Journal articles on the topic 'Sovereigns and princes'
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1
Marey, A. V. "ABOUT PRINCES AND SOVEREIGNS." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 90, no. 3 (2018): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2018-90-3-50-73.
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Demidov, Alexander N. "The “Edelevsky” list of the “protective memory” of Tsar Ivan Vasilyevich to the Mordovian Princes and Murzes in 1572." Finno-Ugric World 12, no. 1 (May 18, 2020): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2076-2577.012.2020.01.029-041.
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Introduction. The article considers the publication of a unique source for the history of the Mordovian people, the “protective memory” dated by 1572 addressed to the princes and Murzes of Mordovia. The “protective memory” is considered in comparison with the “romadanovsky” list belonging to the descendants of the Mordovian prince Romadan, seeking the return of the nobility, the non-criminal record of the Temnik-Kadom Mordva, published in the XVIII century, similar to the records of Tatar Sovereigns to the Temnik-Kadom Mordva. Materials and methods. The author focused on studying the content of the source, revealing the identities of the recipients, analyzing the composition of the princes and Murz of Mordovian records, spelling of the names, origin, and family ties. The genealogy of the princes Edelevs is being reconstructed, the history of their kind is described together with the history of Mordovian Murzas and their representatives in the context of social and historical ties. Results and discussion. The article describes the social situation of Princes Edelevs, the features of land ownership, land use, property and ownership of serfs. The article discusses the history of the discovery and use of the source in the clerical work of the aristocratic deputies’ assemblies and the Governing Senate at the request of the descendants of Mordovian princes and Muzes from the Edelev family to restore the rights of the noble state. It poses the problem of studying the social stratification in Mordovian society, the typology and origin of the Mordovian aristocracy, the peculiarities of the titling and inheritance of power, its role in the historical and social development of the Mordovian people, as well as its legal status in the Russian Empire. It compares the situation of the Temnikov-Kadom Mordovian Tarkhans, Cossacks, White Field and Alatyr princes and Mordovian Murzes, serving Mordovians and Tatars. Conclusion. “Protective memory” indicates that in the XVI century there was a national Mordovian aristocracy, collaborating with Moscow and being in the service of Great Sovereigns, and subsequently becoming part of the nobility and other classes of Russian society. The choice of Mordovian princes ensured the relatively peaceful entry of Mordovian lands into the Russian Empire.
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Попович, Терезія. "Проблематика обов’язків у політико-правовій думці епохи відродження." Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie 36, no. 4 (2022): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ksm20220402.
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The article is devoted to understanding the category of obligation in the political and legal thought of the Renaissance. The study analyzes the works of F. Bacon, N. Machiavelli, J. Bodin and J. Althusius. Considering the views of F. Bacon, the author concludes that Bacon’s understanding of obligations is based on the established commandment of love, which should be guided by man in his actions and deeds. Thus, Bacon, above all, speaks of obligations in the Christian sense as manifestations of love of neighbor. In “Discourses on the First decade of Titus Livius”, N. Machiavelli outlines a kind of “obligation” of the republic and the prince to refrain from insulting citizens. He also formulates the obligation that a virtuous citizen should follow – to forget about the insults caused to him out of love for the homeland. The main obligation of the prince, based on the work of the “The Prince”, is the art of war. In addition to the above, it is also the obligation of the princes to try to retain power, to win, regardless of the means they use to do so. Regarding the people, the prince has such obligations as: to reward gifted citizens, to persuade them to quietly engage in crafts and trade, to arrange their possessions, but also to engage citizens in celebrations and spectacles at the right time. The author concludes that the issue of obligations in Machiavelli is wrapped up in political goals, which are ultimately aimed at preserving, strengthening the state, cohesion of the people. In Boden’s political and legal conception, it is the category of obligation (obligation between subject and sovereign) that forms citizenship, underlies the understanding of the law (as the sovereign’s order to exercise its power), and is associated with the first attribute of sovereignty. In this case, the sovereign and the citizen are bound by mutual obligations – the sovereign provides protection of the citizens and his property, and the citizens – obeys the will of the sovereign and shows faith and obedience to authority. Views on the obligations of the German thinker J. Althusius are set out in his work “Politica”, analyzing which, the author concludes that the whole system of obligations of J. Althusius is based on God’s commandments, the commandments of love of neighbor. Regarding the sovereigns, they should take care of the soul and body of their citizens, especially in the direction of their noesis of God’s laws and their protection.
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HUGHES, JULIE E. "Royal Tigers and Ruling Princes: Wilderness and wildlife management in the Indian princely states." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (January 16, 2015): 1210–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1300070x.
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AbstractIn the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Indian princes correlated the preservation and use of well-maintained hunting grounds rich in desirable flora and fauna with the enjoyment of higher status, stronger defences against foreign interference, and more compliant subjects. As a result, they carefully managed wilderness and wildlife in their territories. Major past impacts on environments and biodiversity, with ongoing relevance to the ways in which wildlife and wilderness are perceived in the subcontinent today, emerged from the widespread conviction of these rulers that their attempts to govern ecosystems and wildlife demographics were natural and necessary functions of the state. Evidence drawn from hunting memoirs, shooting diaries, photographs, paintings, archival records, and administration reports from a selection of North Indian states calls into question exactly how, and even if, wildlife or wilderness existed in separation from people and the realm of civilization. The intimate relationship between Indian sovereigns, wilderness, and wildlife, therefore, informs new understandings of princely identity, South Asian environmental history, and elite Indian receptions of European and colonial science and managerial practice relating to forests and wild animals in the era of British paramountcy.
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Lockey, Brian C. "Philip Sidney and Edmund Spenser on Transnational Governance and the Future of Christendom." Renaissance Quarterly 74, no. 2 (2021): 369–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2021.1.
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This article considers the writings of Philip Sidney and Edmund Spenser within the context of European religious conflicts between Protestants and Catholics, amid the perceived Ottoman threat to Christendom. In their fictional works, these authors imagine an overarching authority that might replace the traditional papal power of oversight and deposing in order to regulate temporal sovereigns and foster a unity of Christian princes within Europe. Even as they can be read as reimagining Christendom, their fictional works reflect what Charles Taylor has called the “disenchantment” of sacred spaces within his philosophical history of the emergence of secularity within European cultures.
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Nubola, Cecilia. "Supplications between Politics and Justice: The Northern and Central Italian States in the Early Modern Age." International Review of Social History 46, S9 (December 2001): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859001000323.
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“Those who think to do away with petitions would overthrow the entire system of the State”. This remark – taken from an anonymous eighteenth-century account of the political organization of the Duchy of Parma and Piacenza – describes well the importance attributed to complaints in the organization of the state. Through complaints, or petitions, it is generally possible to verify a number of fundamental forms and modes of communication between society and the institutions of the ancien regime, and to reconstruct the procedures of mediation, repression, acceptance, and agreement adopted by princes, sovereigns, or magistracies in response to social demands.
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Spagnoletti, Angelantonio. "Le dinastie italiane e la guerra delle Fiandre." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 125 (December 2009): 423–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2009-125002.
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- In this essay the author deals with the Italian princes and noblemen who took part in the war of the Flanders. In the second half of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century the nationalist historiography considered them as the only men who were still able to preserve the honour of a nation ruled by the sovereigns who were subject to Spain. Emanuele Filiberto, Alessandro Farnese and Ambrogio Spinola were good examples of an invincible fighting spirit. In fact, the Italians held an important position in the multinational Spanish army; many southern princes and barons often went to the Flanders with their families. In many cases they had received the baptisim of fire under the orders of don Giovanni of Austria, during the historical period starting from the battle of Lepanto to the conquest of Tunis, The author emphasizes that the presence of many foreign princes and noblemen in the military encampments and battlefields of the Flanders forced them to follow precise and codified rules of behaviour belonging to the courtly world. Such rules couldn't be avoided. Moreover, the military experience abroad had a deep effect on their future destiny. The Kings'gratitude towards the Italians who returned from the Flanders was rewarded with public posts and honours, however it was limited due to the fact that those had been foreign battles.
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Shevchenko, Maksim N. "On the formation of the phenomenon of the power of the moscow dynasty through the prism of historical anthropology (late 14th – first half of the 15th centuries)." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University 55, no. 3 (September 27, 2021): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/21-3/05.
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The article is devoted to the study of the problem of the formation of the ideology of the Moscow principality. The purpose of this study is to identify the ideological origins and features of the formation of the ideology of the rule of the Moscow sovereigns at the end of the XIV the first half of the XV centuries. To achieve this goal, the historian, firstly, draws on a wide range of sources, which will demonstrate the scale of changes in the theoretical foundations and ways of representing the power of the Moscow princes; secondly, the author took the principles of studying the phenomenon of power formulated by representatives of the Russian direction of historical anthropology as the basis for the research program of this article. Using the advantages of the existing approach, the researcher determined which ideas, images, forms and mechanisms were used to consolidate in the minds of contemporaries new ideas about the constantly expanding powers of power of the Moscow princes. The article concludes that the created great-power image of the Moscow rulers laid the ideological foundation for the growth of the political power of the Moscow principality.
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Petrova, Maria. "Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.
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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.
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Alekseev, Aleksey I. "On the Unknown Historical Work by Feofan Prokopovich." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 4 (2022): 1350–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.417.
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The article introduces a previously unknown text of the Genealogy of Russian Sovereigns from the collections of the Department of Manuscripts of the Russian National Library, which contains the engraving program of A. F. Zubov’s “Portrait of Catherine I surrounded by medallions with portraits of Russian princes and tsars” of 1725. It also reveals the source of this “Genealogy” in the form of a historical and genealogical introduction to the anonymous “History of Peter the Great”, in which Peter is presented the “fifty-sixth” ruler of Russia descending from Rurik. The process of textological research has enabled to establish a connection between these sources and the “Genealogy of Russian Sovereigns” compiled by Feofan Prokopovich, which contained 34 signature texts for P. Pikart’s engraving “Peter I in the genealogy”. The results of the study allow us to attribute both discovered monuments to Feofan Prokopovich. The research also defines that one of the most important means of legitimizing the power of a female ruler was the likening of Empress Catherine to Grand Duchess Olga. As a result of the study of the anonymous “History of Peter the Great”, a number of works by Feofan Prokopovich have been identified in its text. An examination of the lists of the anonymous history of Peter in the collections of the National Library of Russia as well as comparison between these texts and the works of Feofan Prokopovich enable to substantiate the hypothesis about the authorship of F. Prokopovich regarding this compilation history.
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Mears, John A. "The Thirty Years' War, the “General Crisis,” and the Origins of a Standing Professional Army in the Habsburg Monarchy." Central European History 21, no. 2 (June 1988): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012711.
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One of the most striking features of seventeenth-century state building was the formation of standing armies. Kings and princes throughout Europe, responding to conditions of almost constant strife, were compelled to transform ineffective feudal levies and unruly bands of mercenaries into regularized bodies of professional troops, making ever larger and more costly military establishments instruments of rational foreign policy rather than the preserves of the old nobility or freebootingcondottieri. In building armies of the new type, European monarchs had to surmount determined opposition from two sources: the local representative bodies (estates) which were reluctant to grant rulers the powers of taxation necessary for the maintenance of permanent troops, and the mercenary colonels who were expected to relinquish their rights as independent recruiting masters and subordinate themselves to the state. By the middle decades of the seventeenth century, various territorial sovereigns were successfully mastering this opposition to their political authority and were able to take an essential step in the direction of true standing armies by routinely keeping strong military forces under their command at the conclusion of a campaign, thereby diminishing their reliance on contingents approved by the provincial estates or soldiers hastily raised by private entrepreneurs to meet specific emergencies.
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Łukaszewski, Marcin. "Weto w ustroju szwajcarskim i liechtensteińskim jako konstytucyjne prawo suwerena." Politeja 20, no. 1(82) (June 28, 2023): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2023.82.06.
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VETO IN THE SWISS AND LIECHTENSTEIN SYSTEMS AS A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT OF A SOVEREIGN The article is devoted to the place of the sovereign’s veto in the constitutional systems of Switzerland and Liechtenstein in relation to the position of each within the system. Due to the very unique constitutional structure of Switzerland (a special role of the parliament, a wide catalog and high frequency of using direct democracy tools) and Liechtenstein (sovereign defined in two entities – the prince and the nation; the exceptionally strong position of the head of state, who has the right to veto both laws adopted by the parliament and motions in referendums), attempts were made to analyze the political position of sovereigns in both countries, relying solely on the right to block legal acts adopted by the parliament (refusal to sign the law by the prince in Liechtenstein and people’s veto in both countries).
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Roy, Roxanne. "L'institution oratoire du Prince ou le savoir au service du bien dire." Renaissance and Reformation 31, no. 4 (January 1, 2008): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v31i4.9151.
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Conceived somewhat in the style of the 'Mirrors of Princes' tradition composed of educational tracts addressed to future monarchs dating back to the 9th century, these late sixteenth-century treatises of royal eloquence are intended to serve the Prince and edify his speech. For this reason, they invite examination as princely 'Institutions of Oratory'. The ideal portrait of the king, forever haunted by a general fear of conferring royalty upon an ass, is one of a 'learned and well-spoken' prince. Education and eloquence therefore constitute two royal virtues which allow the sovereign to distinguish himself from the people and render himself worthy of the admiration of all subjects. This primary relation between learning and eloquence taken as fundamental elements of royal power is the main concern of the present study and analysis. We shall examine the case of three 'rhetorics', composed for the use of Henry III with the intention of informing himself as a model of the 'well-spoken king'.
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Zhurbina, I. V. "REASON AS THE ORGANIZING PRINCIPLE OF STATE GOVERNANCE IN NICCOLÒ MACHIAVELLI’s DOCTRINE." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series Philosophy. Psychology. Pedagogy 32, no. 1 (March 29, 2022): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9550-2022-32-1-5-15.
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The paper discusses Niccolò Machiavelli’s doctrine of state governance as described in his treatise The Prince , which laid the foundations of the modern idea of governmentality (M. Foucault). The paper relies on the method of philosophical hermeneutics. Therefore, the (pre)supposition to base the study on and interpret The Prince is the assumption that Machiavelli defines rationality through the concept of the sovereign’s reason as the source of the state governance system. In this case, reason and/or intellect is understood as a personal quality of the sovereign mastered through knowledge, which makes all actions of the sovereign a meaningful action. Thus, state governance can be interpreted in terms of such universal categories of human thinking as prudence, reasonableness and wisdom. The paper shows that the sovereign acquires prudence through practical knowledge (geography, military art) and theoretical knowledge (history). Machiavelli suggests conducting an inner dialogue with historians to study history. A dialogue with historians develops the sovereign’s ability to ask the right questions (asking) and receive the necessary answers. The study finds that Machiavelli’s principle of rationality applies to the choice of advisers and the model of the relationship between the sovereign and the advisers. The sovereign, according to Machiavelli, is a person who knows how to listen to the advisers, but who makes a decision by himself. The study shows that reason acts as a principle that guides the activities of the sovereign, allowing him to make the right choice between stinginess and thrift, cruelty and mercy, people’s love and hatred, etc. The loss of power by the sovereign is seen as a manifestation of his unreason, i.e. the intellectual inability of the sovereign to think situationally and make a reasonable choice.
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Stefanovich, Petr. "The Chronicle Entry of 1136 and the Formation of the Novgorod Sovereignty." Slovene 11, no. 2 (2022): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.11.2.2.
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The author of the article gives a detailed analysis of the entry of 1136 of the Novgorod First Chronicle. The chronicle describes how the Novgorodians assembled for a veche and made a crucial political decision—they banished the prince Vsevolod, brother of the ruling Kievan prince, and invited the prince Svyatoslav, who belonged to the competing clan of the Chernigov Riurikids. The author concludes that the entry was composed by two chroniclers—one who had worked under the Vsevolod’s rule, and the other one who continued working on the chronicle under the patronage of the Novgorod bishop Nifont since 1136. Based on the textual critics, the author explains several historical facts anew. He joins the opinion that the substitution of the princes in 1136 was indeed a milestone in formation of the republican system in medieval Novgorod. However, he shows that the break of Novgorod from Kiev turned out to be a complicated and painful experience. Bishop Nifont played a crucial role in the events of 1136 in Novgorod.
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Krom, Mikhail. "Communal Liberties and Fragmented Sovereignty." Russian History 41, no. 4 (November 16, 2014): 440–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04104003.
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The paper’s basic premise is that the fate of a medieval city commune was determined to a large extent by its status in a bigger political system. Moreover, most of European towns and cities had only, to use Charles Tilly’s term, “fragmented sovereignty” when the control over the city was divided between several authorities including the city magistrates and a prince or an emperor. It means that city republics should be studied in their political settings, i.e., through the lens of their relations with the other powers in the region. In the paper, such an “environmental” approach is applied to fifteenth-century Pskov, a typical “fragmented sovereignty”, which was dependent on the Novgorod archbishop and on Russian metropolitan in ecclesiastic affairs and belonged to the Grand Principality of Vladimir and Moscow in secular politics. Medieval Pskov had its own judicial system and legislation resembling that of some German cities and until the 1460s even enjoyed the right to invite and expel princes who had been turned into the city magistrates. But as the emerging Muscovite state tightened its control over North Western Russian lands in the second half of the fifteenth century, Pskov’s liberties were gradually reduced. The fate of Pskov finally absorbed by the Muscovite monarchy in 1510 was not unique: the Russian city followed the path of many other communes in different parts of Europe where emerging early modern sovereign states put an end to local autonomies and various “fragmented sovereignties”.
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Rokosz, Mieczyslaw. "HISTORY OF THE AUROCHS (BOS TAURUS PRIMIGENIUS) IN POLAND." Animal Genetic Resources Information 16 (April 1995): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1014233900004582.
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SUMMARYIn the present paper the author submits a short outline of the history of the aurochs in Poland, the country in which that species survived the longest. The last specimen died in the royal forests of Jaktorôw in Masovia at the beginning of the XVIIth century. The sources of the present study are as follows: documents proclaimed by kings, old chronicles, descriptions found in literature, old illustrations, etc. Among the reasons why that species of the relic fauna of the Pleistocene epoch survived so long are those the author draws attention to: i) the special natural conditions, i.e. abundance of forests and climate, offered in Poland, especially in early times, ii) some cultural elements, the latter being of special interest to him. The legal protection extended to the aurochs by the State found its expression in the regale or the king s order concerning hunting of these animals; this was strictly observed, as is pronouncedly recorded in the historical sources which say that in the XIIIth century the aurochs were to be found only in the province of Masovia. The local princes of the Piast dynasty, and later on the kings of Poland, made no concessions of their exclusive right to hunt that animal, not even to the greatest magnates, both ecclesiastical and secular. They themselves never abused the hunting law as far as the aurochs was concerned. Considering the situation of the aurochs in the light of that regale and of the hunting law, the conclusion is offered that the fact of excluding the aurochs from the hunting law and extending to it “a sacred privilege of immunity” which, according to an old custom, only the king was not obliged to obey, was the major factor which contributed to such a long period of survival of that species. This exceptional and almost personal care of the Polish sovereigns for these animals and their intentional will to save them for posterity caused the prolongation of the period of survival of that magnificent species up to the year 1627, in which the last auroch cow died a natural death in her haunts, as is stated in the report of the royal inspection performed in the year 1630.
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Belov, N. V. "The precedence conflict of Princes A.B. Trubetskoy and P.M. Shcheniatev in Polotsk in the spring of 1564: To the question of the position of the Trubetskoy's Princes in Moscow State on the Oprichnina's eve." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 27, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2021-27-4-8-18.
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The article attempts to identify the circumstances of the parochial conflict of the princes A.B. Trubetskoy and P.M. Shchenyatev in the Polotsk voivodeship in the spring of 1564, as well as the reasons for the final transition of the Trubetskoy princes to the sovereign service with the help of comparative and histotical method, analysis and synthesis, literature and sources on the investigated topic. As a result of the study, it was found that up to the 1560-ies the Trubetskoys occupied military and administrative posts sporadically and were not firmly embedded in the system of service relations of the Moscow state. Adopted in the early 1560s. the new land legislation jeopardized the further existence of the Trubetskoy estate and forced them to intensify their official activities. The conflict in Polotsk was the first attempt by the Trubetskoys to find out their real parochial status. Prince A.B. Trubetskoy was guided by the old ideas about the exclusive role of service princes, characteristic of the first third of the 16th century. He entered into a parochial dispute with an obviously superior enemy and did not emerge victorious from it. The author concluded that, faced with the new realities of the sovereign service, the Trubetskoys, who, due to their official passivity, were inferior to many less noble families in a parochial relation, sacrificed their relative independence and went over to the tsarist service. During the years of the oprichnina, they actively served in the oprichnina estate of Tsar Ivan the Terrible, won his favor and were able to raise their parochial status.
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Wood, Diana. "The Pope’s Right to Elect his Successor: The Criterion of Sovereignty?" Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001964.
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One of the ‘Problems of Sovereignty’ addressed by Michael Wilks in his magisterial study is whether the pope can appoint his own successor.’ It was, of course, a particularly pressing problem for any prince who had no natural heir, either because of his own deliberate celibacy, or, if he had children, because there was no established rule of hereditary succession. In the seventeenth century Thomas Hobbes saw the right to appoint a successor, and thus to perpetuate what he calls the ‘artificial eternity’ of the commonwealth, as an essential attribute of sovereignty: There is no perfect form of government, where the disposing of the succession is not in the present sovereign. For if it be in any other particular man or private assembly, it is in a person subject, and may be assumed by the sovereign at his pleasure; and consequently the right is in himself.’ He also pinpointed the problems which would arise without this attribute: ‘If it be known who have the power to give the sovereignty after his [the ruler’s] death it is known also that the sovereignty was in them before; for none have right to give that which they have not right to possess, and keep to themselves, if they think good.’ Moreover, if the sovereign cannot appoint his successor ‘then is the commonwealth dissolved; and the right is in him that can get it.’
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Arakcheev, Vladimir A. "The Evolution of State Institutions of the Republic of Pskov and the Problem of its Sovereignty from the Thirteenth to Fifteenth Centuries." Russian History 41, no. 4 (November 16, 2014): 423–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04104002.
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The article analyzes the socio-political organization of the Pskov Veche republic in the 13th–15th centuries, particularly the changes in personnel and in competences of the Pskov princes, the authority and the officials of the princely administration. The article shows the evolution of the sotnia (a hundred unit) organization from the princely one into the republican one. The research reveals Pskov’s considerable differences from Novgorod in terms of regulation of commerce and defines the function of the rank-and-file traders’ elder in the system of the republican power. The author argues that the Pskov veche functioned as a state institution that had been formed in the course of Pskov’s fight for independence in the 13th century. The fact of adopting the documents of taxpaying at the veche assembly reveals the fully institutionalized character of governmental bodies of the Pskov republic. By drawing upon H.J. Berman’s argument of independence within European cities of the 11th – 12th centuries, this article contributes to the discussion of Pskov’s independence by outlining the main criteria of Pskov’s sovereignty. Pskov had a right to issue and supplement laws; the Pskov Judicial Charter arose out of the princes’ local charters and was further edited at the veche assembly. Pskov set its own taxes and the veche was empowered to free separate groups of landowners from taxes. The rights to military mobilization, to the declaration of war and to making peace, which were under the complete jurisdiction of the republic, undoubtedly demonstrates the sovereignty of Pskov. Finally, the sovereignty of Pskov was manifested in the symbols of stamps and coins that were used in the Pskov republic. All these facts taken together demonstrate the feasibility of applying the medieval European cities’ criteria of sovereignty to Pskov’s socio-political realities.
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Minnikes, Irina. "Legal Means of Legitimation of the Head of State's Title in Russia (X-XIX centuries)." Academic Law Journal 23, no. 1 (April 25, 2022): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/1819-0928.2022.23(1).5-13.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of legal means of legitimizing the title of monarch in the Russian history during the X-XIX century. The titles of rulers that were constantly officially used in the practice of the Russian state are investigated: prince, grand prince, sovereign (tzar), and emperor. The work is based on documentary sources, such as chronicles, charters, testaments, and treaties, both international and interterritories, as well as legal acts. It is established that the oldest title of «prince» in the era of the early and appanage state was formalized by legal treaties and a princely testament. The title of «Grand Prince» during the reign of the Golden Horde also depended on a special document – a label for the great reign. The title of «sovereign» («tzar») was initially legitimized by legal treaties and church-and-secular acts. But it was the title that was first announced with the help of a targeted normative legal act. In the future, the normative legal act will become the main legal ways of legitimization of the Russian monarch title. As a result of the study, several laws were revealed in the development of legal forms of the title of monarch legitimization. Firstly, their evolution begins in the era of the formation of the state with a complex of various legal means (legal treaties, testaments, etc.) with historically established non-legal instruments (customs, traditions) and ends in the XIX century by a normative legal act. Secondly, the most diverse sources of law were used at an early stage of the development of the state in relation to the princely (grand-princely) titulature: they included legal treaties, testaments, labels for reign and partially sources similar to normative legal acts. Thirdly, the legal regulation of the titulature evolves from single cases to the constant and unchanging practice of issuing a legal act on the accession to the throne of each new ruler.
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Plotnikova, Natalia. "Towards the biography of Tsar’s singing clerk Vasiliy Titov: new sources." St. Tikhons' University Review. Series V. Christian Art 48 (December 30, 2022): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturv202248.34-46.
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The article introduces into scholarly use new historical sources related to the biography of Vasily Titov, an outstanding composer and teacher of the of the time of Peter the Great. In the full-text information retrieval system «Boyar Lists of the 18th Century», the year of the musician's death was revealed – 1709, which allows us critically evaluate the previously expressed hypotheses about Titov's life after 1709, to make adjustments to the dating of singing collections that were previously considered lifetime. In the Act Books of the City of Moscow, was found an indication of Titov's place of residence, his courtyard in Zamoskvorechye, in middle Sadovniki, in the parish of the Church of Sophia the Wisdom of God. This information gives grounds for judging about the Titov's high position in society, reveals Titov's indirect connection with the colonel of the Akhtyrsky Cossack regiment Ivan Perekrestov and his musicians, and the possible social circle of the sovereign's singing clerk (d’yaki). The article contains the first publication of the archival document of 1688 “Questioning speeches of the sovereign singer Maxim Semenov Lipsky about his escape from the courtyard of the singer Vasily Titov”, which is stored in the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts. The author of the article analyzed the names mentioned in the document, including Ivan Perekrestov and his organist, Princess Sofya Alekseevna and close boyar Prince Vasily Vasilyevich Golitsyn, other nobles, Archbishop of Chernigov Lazar Baranovich and his deacon, the sovereign's choristers; supplemented information about the biography of Maxim Lipsky. The materials of the interrogation of the runaway singer are an important source of information, to some extent compensating for the lack of personal documents
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Giorgini, Giovanni. "Five Hundred Years of Italian Scholarship on Machiavelli's Prince." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 625–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000624.
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AbstractMachiavelli's Prince circulated widely in manuscript form in Italy way before its publication in 1532. Its reception was mixed from the start: some readers found in it a frank, sometimes ironic, description for the benefit of the people of the evil means used by bad rulers; others read in it evil recommendations to tyrants to help them maintain their power. The history of the reception of the Prince in Italy discloses a book with many facets: the impious and amoral Machiavelli of the Jesuits; the republican champion of the people, who unveiled the evil practices of tyrants, of the Enlightenment and Romantic readers; the citizen and patriot who fought for the liberation of Italy of the “Risorgimento”; the nationalist author who realized the limits of popular sovereignty and the necessity of force during the Fascist era; and many more Machiavellis and Princes present in Italy in the past five hundred years.
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Romaniello, Matthew. "Ethnicity as Social Rank: Governance, Law, and Empire in Muscovite Russia." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 4 (September 2006): 447–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600842049.
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Most European early-modern states transitioned from composite monarchies into centralized ones. Essentially, composite monarchies were “more than one country under the sovereignty of one ruler.” As Moscow expanded and acquired the surrounding principalities either by inheritance or force, its grand princes enacted a series of legal and administrative reforms to dissolve the differences among its territories and create a centralized monarchy. These political reforms began under Ivan III, who instituted a standardization of Muscovite legal practice and formalized a defined system of social precedence,mestnichestvo, which accorded high rank to his newly acquired provincial elites within the Muscovite social system. Change could not happen overnight, and further legal reforms by Ivan IV, in addition to new religious reforms to eradicate differences of practice among his subjects, centralized the Grand Prince's political and religious authority.
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Leonard, Zak. "Law of Nations Theory and the Native Sovereignty Debates in Colonial India." Law and History Review 38, no. 2 (September 20, 2019): 373–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000415.
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Beginning in the 1840s, high-ranking officials within the East India Company began a concerted effort to confiscate and annex princely states, citing misrule or a default of blood heirs. In response, metropolitan reformers and their Indian allies orchestrated a sustained legalistic defense of native sovereignty in the public sphere and emerged as vocal opponents of colonial expansionism. Adapting concepts put forth by both law of nations theorists and contemporary jurists, they sought to preserve longstanding treaties and defend the princes' exercise of internal sovereignty. The colonial government's failure to adequately define the basis of its modern “paramountcy” invited such creative maneuvering. Reformist opposition to the annexation of Awadh, the dispossession of the Nawab of the Carnatic, and the confiscation of Mysore demonstrates that international law did not simply function as a Eurocentric tool of subordination, but could also provide a bulwark against colonial depredations.
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Jolley, Nicholas. "Hobbes's Dagger in the Heart." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 4 (December 1987): 855–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1987.10715922.
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Richard Cumberland, the Anglican divine, concludes his anti-Hobbesian work, Treatise of the Laws of Nature, with the following remarkable observation: ‘Hobbes, whilst he pretends with one hand to bestow gifts upon princes, does with the other treacherously strike a dagger to their hearts.’ This remark sums up a dominant theme of seventeenth-century reactions to Hobbes's political theory; a host of similar complaints could be marshalled from among the ranks of secondary figures such as Clarendon, Filmer and Pufendorf. Today, however, Cumberland's criticism has a relatively unfamiliar ring. Following the lead famously given by John Locke, we are much more likely to be impressed by the totalitarian features of Hobbes's political philosophy than by its subversive character. To preclude initial objections, there is of course a relatively uncontroversial sense in which Hobbes's thought is subversive; in metaphysics, ethics and theology Hobbes's daggers are deliberately aimed at the hearts of the Schoolmen and the Puritans. But Cumberland's concern in the quotation is with Hobbes's theory of sovereignty: the thrust of his criticism is that the theory is top-heavy, and this issue has not received much attention in recent years. One notable exception is David Gauthier who writes that ‘from unlimited individualism only anarchy follows. The theory is a failure.’ Gauthier, however, argues tht Hobbes's presentation of his theory in Leviathan marks a major advance over the earlier De Cive, and if our criterion of success is the strength of the sovereign's position, then this claim seems highly suspect. In the first part of this paper I shall argue that the sovereign of Leviathan is a more vulnerable figure than the sovereign of the earlier De Cive. In the second part of the paper I take up the problem posed by military service for a Hobbesian theory of political obligation. Employing a distinction between act- and rule-prudentialism, I shall argue that here again the position of Leviathan is in some ways less satisfactory than that of the earlier works.
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Eurípedes Martins, Adriano Medeiros. "Desconstruir a corrupção: o papel do Legislador, príncipe e soberano. A análise do caso no pensamento de Jean-Jacques Rousseau." Revista Ágora Filosófica 1, no. 1 (February 19, 2016): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.25247/p1982-999x.2016.v1n1.p23-37.
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There is no state without subjects. For Rousseau state-building requires the direct participation of citizens. The active participation of citizens will result in the expression of the general will. It is the general will that via social pact, give life and unity to the state. The state is a political body design. The active participation of citizens in order to prevent corruption and dissolution of the company refers to the conception of popular sovereignty. In this mode of sovereignty, citizens would be able to build and maintain the foundations of civil society. Rousseau, as a contractualist, thinks his time and political solutions to the real problems of his time. So it is this scenario between theory and practice, which Rousseau will start to set up the distinction and the relationship of this important tripod: Sovereign, Legislator and Prince.
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Purushotham, Sunil. "Sovereignty, Federation, and Constituent Power in Interwar India, ca. 1917–39." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 40, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 421–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8747379.
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Abstract For nearly three decades prior to 1947 federation was the dominant and most plausible model for reforming Britain's Indian Empire. Federation offered a capacious framework for innovating upon the sovereign landscapes of empire, for imagining a wide array of nonnational futures, and for elaborating questions of rights and democracy. This essay examines official projects of federation in interwar India, efforts that culminated with the “Federation of India” envisioned by the 1935 Government of India Act. These projects sought to codify the Raj's uncodified, plural, and ambiguous imperial regime of sovereignty. As a result, the nearly six hundred “princely states” or “Indian States” had a major influence over the course of India's constitutional development. The 1935 Act inaugurated the most decisive phase in late colonial India's political and constitutional development by unleashing a competition over sovereignty in the subcontinent. It was in this context that a fully sovereign constituent assembly was adopted by the Indian National Congress as their fundamental demand. Federation played a decisive role in the development of republicanism in India.
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PURUSHOTHAM, SUNIL. "Federating the Raj: Hyderabad, sovereign kingship, and partition." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 1 (July 4, 2019): 157–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000981.
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AbstractThis article explores the idea of federation in late-colonial India. Projects of federation sought to codify the uncodified and fragmented sovereign landscape of the British Raj. They were ambitious projects that raised crucial questions about sovereignty, kingship, territoriality, the potential of constitutional law in transforming the colonial state into a democratic one, and India's political future more broadly. In the years after 1919, federation became a capacious model for imagining a wide array of political futures. An all-India Indian federation was seen as the most plausible means of maintaining India's unity, introducing representative government, and overcoming the Hindu–Muslim majority–minority problem. By bringing together ‘princely’ India and British India, federation made the Indian states central players in late-colonial contestations over sovereignty. This article explores the role of the states in constitutional debates, their place in Indian political imaginaries, and articulations of kingship in late-colonial India. It does so through the example of Hyderabad, the premier princely state, whose ruler made an unsuccessful bid for independence between 1947 and 1948. Hyderabad occupied a curious position in competing visions of India's future. Ultimately, the princely states were a decisive factor in the failure of federation and the turn to partition as a means of overcoming India's constitutional impasse.
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Surlić, Stefan, and Andrijana Lazarević. "Principle of territorial integrity: Political consequences of the search for the final status of Kosovo and Metohija." Srpska politička misao 80, no. 2 (2023): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44429.
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The paper analyzes the principle of territorial integrity in the context of the dispute over the final status of Kosovo and Metohija. Without taking a position on the legal disputes, the authors provide an overview of the theoretical debate on territorial integrity and define the political consequences for Serbia's territorial integrity since Kosovo's* unilateral declaration of independence in 2008. Despite the constant mention of integrity as inseparable from sovereignty, the paper highlights the political practice in which Serbia's "territorial integrity" has been turned into an appeal to other states to respect the principle of inviolability of borders. Support for Kosovo's independence by leading Western countries conditioned Serbia to engage in a dialogue with temporary and then permanent administrative institutions in Pristina. The paper concludes that territorial integrity has been reduced to a declarative dimension, as the political demand for the protection of the Serbian community's rights in Kosovo and Metohija has obligated Belgrade to make many concessions, including recognizing the sovereign rights of Pristina's institutions.
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Jhala, Angma D. "The Malabar Hill murder trial of 1925." Indian Economic & Social History Review 46, no. 3 (July 2009): 373–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946460904600305.
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This article seeks to address issues relating to sovereignty, law and sexual politics in colonial princely India through an examination of the Malabar Hill Murder Trial of 1925 in the Bombay High Court. In this particular case, the Hindu Maratha Maharaja of Indore was charged with the murder of his Muslim courtesan's lover. The ensuing trial illuminates two important developments in late colonial Indian law. First, it reveals how British courts empowered some Indian women as individual agents before the law, despite the restrictions of pardah (or seclusion), to contest and resist indigenous patriarchies. Second, it exposes the complex rela-tionship between Indian kingship and British paramountcy. Due to their position as semi-autonomous rulers, who were not under the restrictions of British Indian law, native princes were exempt from being tried in British Indian courts on the basis of their treaty regulations. This case discusses the extent to which the sexual desires and love unions of the Indian kings were affected by the princely state's fraught relationship with the colonial regime. In this in-stance, the Malabar Hill Murder trial cost the ruler his gaddi (throne) when he was compelled to abdicate.
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Bedir, Ömer. "THE PHANARIOTE SYSTEM IN MOLDAVIA AND WALLACHIAUNDER THE OTTOMAN RULE." Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 2 (June 2022): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.52326/jss.utm.2022.5(2).07.
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Dobruja, Moldavia and Wallachia remained under the Ottoman sovereignty for more than 400 years. Dobruja was inhabited mostly by Turks and Muslims, and was administered by Muslim-Turkish governors assigned directly from the Sublime Porte. However, Wallachia and Moldavia were inhabited overwhelmingly by Christian-Orthodox people and were governed by local voivodes designated by the Ottoman Sultans. These voivodeships were autonomous entities in their internal affairs but were dependent to the Ottoman State in their foreign affairs. Upon the betrayal of the Moldavian prince during the Pruth River campaign of 1710-1711, the Ottoman authorities were compelled to implement the Phanariote System which lasted until 1821. Following the abolition of the Phanariote System, the Ottoman authorities returned to the previous method of appointing local princes which, in turn, lasted until the independence of modern Romania. Upon the independence of Romania in 1878, the Ottoman Empire had to switch to a new form of relationship with this newborn state. As a result, these two states resumed their relations through diplomatic means and, in its modern sense, the Turkish-Romanian diplomatic relations were established.
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Rodin, Stepan A. "Royal Voyages of Hirohito: Changing of Image of the Japanese Sovereign in 20th Century (as Seen Through the Function of Movement)." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 6 (2022): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2022-6-202-213.
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Through many centuries tenno, or the emperors of Japan, while being nominally the higher rulers of the country, were in fact deprived from the function of movement in their image, and such means of representation of their power, as tours around the country or voyages abroad, were absent from their governing instruments. From the beginning of Meiji period, the image of the sovereign had undergone many changes, partially due to the western influence and foreign views on the role and the functions of the ruler. The attempt to make tenno more like a public figure made by the Japanese elites led to the necessity of conducting imperial trips around the country, so the ruler could face life conditions of his subjects. Emperor Meiji was the first tenno to take such a journey. Other imperial ancestors, including crown princes, had also become more mobile from that time on. The case of Hirohito’s voyages as a crown prince and then as the emperor is one of the great interests as it enlightens the view of the imperial power and its functions through different stages of its evolution in the 20th century. This paper describes four major historical trips by Hirohito and analyzes their symbolical and political significance.
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Singh, Prabhakar. "Indian Princely States and the 19th-century Transformation of the Law of Nations." Journal of International Dispute Settlement 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 365–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jnlids/idaa012.
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Abstract The role of the roughly 600 Indian princely kingdoms in the transformation of the law of nations into international law during the 19th century is an overlooked episode of international legal history. The Indian princely states effected a gradual end of the Mughal and the Maratha confederacies while appropriating international legal language. The Privy Council—before and after 1858—sanctified within common law as the acts of state, both, the seizure of territories from Indian kings and the ossification of encumbrances attached to the annexed territories. After the Crown takeover of the East India Company in 1858, the British India Government carefully rebooted, even mimicked, the native polyandric relationship of the tribal chiefs, petty states and semi-sovereigns with the Mughal–Maratha complex using multi-normative legal texts. Put down in the British stationery as engagements, sunnuds and treaties, these colonial texts projected an imperially layered nature of the native sovereignty. I challenge the metropole's claims of a one-way export to the colonies of the assumed normative surpluses. I argue that the periphery while responding to a ‘jurisdictional imperialism' upended interational law's civilisation-giving thesis by exporting law to the metropole.
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Pillai, Sarath. "Fragmenting the Nation: Divisible Sovereignty and Travancore's Quest for Federal Independence." Law and History Review 34, no. 3 (June 14, 2016): 743–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000195.
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Speaking at the Travancore legislative assembly on February 2, 1938, Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyar said: “The federation contemplated in the Government of India Act (1935) was founded on the recognition of the fundamental idea that the Ruler alone represents his state and that the Ruler is the government of the state.” Travancore was one of the oldest princely states in India, which antedated the British occupation and claimed a dynastic rule uninterrupted by any foreign or domestic powers. Its history of constitutional reforms and economic advancement enabled it to occupy a pivotal position in colonial India. As the Dewan (prime minister) of Travancore, Sir C.P. played a crucial role in the constitutional debates on the political form of postcolonial India, especially federation, in the last two decades of the British Empire in India. He argued that Indian states were inherently sovereign, and that the only locus of sovereignty in the states was their rulers. In doing so, he imagined a future Indian federation predicated on the idea of divisible sovereignty, which was given constitutional effect by the Government of India (GOI) Act (1935). Sir C.P.'s expositions on the sovereignty of the states and Travancore's constitutionalism offer analytical lenses to recuperate a history of imperial constitutionalism and the grand political project it enabled: Indian federation.
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Arblaster, Paul. "The Infanta and the English Benedictine Nuns: Mary Percy's Memories In 1634." Recusant History 23, no. 4 (October 1997): 508–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000234x.
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In 1598 Philip II, King of Spain since 1559 and ruler of many other dominions, granted the ‘Burgundian’ segment of his inheritance (the Low Countries and the County of Burgundy) to his daughter Isabella as a dowry, and gave her in marriage to her cousin Albert, Archduke of Austria. The couple governed that part of the territory effectively under their control — the northern provinces having formed the Dutch Republic — as ‘sovereign princes’, essentially enjoying domestic autonomy under the protection of the Spanish army. They were responsible for the ‘northern’ policy of the Spanish monarchy, including day-to-day relations with England and the protection of the British Catholics. As sovereign princes they rebuilt the Church in the Southern Netherlands, patronised the reformed religious orders, and did much to establish the particular South Netherlandish identity which was eventually to lead to an independent Belgian state. In 1621 Albert died, and his childless widow's dowry reverted to her nephew Philip IV. Isabella remained in Brussels as Governess-General, enjoying greater independence than the title might suggest, both from her long career as co-sovereign and from the trust and admiration of her nephew the king. She died in 1633, the governship passing to another of her nephews, the Cardinal-Infant Don Ferdinand (1635–1641).
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Sukhodolskaya, Elena Sergeevna. "The role of the Bagratuni royal dynasty in preservation of ethnic identity of Armenians in the late IV – VI centuries." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2020): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.3.32956.
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This article explores the establishment and retention of the ethnic consciousness of Armenians in the conditions of Persian and Byzantine dominion based on the example of the activity of Bagratuni royal dynasty. The subject of this article is the activity of the Bagratuni princely family that alongside other Armenian dynasties (Mamikonyan, Siunia, Artsruni, Amatuni) was an important actor of the political process in the region in the conditions of Byzantine-Sasanian rule. The object of this research is the naharars (elite household guards) of Bagratuni, who played a significant role in the question of restoration of the Armenian Kingdom in the late IV – VI centuries. Special attention is given to the problem of ethnic consciousness of the Armenian people at the time of the loss of statehood, and commitment of Armenian princes to restore the national state and recover from the dominance of neighboring powers. Methodological framework is comprised of the methods that help to determine certain traits in formation of ethnic identity. Spatial analysis is used in studying the geographical conditions affecting people’s worldview and self-identification. Comparative analysis reveals the peculiarities of ethnic groups. For detailed explanation of specificities of the evolution of identity, the author employs comparative-historical method. Historical-typological comparison contributes to revelation of common features of heterogeneous ethnic elements. The novelty consists in comprehensive analysis of the activity of naharars of Bagratuni dynasty from the perspective of ethnic consciousness n the conditions of Byzantine-Sasanian rule. The attracted materials allowed assessing the nature of activity of the Bagratuni princes on the Byzantine Emperor’s service, as well as at the Persian court. This conducted analysis indicates the degree of engagement of Armenians in the social structure of Byzantium and Sasanian Iran. The conclusion is made that the Armenian political elite was committed to preserve ethnic identity by restoration of sovereignty of the Armenian Kingdom in the conditions of –Byzantine-Sasanian dominion. Bagratuni princes were the most appropriate candidates for the Armenian throne. By the end of the IX century, namely due to the efforts of Bagratuni princes the Armenian Kingdom was restored.
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Knapp, Jeffrey. "Hamlet and the Sovereignty of Reasons." Review of Politics 78, no. 4 (2016): 645–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467051600053x.
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AbstractWhy does Shakespeare link the psychological disintegration of Hamlet with the political disintegration of Denmark? This essay answers that question by comparing Shakespeare's tragedy to his later history plays, which foreshadow the “antic” Prince Hamlet in the “frantic” King Richard II and the “madcap” Prince Hal. All of these plays insist that a monarch pays a heavy price for claiming that he represents and even embodies the people he rules: he comes to feel internally divided, multiplicitous, populous. But the plays also cast doubt on the ability of the people to achieve any greater coherence as a sovereign power. ThroughHenry VandHamletin particular, Shakespeare offers the theater as a model of powersharingamong diverse forces: not only the monarch and the people, but also the actors, the audience, and the author.
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Pernau, Margrit. "Book Review: Sovereign Spheres: Princes, Education and Empire and Colonial India." Indian Economic & Social History Review 41, no. 4 (December 2004): 499–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946460404100411.
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Sen, Satadru. "Book Review: Sovereign Spheres: Princes, Education and Empire in Colonial India." Studies in History 20, no. 2 (August 2004): 340–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764300402000211.
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Rakowski, Maciej. "Druga wojna światowa a pozycja ustrojowa europejskich monarchów." Studia Iuridica Lublinensia 29, no. 4 (September 30, 2020): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/sil.2020.29.4.251-278.
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<p>The Second World War brought significant political changes to European monarchies. Immediately after the war, six kingdoms ceased to exist and became republics. This concerned Eastern European countries in the Soviet sphere of influence, as well as Italy, where Victor Emmanuel III had to pay for years of cooperation with the fascist regime. Before the outbreak of the war, at least three European monarchies had considerable power, holding the most important prerogatives in their hands: this was the case in Romania, Bulgaria and Albania. Such a political model failed to survive the war, as after 1945 the kings and princes of the Old Continent only “reigned, but did not rule” (only Louis II, Prince of Monaco kept a stronger position until the end of the 1950s). It used to happen during the war that in countries with an established parliamentary system the monarch played a greater role than during the years of peace (the most prominent example being Wilhelmina, the Queen of the Netherlands). The article also presents other issues important to the royal authority – the functioning of monarchs in exile, the threat to their lives, the exercise of sovereignty (usually only in a ceremonial capacity) over the armed forces, and abdications forced by the circumstances.</p>
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Amalia, Nur Iva, Rohmani Nur Indah, and Jessica Yunanda Bahtiar. "Representation of Power through Politeness Strategies in Bridgerton Season 1 Movie." Elsya : Journal of English Language Studies 5, no. 3 (October 25, 2023): 385–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/elsya.v5i3.14131.
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Power can change how people act, how they think, what they do, and what policies they follow. People can reflect their power through the use of politeness strategies in their speech. This study aims to identify the types of politeness strategies and sub-strategies used in characters of Bridgerton Season 1 and explain how power is represented through politeness strategies. Its scenes and dialogue show qualities of decency and strength that need more exploration using the design of descriptive qualitative method. The pragmatic analysis in this study employed the theory of politeness strategy and the representation concept. The findings showed the use of bald on-record strategy, positive and negative politeness strategies, and off-record strategy. In addition, the representations of each strategy involved reflective, inflectional, and constructionist approaches. In the movie, the royal family, which includes kings, queens, princes, and their heirs, performed a symbol of power that plays a role in how power is used. Notably, the royal family serves as the show's symbol of power, highlighting its link to supremacy and authority. It implied that power is a sovereign thing based on authority and sovereignty. As the implication of this study, the future researchers should use sources of information that cover wider contexts.
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CREWE, JONATHAN. "Reforming Prince Hal: The Sovereign Inheritor in "2 Henry IV"." Renaissance Drama 21 (January 1990): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/rd.21.41917266.
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Kayle, A. V. "The «Citizen» of Prince V.P. Meshchersky." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 11, no. 1 (2011): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2011-11-1-8-15.
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The article deals with the Citizen edited by Prince V.P. Meshchersky. Having carefully analysed it the author comes to conclusion that during the period after reformation the conservatives including the sovereign power and the provincial landlords were equally interested in the existence of such a reactionary concervative edition as the «Citizen» that was expressing views of a certain part of the Russian society. All the time it was edited the magazine pleaded for the necessity of the autocratic and class system. Up to the end of its existence the «Citizen «together with its readers stood for old pre-reform Russia.
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Birmingham, Peg. "Can Political Authority be Founded on a Ruse? Derrida and Lefort on Machiavelli’s Use of Political Deception." Law, Culture and the Humanities 13, no. 2 (August 1, 2016): 226–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872113506162.
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The institution of Hobbes’ Leviathan is marked by the transformation of cunning, equally shared by all in the state of nature, into a rational, sovereign politics. The question I take up here by way of Machiavelli and two of his contemporary readers, Derrida and Lefort, what if cunning was politicized rather than replaced by sovereign reason? In other words, what if cunning, a complex political deception, was not abandoned or given over to the sovereign? I argue that Lefort’s reading of Machiavelli, embracing as it does the central role of a shared cunning or ruse between the people and the prince, offers valuable resources for thinking the foundation of political authority for a secular democratic politics, while in contrast, Derrida’s critique of Machiavelli’s cunning illuminates why he is not able to escape a sovereign, theological foundation for political authority and the law.
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Saksena, Priyasha. "Jousting Over Jurisdiction: Sovereignty and International Law in Late Nineteenth-Century South Asia." Law and History Review 38, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 409–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000701.
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The article examines the relationship between colonialism and international law by focusing on late nineteenth century debates surrounding the sovereignty of the “princely states” of colonial South Asia. The princely states were ruled by indigenous rulers and were not considered to be British territory, but remained subject to British “influence;” as a result, there were numerous controversies over their legal status. During the course of jurisdictional disputes, a variety of interested players - British politicians, colonial officials, international lawyers, rulers and advisors of princely states - engaged in debates over the idea of sovereignty to resolve questions of legal status, the extent of rights and powers, and to construct a political order that supported their interests and aspirations. I focus on legal texts written by British international lawyers and colonial officials as well as material relating to two jurisdictional disputes (one between the state of Travancore and the British Government and another between the state of Baroda and the British Government) to trace two versions of sovereignty that were articulated in late nineteenth century South Asia - unitary and divisible. In doing so, I argue that international law, and the doctrine of sovereignty in particular, became the shared language for participants to debate political problems and a key forum for the negotiation of political power.
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Hunt, Priscilla. "Mysteries in Muscovite Political Theology." Russian History 44, no. 2-3 (June 23, 2017): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04402004.
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Under the Metropolitan Macarius, a fresco program was produced in the Kremlin Golden Palace throne room and vestibule to express a rulership ideology appropriate for Ivan iv’s recent elevation from Grand Prince to Tsar. The images in the dome, based on a symbolic paradigm of “Wisdom’s house” from Proverbs (9: 1–5), show many innovative features. Most mysterious of all is a sun whose rays are the bodies of serpents, with the heads of serpents, lions and an eagle, above a rabbit fleeing from the devil. This study analyzes the origin, meaning and function of these heretofore undeciphered animal images. It shows that they are esoteric symbols of the Wisdom of the Cross which act as controlling metaphors for the whole program, including the Old Testament prototypes for present day Muscovy. They are directed at the sovereign as a mystical initiate who makes present the renewing power of the world’s beginning and end; they express the ruler’s Christ-like sovereignty and messianic calling to use the church and his army to liberate the peoples from sin, death and enslavement to the Devil or to the Devil’s earthly substitutes. Their symbolism transforms the traditional ecclesiastical model of “Wisdom’s house” into a vehicle of political theology.
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Tronch Pérez, Jesús. "Vindicating Pablo Avecilla’s Spanish ‘Imitation’ of Hamlet (1856)." Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, no. 25 (November 15, 2012): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/raei.2012.25.18.
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This essay examines Pablo Avecilla’s Hamlet, an ‘imitation’ of Shakespeare’s tragedy of the prince of Denmark published in 1856, both in its own terms and in the historical context of its publication. This Shakespearean adaptation has been negatively judged as preposterous and unworthy of comment, but it deserves to be approached as what it claimed to be, a free handling of the Shakespearean model, and as responding to its own cultural moment. Avecilla turns the Shakespearean sacrificial prince into a righteous sovereign that has kept the love of a lower-ranked lady and, by pursuing revenge, has successfully overthrown a dishonourable and corrupt ruler. This re-focusing of the Shakespearean plot and politics recalls the French neoclassical adaptation by J-F. Ducis in 1769. In fact, Avecilla seems to combine neoclassical form, which he advocated in his 1834 treatise Poesía trágica, with more Romantic traits at a time when playgoers demanded stronger sensations. As with Ducis’s Hamlet and its earliest translation-adaptations in Spanish at the turn of the century, the alterations from the Shakespearean model may be seen to have political resonances. Seen in the historical context of the so-called Progressive Biennium of 1854-1856, Avecilla’s emphasis on virtue and implicit approval of popular uprising led by an idolized authority is in tune with contemporary concerns for the right of the people and their leaders to rise up against immoral rule, with the Progressives’ support for both monarchy and national sovereignty, with their criticism of the corruption of conservative governments prior to the 1854 revolution, and with the role of ‘revolutionary’ generals such as O’Donnell and Espartero. This political interpretation is strengthened when Avecilla’s own political involvement in the Progressive programme is taken into account.
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Kalyvas, Andreas. "Hegemonic sovereignty: Carl Schmitt, Antonio Gramsci and the constituent prince." Journal of Political Ideologies 5, no. 3 (October 2000): 343–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713682944.
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Rehn, Andrea. "White Rajas, Native Princes and Savage Pirates:Lord Jimand the Cult of White Sovereignty." Journal of Victorian Culture 17, no. 3 (September 2012): 287–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13555502.2012.698515.
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