sovereignty, I assessed the effectiveness of using John Paul Lederach’s (1997) framework of conflict transformation within an Indigenous context for the purpose of creating Indigenous food sovereignty. Conflict transformation does not acknowledge or address the detrimental effects colonization has had on Indigenous peoples within their daily lives. This gap in analysis stunted the effectiveness of conflict transformation in helping young Indigenous adults to challenge colonial authority and work towards developing sustainable approaches to Indigenous food sovereignty.
Within the findings, roles emerged related to a generational cycle of learning and teachings traditional knowledge and cultural practices that are applied in the everyday lives of Indigenous peoples. “Learner-teacher cycles” are an Indigenous response to conflicts stemming from colonization. The cycle follows a non-linear progression of learning cultural and traditional knowledge from family and community and the transmission of that knowledge back to family and peers. Learner-teacher cycles are an everyday occurrence and are embedded within Indigenous cultures. Through the learner-teacher cycles, young adults challenge the effects of colonization within their day-to-day lives by learning and practicing cultural ways of being and traditional knowledge, and then transferring their knowledge to next generations and peers.
I have concluded that conflict transformation is not an effective tool in resolving protracted conflicts within an Indigenous context, particularly with reference to Indigenous peoples from CoSalish and Dididaht territories on Turtle Island. Learner-teacher cycles, a framework based on Indigenous methods of challenging colonialism through learning, teaching and practicing cultural and traditional ways of being within everyday life, is an appropriate model for young Indigenous adults to use in creating Indigenous food sovereignty.Graduate
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Head, Lyndsay. "Land, authority and the forgetting of being in early colonial Maori history : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Maori in the University of Canterbury /." 2006. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20070814.145706.
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"Remaking a People, Restoring a Watershed: Klamath Tribal Empowerment through Natural Resource Activism, 1960-2014." Doctoral diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.36509.
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abstract: Natural resources management is a pressing issue for Native American nations and communities. More than ever before, tribal officials sit at the decision-making tables with federal and state officials as well as non-governmental natural resource stakeholders. This, however, has not always been the case. This dissertation focuses on tribal activism to demonstrate how and why tribal sovereignty, self-determination, and treaty rights protection are tied closely to contemporary environmental issues and natural resources management. With the Klamath Tribes of southern Oregon as a case study, this dissertation analyzes how a tribal nation garnered a political position in which it could both indirectly influence and directly orchestrate natural resource management within and outside of its sovereign boundaries. The Klamath Tribes experienced the devastating termination policy in the 1950s. Termination stripped them of their federal status as an Indian tribe, the government services offered to recognized tribes, and their 1.2-million-acre reservation. Despite this horrific event, the Klamaths emerged by the 2000s as leading natural resource stakeholders in the Klamath River Watershed, a region ten times larger than their former reservation. The Klamaths used tools, such as their treaty and water rights, and employed careful political, legal, and social tactics. For example, they litigated, appropriated science, participated in democratic national environmental policy processes, and developed a lexicon. They also negotiated and established alliances with non-governmental stakeholders in order to refocus watershed management toward a holistic approach that promoted ecological restoration.
This study applies spatial theory and an ethnohistorical approach to show how traditional values drove the Klamaths’ contemporary activism. From their perspective, healing the land would heal the people. The Klamaths’ history illuminates the active roles that tribes have had in the institutionalization of the federal self-determination policy as federal agencies resisted recognizing tribes and working with them in government-to-government relationships. Through their efforts to weave their interests into natural resource management with state, federal, and non-governmental stakeholders, the Klamaths took part in a much larger historical trend, the increased pluralization of American society.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation History 2015
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Reeves, Jane. "Indigenous Rights: Hawaiians and Maori in the International Political Context." 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/21119.
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Woo, (née Slykhuis) Grace Li Xiu. "La danse des fantômes à la cour Suprême du Canada: les droits autochtones pendant le premier quart de siècle de l'article 35 de la loi constitutionnelle, 1982." Thèse, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/2801.
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Certains supposent que la Loi constitutionnelle de 1982, donc la section 35(1) reconnait les droits existants des peuples autochtones, a complété la décolonisation du Canada. Par contre, malgré le passage d'un quart de siècle, plusieurs Autochtones estiment que la Cour suprême continue à nier l'existence de leurs droits. Cette étude examine cette problématique en formulant des définitions juridiques du « colonialisme » et du « post colonialisme ». Vu le remplacement de l'idéal de «la loi» comme «commande », promu par le juriste anglais John Austin au dernier siècle, par l'idéal du consensus populaire et démocratique, nous avons vécu une changement important dans le droit euro-canadien. Mais, selon la théorie des paradigmes de Thomas Kuhn, la continuation des anciennes habitudes est une partie normale du processus de changement, qui n'est jamais complète sans l'émergence de nouveaux modèles et procédures. Pour déterminer la situation de la Cour suprême du Canada par rapport au processus de décolonisation, la Partie I de cette étude examine le fonctionnement paradigmatique autant que le phénomène colonial, la décolonisation en droit international et le postcolonialisme pour identifier les indicateurs du paradigme colonial autant que le paradigme postcolonial. La Partie II adapte ce cadre analytique aux raisonnements de la Cour suprême du Canada concernant les droits autochtones protégés par l’article 35 (1) de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1982. Cette double analyse coloniale/postcoloniale démontre la persistance des anciennes habitudes malgré la reconnaissance des idéaux postcoloniaux par la Cour. Les juges sont conscients des limites institutionnelles qui restreignent leur capacité de protéger les droits autochtones, mais plusieurs concepts qui structurent leur raisonnement perpétuent la dynamique coloniale. Une réflexion approfondie des juges, des praticiens et des peuples autochtones sur les problèmes qui découlent des changements paradigmatiques doit faciliter la tolérance mutuelle qui est un préalable aux ententes qui sont nécessaires selon les idéaux égalitaires qui sont partages par tous.Many people believe that Canada became fully decolonized in 1982 with the "patriation" instituted by the Constitution Act, 1982, whose s.35 (1) explicitly recognized and affirmed "existing Aboriginal and treaty rights". Yet, a quarter century later, Indigenous critics continue to complain that their rights are being denied by the Supreme Court of Canada. This study has approached such questions by drawing on international law to establish legal definitions for "colonialism" and "postcolonialism". In this optic, it becomes clear that there has been a significant change in Euro-Canadian norms during the past century. Colonial concepts, like the English jurist John Austin's definition of "law" as "command" have been superseded by the ideal of informed, popular consent, yet modes of conduct that are consistent with the colonial paradigm persist. According to Kuhn's theory of scientific revolutions this is predictable because changes from one paradigm to another are normally characterized by intensified assertions of the impugned orthodoxy and no change is complete until new models and procedures have emerged to replace established habits. In order to determine where the Supreme Court of Canada actually stands in relation to the decolonization process, Part I of this study examines the nature of paradigmatic function, including the metaphoric construction of language. It then reviews the colonial phenomenon, the emergence of decolonization in international law and postcolonialism to define the colonial and postcolonial paradigms in terms of specific indicia that can be used to classify institutional performance. Part II adapts this analytical framework to the specific circumstances of judicial decision making and applies it to the reasoning of over 60 Supreme Court of Canada cases concerned with section 35 (1) of the Constitution Act, 1982. This dual colonial/postcolonial analysis makes it possible to identify some of the ways in which colonial metaphors and modes of thought have persisted during the past quarter century despite the Court's firm commitment to postcolonial ideals. Though the judges themselves are aware of some of the institutional limitations that constrict their ability to validate Indigenous rights, many of the concepts that structure their reasoning induce them to perpetuate the colonial paradigm. Further reflection on the structure of our rational processes and on the problems predictably associated with paradigm change might make it easier for judges, practitioners and Indigenous peoples to develop the agreements that are necessary to implement the egalitarian ideals ascribed to by all.
Titre de la page de titre additionnel: Ghost dancing at the Supreme Court of Canada : indigenous rights during the First quarter century of s.35.of Canada's Constitution Act, 1982.
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Hutchinson, Samuel William. "Refugee Right from a Kantian Perspective." Thesis, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2440/132853.
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Despite the importance to and influence of Kant’s work on contemporary moral and political philosophy, little has been written concerning the possible application of Kant’s moral and political principles to the issue of refugee right. Such lack of exploration seems even more surprising in light of recent refugee crises making headlines across the globe. This thesis constructs a Kantian account of refugee right by examining and applying the Kantian principles of the law of hospitality and the original right to a place on Earth, while balancing these rights against the right of nations to self-determination. As such, this thesis starts with a thorough analysis of Kant’s moral and political framework, drawing from both the Doctrine of Right and Perpetual Peace. The law of hospitality and original right to a place on Earth are explicated and drawn upon to construct a concept of refugee right in accordance with Kant’s Principle of Right and wider principles of freedom. Then the scope of the thesis is broadened to examine how such a refugee right could realistically be implemented across the globe at the level of international relations and law. After careful examination of Kant’s views on sovereignty and self-determination, it is found that nations cannot be coerced to follow laws as individuals can. As a result, Kant’s admittedly vaguer concept of moral progress will be found to be an essential factor with regard to the realisation of - a refugee right.Thesis (MPhil) -- University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2021
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Engebretson, Jess. "Sovereign Fictions: Self-Determination and the Literature of the Nigeria-Biafra War." Thesis, 2021. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-yy53-f022.
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This dissertation explores questions of African literature and international law through the lens of the Nigeria-Biafra war (1967-1970). A defining trauma of modern Nigerian history, the war produced a rich and sustained vein of writing that stretches from the late 1960s through the present day, encompassing canonical Nigerian novels as well as a number of British and diasporic texts. Drawing on both literary and legal theory, I argue that this body of work mobilizes particular literary features—including narrative, analogy, allegory, and genre—to articulate both familiar and innovative logics of sovereignty. The structure of the project is primarily conceptual and loosely chronological. The first half explores narratives of development in relation to international law’s standard of civilization, focusing on British colonial writing (Chapter 1) and postwar allegorical novels (Chapter 2). The second half attends to how narrative fiction formally registers mid-20th century developments in international law, focusing on writers' use of analogy as a mode of theorizing genocide (Chapter 3) and the role of genre fiction in imagining economic sovereignty (Chapter 4). Throughout, I show how novelists pick up and transform literary tropes first articulated in wartime journalism, propaganda, and activist pamphlets.
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John, Maria Katherine. "Sovereign Bodies: Urban Indigenous Health and the Politics of Self-determination in Seattle and Sydney, 1950-1980." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D84172QH.
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This dissertation compares and connects the parallel histories of two indigenous community-controlled health services, the Seattle Indian Health Board (SIHB) and The Aboriginal Medical Service (AMS) of Sydney. These were among the first clinics of their kind to be established and run by and for urban indigenous communities in the U.S. and Australia. Formed in the 1970s within months of each other, I bring their seemingly disconnected histories together to illuminate a larger transnational history about the political ramifications of twentieth-century postwar urbanization (and the associated growth of an indigenous diaspora) on native people’s concepts and practices of political sovereignty. By considering how these clinics provided a key forum for new urban pan-indigenous forms of political and cultural identity—and claims to indigenous rights—to be expressed and recognized, my work makes two significant contributions. First, it reveals the importance of health as an arena of indigenous political action in the twentieth century. Second, it underscores that indigenous sovereignty, as a political project, must be understood as both adaptive and responsive to change.
Drawing on archival research and oral histories conducted over two years across Australia and the United States—including interviews with activists and health workers who were on the front lines of indigenous politics in the 1950s-1970s—I explain why in their pursuit of self-determination, urban pan-indigenous communities steadily turned away from a purely western conception of sovereignty as jurisdiction over land. The health struggles of urban indigenous peoples since the Second World War are a pointed demonstration of how the loss of even limited territorial sovereignty (that is, relocation from reserves and reservations) led to damaging structural invisibility, discrimination, and neglect within the social welfare system. Thus, this dissertation shows how and why the communities in Seattle and Sydney were driven to pursue other forms of practiced, or what I call “deterritorialized”, sovereignty centering on their rights to self-governance through the creation and transformation of various social organizations (in this case health clinics) in line with distinctive cultural perspectives.
This is the first book-length study to take healthcare reform seriously as an arena in which indigenous political actors worked to redefine the reach and the meaning of indigenous sovereignty for communities without recourse to land or nationhood in the assertion of their sovereign rights. Moreover, by bringing a comparative view to this historical inquiry, my work reminds us that trans-Pacific networks of ideas and people formed a shared context for these peoples and histories. I argue that indigenous health activists in the U.S. and Australia became active at precisely the same moment, because each saw their struggle for recognition and self-determination as part of a global challenge to racism during the Civil Rights era. Moreover, these indigenous community-controlled clinics should be recognized as part of broader changes taking place in grassroots health advocacy at the time, as reflected in the contemporaneous community and women’s health movements, and the movement to form People’s Free Clinics by the Black Panthers.
In its consideration of the unique problems of recognition faced by urban pan-indigenous communities, “Sovereign Bodies” also contributes towards an understanding of processes of ‘place-making’ in a period of great mobility following the Second World War. This dissertation argues that the indigenous urban health clinics very quickly came to represent the social production of a new kind of political space: not a tribal homeland or even a mosaic of different homelands, but a generic native space in the city that gave physical form to new ideas of a non-territorial, or ‘deterritorialized’ sovereignty. Moreover, it shows that at work in the efforts of Seattle and Sydney’s urban indigenous health activists, was the idea of a ‘portable’ or ‘mobile’ indigenous status. This was intended, among other things, to allow indigenous people to live in cities—or wherever they choose for that matter—without having to give up their identity, cultural practices, or their legal status as indigenous people and ensuing ability to make special claims on the government. At stake in their health activism, this dissertation argues, was a form of place-making that aimed to make indigenous people at home everywhere within the national spaces of the U.S. and Australia.
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Shearar, Jeremy Brown. "Against the world : South Africa and human rights at the United Nations 1945-1961." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1278.
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At the United Nations Conference on International Organization in April 1945 South Africa affirmed the principle of respect for human rights in a Preamble it proposed for inclusion in the Charter of the United Nations. The proposal was approved and the Preamble was accorded binding force. While South Africa participated in the earliest attempts of the United Nations to draft a bill of rights, it abstained on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights because its municipal legislation was incompatible with some articles. Similarly, South Africa did not become a party to the international human rights instruments the declaration inspired, and avoided an active role in their elaboration. Subsidiary organs of the General Assembly undertook several studies on discrimination in the field of human rights. They provided evidence that racial discrimination in South Africa intensified after the National Party came to power in May 1948 on the platform of apartheid and diverged from global trends in humanitarian law. The gap between the Union and the United Nations widened.
At the first General Assembly in 1946, India successfully asked that the treatment of persons of Indian origin in South Africa be inscribed on the agenda. The Indian question was later subsumed in the charge that South Africa's racial policies violated the Charter and in 1952 the General Assembly began to discuss apartheid. South Africa protested that these actions contravened Charter Article 2(7), which prohibited intervention in matters of domestic jurisdiction, and were ultra vires. Criticism of the Union increased in intensity, until in 1960 it culminated in calls for economic and diplomatic sanctions.
Research shows that South Africa was the main architect of its growing isolation, since it refused to modify domestic policies that alienated even its potential allies. Moreover, it maintained a low profile in United Nations debates on human rights issues, abstaining on all substantive clauses in the two draft covenants on human rights. These actions were interpreted as lack of interest in global humanitarian affairs. South Africa had little influence on the development of customary international law in the field of human rights but was a catalyst in the evolution of international machinery to protect them.Jurisprudence
(LL.D)
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Staňková, Olga. ""Lepší Rudý než mrtvý!": Boj Amerických Indiánů za právo na svrchovanost v 60. a 70. letech 20. století." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-339159.
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In my thesis, I argue that the Native American activism of the 1960s and 1970s does not fall into the category of Civil Rights Movement because of its significantly different goals, and that the fundamentally different character of sovereignty rights also keeps the Indian struggle invisible in American understandings of U.S. political and social history. According to my analysis, the terms tribal sovereignty, self-determination, and treaty rights describe the ultimate goals of the Native American activists in the 1960s and 1970s the best. The decade between 1964 and 1974 witnessed the rise of radical Indian activism, which succeeded in reminding the general public and politicians that Indians are still present in the United States. Furthermore, it influenced a whole generation of Native Americans who found new pride in being Indian. However, this current of American activism is not known so well by the general U.S. public. This thesis will describe this state as "selective visibility" deriving from U.S. selective historical memory, only noticing and remembering those events and images concerning Native Americans that can be simply understood, somehow relate to the U.S. set of values, and fit in the national historical narrative.