Journal articles on the topic 'Southern states Public opinion'
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1
Cooper, Christopher A., and H. Gibbs Knotts. "Defining Dixie: A State-Level Measure of the Modern Political South." American Review of Politics 25 (April 1, 2004): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.25-39.
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Despite volumes of research, there is little agreement on which states to include in the modern political South. In this paper, we analyze state-level demographic, political, public opinion, and policy outcome data to evaluate the distinctiveness of the eleven states of the old Confederacy. Next, we combine the public opinion and policy outcomes unique to the old Confederacy states to create an index of political southernness. Our scale of southernness suggests that the traditional definitions of the region need to be reevaluated. For example, we find that Oklahoma and Kentucky score high on our scale, while Tennessee, Virginia, and especially Texas are much less politically southern.
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Banai, Ayelet, Fabio Votta, and Rosa Seitz. "The Polls—Trends." Public Opinion Quarterly 86, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac001.
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Abstract This article presents trends in public opinion toward immigration in the European Union (EU), between 2002 and 2018. Immigration is a salient and contentious issue in contemporary politics across Europe and is used by Eurosceptic parties in both government and opposition to mobilize support. Public opinion data—drawn from the European Social Survey and the Eurobarometer—reveals the following noteworthy trends over the past two decades. First, positive public attitudes toward immigration have increased across member states, with a temporary setback in 2015–16. Second, immigration is a divisive issue throughout the EU. While public opinion in some regions generally favors immigration, opinion is divided everywhere. Third, despite regional variations between northern, western, and southern Europe, EU-wide trends suggest the emergence of a collective public opinion, crossing national borders. Fourth, despite vocal political opposition to immigration, solid majorities of the public view immigration favorably over time and across regions. To the numerous studies of European public opinion on immigration, this article contributes a useful overview of the long-term trends, with regional and EU-wide presentation and data visualization.
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Schmitt, Carol L., Laurel E. Curry, Ghada Homsi, Pamela A. Williams, LaShawn M. Glasgow, Deanna Van Hersh, Jeffrey Willett, and Todd Rogers. "Public and Opinion Leader Willingness to Fund Obesity-Focused Policies in Kansas." Policy, Politics, & Nursing Practice 18, no. 3 (August 2017): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527154417749492.
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Obesity increases the risk for leading causes of death, including cardiovascular disease and some cancers. Midwestern and southern states have the highest obesity rates—in Kansas, one in every three adults is obese. We compared the willingness of Kansas adults and opinion leaders to pay more in taxes to fund obesity prevention policies. In 2014, we asked a representative sample of 2,203 Kansas adults (response rate 15.7%) and 912 opinion leaders (response rate 55%) drawn from elected office and other sectors, including business and health, whether they would pay an additional $50 in annual taxes to support five policies that improve access to healthy foods and opportunities for physical activity. We used adjusted Wald tests to compare public and opinion leaders’ responses, and regression analysis to assess whether differences in respondents’ gender, age, location (urban/rural), race/ethnicity, and political stance affected results. Adjusting for demographic differences, Kansas adults were more willing than opinion leaders to pay $50 in taxes for each of the five policy interventions. This study demonstrates a willingness among residents of a fiscally conservative state to pay increased taxes for policies that could reduce population obesity rates. Health professionals, including nurses, can use these findings to educate policy makers in Kansas and geopolitically similar states about widespread public support for obesity prevention policies. Public health and other nurses could also apply our methods to assess support for obesity prevention policies in their jurisdictions.
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Pretelli, Matteo. "Dal Trattato di Guadalupe-Hidalgo al Secure Fence Act. Politiche statunitensi di controllo del confine fra Messico e Stati Uniti." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 39 (May 2012): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-039008.
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This essay aims to analyze U.S. policies of southern border enforcement in the 19th- and 20th-centuries, which targeted illegal crossings from Mexico onto American soil. In 2006, President George W. Bush signed the Secure Fence Act that endorsed the costruction of a fence along 700 of the 2,000 mile long southern international boundary. This border enforcement is the aftermath of policies that especially from the 1980s onwards aim to respond to the increasing fear in U.S. public opinion relating to the presence of unauthorized migrants in the United States.
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Hodges, Donald G., and Frederick W. Cubbage. "Nonindustrial Private Forest Management in the South: Assistance Foresters' Activities and Perceptions." Southern Journal of Applied Forestry 14, no. 1 (February 1, 1990): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sjaf/14.1.44.
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Abstract Private and public technical assistance foresters were surveyed in 12 southern states. Their management practices on southern forests are summarized by employment sector. Industrial foresters helped manage more acres per forester than consultants or state foresters. All foresters assisted more in planting trees than in preparing for natural regeneration. Industrial foresters favored clearcutting, consultants selective cuts, and state foresters a mix. Consultants performed much more natural regeneration than industrial or state foresters, who focused almost exclusively on artificial regeneration. Respondents also provided written opinion about current forest management and environmental issues, as well as suggestions for professional education. South. J. App. For. 14(1):44-48.
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Wallsten, Kevin, and Tatishe M. Nteta. "For You Were Strangers in the Land of Egypt: Clergy, Religiosity, and Public Opinion toward Immigration Reform in the United States." Politics and Religion 9, no. 3 (August 8, 2016): 566–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000444.
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AbstractRecently, a number of influential clergy leaders have declared their support for liberal immigration reforms. Do the pronouncements of religious leaders influence public opinion on immigration? Using data from a survey experiment embedded in the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we find that exposure to the arguments from high profile religious leaders can compel some individuals to reconsider their views on the immigration. To be more precise, we find that Methodists, Southern Baptists, and Evangelical Lutheran Church in America leaders successfully persuaded respondents who identify with these religious denominations to think differently about a path to citizenship and about the plight of undocumented immigrants. Interestingly, we also uncovered that religiosity matters in different ways for how parishioners from different religious faiths react to messages from their leaders. These findings force us to reconsider the impact that an increasingly strident clergy may be having on public opinion in general and on support for immigration reform in particular.
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Dawes, Roy A., and Hunter Bacot. "Understanding Support for the War in Iraq during the Bush Years: Differences in Civilian and Military Opinion." American Review of Politics 34 (September 8, 2016): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2013.34.0.47-61.
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We examine relationships between military affiliation and support for the war in Iraq and support for President Bush in five southern states chosen because of their support of Republican presidents and concentration of military families. Using public opinion data, we disentangle the effects of race, military affiliation, age, and ideology on support for President Bush and his prosecution of the war. Of note are differences between civilians and military-affiliated respondents in support for the Iraq War. Incongruence is evident about the direction of the war effort between those who fought the war—members of the military—and those who managed most of the war—President Bush and his administration.
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Lekka, Anastasia Chr. "How Memoranda of Understanding Have Affected EU Democratic Institutions in Southern EU Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research 5, no. 2 (August 10, 2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v5i2.11692.
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The recent recession having emerged in 2007 has been the worst economic downturn since the time of Great Depression of 1929 in USA and spread across the European continent. In many European countries this led to severe sovereign debt crisis beginning in 2010 and was followed by implementation of austerity measures with significant impact on public, social and employment sector. Those tough austerity measures resulted in structural reforms of welfare and labor market especially in Southern EU countries like Greece, Spain, Portugal, Ireland and Italy representing the most prominent examples. These policies were imposed to a large extend through the so called “Troika” which was an interaction between internal EU and external Organizations, like the European Union, the European Central Bank and International Monetary Fund respectively.Citizens realize that their national economic institutions are no longer responsible for the decision making on major social and economic policies, on economic and welfare policies, on privatization and sale of public assets. Consequently, citizens tend to question if this constrained democracy deserves further support. This is enhanced by the fact that National Parliaments no longer develop policies but rather align with policies dictated by the above stated Institutions and are forced to accept such deals without asking the opinion of citizens. Nevertheless the EU intends to promote civil society participation in decision making and program policies applied. This contradiction needs to be analyzed in order to determine if there is a democratic deficit in EU member states.
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Udrea, Georgiana. "Review of "Uniunea Europeană – un trend în derivă? O analiză a discursului mediatic și a perspectivei tinerilor" (The European Union – a Drifting Trend? An Analysis of Media Discourse and Youth Perspectives) by Oana Ștefăniță, Comunicare.ro, 2017." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 19, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2017.3.247.
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In recent times, the European Union has been confronted with huge challenges and crises, which, in the absence of prompt and effective measures, call into question the future of the European project itself. The political incongruities, the disintegrating tendencies culminating with Brexit, the divisions between northern and southern states over economic crisis and austerity measures, the refugee waves and their poor integration into society, the rise of populist and extremist currents, etc. have caused anger, confusion and fear among Europeans, influencing the relations between member states and public perceptions. In this unstable context, studying people’s opinion on the EU and its subtle mechanisms becomes an important and pragmatic effort, as the public has the means to pursue action based on its feelings of support or opposition towards the community block. Oana Ștefăniță’s book, Uniunea Europeană – un trend în derivă? proposes such an insight into the world of young European citizens, investigating their interest in European issues, the EU’s place on the agenda of interpersonal conversations, the way they understand and experience the feeling of European belonging, and their perspectives on the future of the Union.
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Rinaudo, Jean Daniel, and Patrice Garin. "The benefits of combining lay and expert input for water-management planning at the watershed level." Water Policy 7, no. 3 (June 1, 2005): 279–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2005.0018.
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With the promulgation of the EC Water Framework Directive (WFD), stakeholders’ involvement in water management planning and public consultation has become mandatory for member states. This paper investigates the case of France, where water management has been based on a distinctive form of “participatory democracy” for over 40 years. It first analyses how public participation and expert opinion fit into the water-management planning procedure and compares this to what occurs elsewhere in Europe and the United States. It then proposes an operational method for initiating the participatory process with an analysis of the stakeholders' viewpoint at the watershed level. The method, which relies on interviews, is applied to two watersheds located in southern France. The results of the two case studies illustrate how the stakeholders' viewpoint analysis can give access to practical knowledge and experience and to a wider range of perspectives and options. The case studies highlight the idea that the mobilisation of non-scientific (or lay) knowledge, values and preferences can improve the quality of the identification of the issues at stake, the formulation of a generally complex and unstructured problem and the identification of a large panel of alternative solutions. The paper then proposes some recommendations for implementing the provisions of the WFD.
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Fabbrini, Sergio. "The Domestic Sources of European Anti‐Americanism." Government and Opposition 37, no. 1 (January 2002): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00084.
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The Terrorist Attacks In New York And Washington Dc On 11 September 2001, and the killing of thousands of people were not sufficient to dispel a mood of suspicion in European public opinion towards America. Of course, during the very first days after the attack, there was widespread grief and sorrow about the event among Europeans. But, as soon as discussion on the right strategy to pursu to combat terrorism began, the initial mood of identification with America started to change. And when America, although backed by a large international coalition and legitimated by two UN resolutions, moved towards an armed intervention in Afghanistan, European anti-Americanism emerged again. Thus, during the armed intervention in Afghanistan, especially when the bombing led to the death of innocent victims, a social mobilization against the American war grew day after day, with its critics apparently losing sight of the fact that a dramatic terrorist attack on America had recently taken place.The interesting question is why does anti-Americanism re-emerge regularly in large sections of European public opinion? This intermittent Anti-Americanism appears more in southern and continental Europe, than in the northern British Isles and Scandinavia, where it is outdone by a more vociferous anti-Europeanism. In the latter countries, anti-Americanism takes the form of uneasiness with the United States. In fact, in spite of Britain's traditional special relationship with the United States, the fact cannot be denied that post-war British elites grudgingly accept their inferior status in that special relationship. But, of course, frustration with America is not the same as anger towards America. In any case, in (continental) Europe, anti- Americanism seems to be one of the few public philosophies that can unite large sections of the left, the right and the Catholic Church. It is a public philosophy which emerges especially in periods of war (and of international crisis in general).
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Jenkins, Jeffery A., and Justin Peck. "Building Toward Major Policy Change: Congressional Action on Civil Rights, 1941–1950." Law and History Review 31, no. 1 (February 2013): 139–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248012000181.
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The mid-1960s witnessed a landmark change in the area of civil rights policy in the United States. After a series of tortuous internal battles, with Southern legislators using all available procedural tools to maintain their states' discriminatory Jim Crow legal systems, the United States Congress adopted two statutes—the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965—which insured civil and political equality for all Americans. The Acts of 1964 and 1965 were the culmination of a decade-long struggle by black Americans to secure the citizenship rights that had been denied to them for more than a half century. Beginning with the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) Supreme Court decision, the civil rights movement built momentum, as formal organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) grew in strength and informal (grass roots) organizations spread throughout the South and the Nation. As national public opinion shifted increasingly toward providing new civil rights guarantees for blacks, Congress responded with new legislation: the Civil Rights Act of 1957 (the first civil rights law since 1875), the Civil Rights Act of 1960, and a legislative proposal to prohibit the poll tax in 1962 (which would be ratified by three-quarters of the states in 1964 and become the 24th Amendment to the United States Constitution).
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TRAVKINA, N. M. "Alive American History: Сivil War of Monuments." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 2 (August 27, 2018): 12–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-2-12-29.
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The article analyzes the origins and causes of public resistance in the United States about the issue of preservation of monuments, symbolizing the period of the Confederacy in the U.S. South during the Civil war (1861-1865). Indicates that the main factor in the confrontation was a victory in the presidential elections of 2016 of D.Trump, who in the minds of his Democratic Party supporters is associated with racial ideas of “white supremacy”. With the coming to power of D. Trump in the U.S. relatively powerful movement emerged, mainly in the southern States for the demolition and dismantling of Confederate monuments, which symbolize, in the opinion of left-liberal forces, the ideas and theories of superior and inferior races, who were believed to be sunk into oblivion after the adoption in the 1960-s of civil rights laws. Currently in the U.S. there are more than 1.5 thousand artifacts relating to or symbolizing the period of the Confederacy and glorify its military leaders. The specific histories of the dismantling of monuments of the Confederation in various States are outlined. However are considered and the counteractions of the opponents of dismantling the legacy of the Confederacy are considered, which created in the recent years the strong legal barriers for the protection of Confederate monuments under the pretext of protecting the cultural heritage of past historical periods. It is stated that in retrospect, the current wave of dismantling of the Confederate monument is to some extent а justified step because for the first 30 years of the twentieth century these monuments were erected as political symbols of the segregation-racist regime of apartheid established in 26 U.S. States after the adoption of the so- called laws of “Jim Crow” at the turn of XIX-XX centuries. In the conclusion it is stated that under the President D. Trump the severity of the problem of the removal/preservation of Confederate monuments and other monuments of the past American history will remain in the foreseeable future.
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Gollub, Erica L., and Raven Vaughan. "U.S. Women Need the Dapivirine Ring, Too: FDA as Structural Barrier to HIV Prevention for Women." AIDS Education and Prevention 34, no. 4 (August 2022): 311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/aeap.2022.34.4.311.
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The dapivirine monthly vaginal ring—a discreet, anti-HIV microbicide created specifically for women—has received a positive scientific opinion by the European Medicines Agency and is included in the WHO HIV prevention guidelines. It has received regulatory approvals in several countries in southern and eastern Africa. During the review of the New Drug Application that was submitted in December 2020, FDA advised the developer, International Partnership for Microbicides, that it was unlikely to be approved in the United States; the application has since been withdrawn. This commentary will present the case for FDA approval for the dapivirine ring. Advocacy is urgently needed to protect U.S. women's access to user-controlled HIV prevention technologies, consistent with both global regulatory decisions to date and with a reproductive justice framework. Women continue to need the fullest range of HIV prevention methods to integrate into their lives in the most practical and effective way possible.
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Venugopal, C. N. "POLITY, RELIGION AND SECULARISM IN INDIA: A STUDY OF INTERRELATIONSHIPS." POLITICS AND RELIGION IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0701021v.
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In most parts of the world, the political processes have arisen out of social matrix. Tribes, clans, castes, classes have existed around a social organization. Economy, polity, religion, family and kinship networks have operated under a social framework. When Aristotle said that man is a political animal he had in mind the social element. In ancient Greece the political and the social were interdependent. F.D. Coulanges in his study of ancient cities noted that in Greek city states, the political activities of free citizens (who excluded women and slaves) were associated with social and religious duties and obligations. The people who gathered at the public forum participated in city cults which honoured their ancestors and deities and subsequently engaged themselves in political discussion. The Roman cities also had similar cuts which were led by the senators in the presence of citizens. The modern states have treated political work as a formal process which is independent of other factors. At present, the direct participation of people in politics has become a thing of the past. The domestic element has almost vanished due to the rise of representative democracy. J. Habermas has stated that in the post – 17th century Europe the public sphere has disappeared, because the direct participation of people in the city councils has mostly disappeared. Harold Laski, the British thinker, has observed in a cryptic way the today public opinion is neither public nor opinion. In other words, politicians have taken over the functions of public who previously expressed their opinion freely. The Indian society has not only been multi-ethnic but also multi-religious. Indian religions are pantheistic in which the nature is seen as a manifestation of divinity. By contrast of the monotheistic religions of West Asia the divinity was withdrawn from nature and made transcendental. In the Pre-Christian era (at the time of the rise of Jainism and Budhism) there were numerous small-scale republics in the North. We find references to them in the Budhist Jatak tales (composed both Pali and Sanskrit). These small tales had a strong demotic character: 1 Cell phone number: (+91) 80-3240 8782 22 ПОЛИТИКА И РЕЛИГИЈА У САВРЕМЕНОЈ ИНДИЈИ ПОЛИТИКОЛОГИЈА РЕЛИГИЈЕ бр. 1/2013 год VII • POLITICS AND RELIGION • POLITOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS • Nº 1/2013 Vol. VII they elected their rulers mostly on merit; there was widespread participation of people in the political affairs. In 3rd century B.C. Alexander reached the borders of India; this even gave rise to a socio-political ferment. Although Alexander abruptly returned to Macedonia, Chanakya (also known as Kautilya) used the threat of Greek invasion to mobilize the people towards building a central state. He inspired Chandragupta (a warrior) to establish the Mauryan state in eastern India. Thereafter, many such states came up in different parts of India. In spite of their aggressive or despotic tendencies, these large states brought about social stability. By decree they protected the many ethnic groups which were getting absorbed into the caste system. Although the caste system was hierarchic, yet it was based on reciprocal ties. Besides, they laid the foundations for socio-economic development. In the southern peninsula the village councils known as panchayats became highly effective in the rural areas. These panchayats controlled land, fostered community participation in the village affairs and punished the wrong-doers. The southern kings never disturbed their autonomy. In the north also the village panchayat flourished till the 10th century. In the wake of British rule (17th century) these village councils declined. Radhakamal Mukerjee, the Indian sociologist, described them as “democracies of the East”. Although many Indians are not educated, they have exercised intelligence in choosing their representative for assembly and parliament. This is largely due to the legacy of the panchayats. The Indian political systems have been traditionally guided by two types of juridical texts. I. The dharmashastras (composed by Manu and others). II. The nitishastras (such as Kautilya’s Arthashastra, Shukra’s Nitisara and Bhisma’s address to the princes in Mahabharata which is known as Shantiparva). The texts of the first type laid down rules for conducting cacred duties, codes of conduct, punishment for transgression. The texts of the second type deal with more mundane matters related to agriculture, irrigation, imports and exports and military organization. It is here that Indian secularism originated. In other words, the rulers protected both sacred and secular pursuits of their subjects. The Indian rulers (Hindu, Budhists and Jaina) followed the same texts in administering justice, conducting warfare against the invaders and maintaining internal peace. Further, the two ancient systems of Indian philosophy – Vaisheshika and Samkhya were highly ratiocinative. They laid the foundations for developments in Indian science. Alburini, the Persian scholar, described in detail India’s developments in science, mathematics and astronomy in the 10th century AD. This clearly shows that Indian religions have not opposed science which is a secular activity. The Indian constitution (1951) has not seen any contradiction between religion and secularism. Both types of activities are legitimate in India. All people of India have freedom of worship; only condition is that one religious group should not interfere in the religious life of another group. However, in the recent years the Hindu, Sikh and Muslim militant groups have arisen and disturbed the social POLITICS AND RELIGION IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA 23 C.N. Venugopal , POLITY, RELIGION AND SECULARISM IN INDIA: A STUDY OF INTERRELATIONSHIPS • (pp 21-40) harmony. These tensions and problems will be more fully analyzed in the larger version of this paper.
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Jacobson, Michael G., John L. Greene, Thomas J. Straka, Steven E. Daniels, and Michael A. Kilgore. "Influence and Effectiveness of Financial Incentive Programs in Promoting Sustainable Forestry in the South." Southern Journal of Applied Forestry 33, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sjaf/33.1.35.
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Abstract State forestry officials responsible for forestry incentive programs in each of the 13 southern states were surveyed concerning their opinions on financial incentive programs available to nonindustrial private forest owners. The forestry officials were asked to name and describe the public and private programs available in their state, to assess forest owners' awareness of each program, its appeal among the owners aware of it, its effectiveness in encouraging sustainable forestry and enabling owners to meet their objectives, and the percent of program practices that remain in place and enrolled acres that remain in forest over time. They also were asked to suggest ways to improve the programs. The Forest Stewardship, Forest Land Enhancement, and Forest Legacy Programs were among the top rated federal programs. Programs sponsored by states and private organizations tended to be more narrowly targeted than federal programs and scored well for specific attributes. The forestry officials' suggestions for program improvement centered largely on improving program visibility and availability, increasing and ensuring long-term consistency in program funding, and simplifying the application and approval process.
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Zakariyah, Luqman, Suhaimi Bin Mhd Sarif, Rahmah Bt Ahmad Osman, Shukran Abd Rahman, and Azman Bin Mohd Noor. "Investing Muslim Public Funds for Fulfilling Maqāsid al-Shariaah: A Case Study of Tabung Masjid in Malaysia (Melabur Dana Awam Islam untuk Memenuhi Maqāsid al- Shariaah: Kajian Kes Tabung Masjid di Malaysia)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 14, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v14i2.615.
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Abstract
This study aims at determining the investment strategies of Masjids in Malaysia. Drawing from the success story of Tabung Haj, the study has focused on establishing the need for the efficiency in investing Tabung Masjid toward benefiting the public and fulfilling maqasid al-Shariaah (Objectives of Shariaah). The study introduces a Maqasid based framework to test the significance of investing TM. The sample consists of 287 mosques in 9 states of Malaysia. Cross-tabulation, ANOVA, and correlations were conducted on the data collected through self-administered questionnaire. Granger causality test is performed on the forecasted investment and development indicators. Cross-tabulation results indicated that amount of donations and investment strategies of tabung vary states in Malaysia. ANOVA results have proved that money saved by mosques in banks varies significantly among states. Tukey test results indicate that mosques in southern states save less amount of Tabung Masjid in the bank compared to the masjid in other states. Correlation results proved that savings in the bank have a negative relationship with the intention toward general and capital investment. Investment of Tabung Masjid is found to have a significant positive causal relationship with economic development. Data used for analysis is of opinion and forecasted values, the exact amount of donation and investment in various sources could not be obtained. Efficient utilization of Tabung Masjid will allow mosques to play a significant role in shaping the socio-economic profile of Muslim community in Malaysia and similar initiative will also be helpful for any developing countries.
Keywords: Investment, Public Funds, Maqasid al-Shariaah, Donations, Malaysia; Charity, Tabung Masjid.
Abstrak
Kajian ini bertujuan untuk menentukan strategi pelaburan Masjid di Malaysia. Memelajari dari kisah kejayaan Tabung Haji, kajian ini menumpukan kepada keperluan penubuhan untuk kecekapan Tabung Masjid ke arah memberi manfaat kepada orang ramai dan memenuhi Maqasid Al-Shariah (Objektif Syariah). Kajian ini memperkenalkan rangka kerja berasaskan Maqasid untuk menguji kepentingan melabur TM. Sampel ini terdiri daripada 287 masjid di 9 negeri di Malaysia. Tabulasi silang, ANOVA, dan korelasi dijalankan ke atas data yang dikumpul melalui penyelidikan sendiri. Ujian kausal Granger dilakukan pada penanda aras pelaburan dan pembangunan. Hasil penyelarasan menunjukkan bahawa jumlah derma dan strategi pelaburan tabung berbeza-beza di Malaysia. Hasil ANOVA telah membuktikan bahawa wang yang diselamatkan oleh masjid di bank sangat berbeza antara negeri. Hasil ujian Tukey menunjukkan bahawa masjid-masjid di negeri-negeri selatan menjimatkan jumlah Tabung Masjid di bank berbanding dengan masjid di negeri-negeri lain. Hasil korelasi membuktikan bahawa simpanan di bank mempunyai hubungan negatif dengan niat ke arah pelaburan umum dan modal. Pelaburan Masjid Tabung didapati mempunyai hubungan kausal positif yang signifikan dengan pembangunan ekonomi. Data yang digunakan untuk analisis adalah pendapat dan ramalan nilai, jumlah sumbangan yang tepat dan pelaburan dalam pelbagai sumber tidak dapat diperolehi. Pemanfaatan Tabung Masjid yang cekap akan membolehkan masjid untuk memainkan peranan penting dalam membentuk profil sosioekonomi masyarakat Islam di Malaysia dan inisiatif yang sama juga akan membantu mana-mana Negara lain yang sedang membangun.
Kata Kunci: Pelaburan, Dana Awam, Maqasid-Al-Shariah, Derma, Malaysia; Amal, Tabung Masjid.
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Rykhtorova, Anna E. "Global Trends in Marketing Technologies to Promote Library Websites." Bibliotekovedenie [Russian Journal of Library Science] 69, no. 2 (July 20, 2020): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2020-69-2-135-146.
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In recent decades, the scope of library activities has changed. In addition to providing traditional resources and services, today libraries themselves are becoming developers of digital content and providers of access to electronic content. The user base of libraries is also undergoing significant changes: there are changing the user generations, employment trends, areas of interest and habits. Realizing that marketing activities can increase user loyalty, form public opinion about both — a particular institution and libraries in general, increase the visibility of library resources and enlarge market share, the most active specialists are adapting marketing to the conditions of libraries operation. In 2019, there was organized the study on the websites of libraries in Russia, Australia, the United States and Canada, Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America, as well as in a number of countries in South and South-East Asia in order to identify the main trends in the organization of library promotion in the Internet environment. There were considered the websites of public, national, University and academic libraries. Library websites were analysed for the use of 10 most common tools in Internet marketing, such as: the transition to a modern web site design, effective linking with social networks, marketing in social networks (Social Media Marketing, SMM), the use of banner advertising, the availability of subscription to e-mailing, the publication of press and post releases, the presence of a blog in the library domain, the availability of content evaluation and sharing tools in social networks. The study conclusion was the identification of trends in the development of library sites over a large area and the compilation of heat maps, which clearly demonstrate such trends, where the libraries of the countries of North America, Australia and Northern Europe showed greater consistency with the parameters selected for the study; Central and Southern Europe, Russia and part of the countries of Latin America are in the transition zone, and the least compliance are found in the countries of South Asia. The most common means of promotion is the publication of press and post releases. Among the least used marketing technologies are blogs in the library domain, embedded video and Internet broadcasts, as well as work on optimizing sites for an audience from social networks.
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Myles, John. "Welfare States and Public Opinion." American Sociological Review 71, no. 3 (June 2006): 495–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240607100307.
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Srinivasa Rao, Dr R. "TRENDS AND CHALLENGES OF POULTRY INDUSTRY." International Journal of Engineering Technologies and Management Research 1, no. 1 (January 27, 2020): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/ijetmr.v1.i1.2015.21.
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Poultry farming is the natural practice of raising turkeys, chickens, ducks, or geese. The birds are raised for domestic or commercial use, for meat, eggs, and feathers. Chickens, ducks, geese, turkeys, ostriches and emus are main types of poultry farms. This paper encounters the problems of poultry formers and their opinions on various issues relating to production and marketing of poultry products. Based on available imperial evidence, the paper includes that it is production and marketing level to continue to promote poultry to contribute towards poultry farm owners and livelihood support but concerted efforts must bemade to find organizational solutions to minimize public health risks and government provide appropriate extension support on issues like disease prevention, predation, improving hatchability, etc,. Unfortunately most government extension programs in the developing countries are not addressing the needs of poor advice to poultry farmers. Poultry is one of the fastest growing fragments of the agricultural sector in India. The reasons behind the fast growth of the segment are growth in income level of the people, a growing urban population and falling real poultry prices. On the other hand increased investments in breeding,hatching, processing has also contributed significantly towards the growth of the industry. Total egg production in India in 2005 was 46 billion. The six southern states - Andhra Pradesh, Talangana, TamilNadu, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Punjab are the major producing centers.
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Moskvina, Julija. "Digital Education: Lithuania among Other European Union States." Acta Paedagogica Vilnensia 47 (December 30, 2021): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/actpaed.2021.47.4.
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Digital learning has become an everyday experience for a significant part of the population during a pandemic, regardless of their technical and psychological readiness. Both the more and less technologically advanced countries have faced the inevitable need for large-scale deployment of digital learning. This paper presents an assessment of the development of digital learning in Lithuania and the EU countries in 2019, i.e., before the pandemic began. The evaluation is carried out using the Index of Readiness for Digital Lifelong Learning, developed by the Center for European Policy Studies (CEPS) using official indicators and expert evaluation.Despite the growing number of studies aimed at assessing the digital divide in modern society and in education in particular, there is still a lack of empirical material to shed light on the link between the extent of digitalization, its determinants (such as national governance in promoting digitalization), and changes in learning outcomes caused by digitalization. The findings from the CEPS study presented in the paper are the first attempt to move beyond the assessment of the prevalence of learning digitalization in different European countries, taking a holistic view of digitalisation-induced changes in learning outcomes and participation with a special focus on digital learning policy as an important component of digitalisation development.The aim of this article is to assess the digital learning situation in Lithuania using the Index of Readiness for Digital Lifelong Learning, which was developed before the pandemic in 2019. The progress of European Union countries in developing digital learning is reviewed in the paper, based on the results of CEPS (2019) research. The Index of Readiness for Digital Lifelong Learning and the results of Lithuania’s assessment using the methodology developed by CEPS are presented here. The description of the situation in Lithuania is based on the second component of the Index titled “Institutions and policies for digital learning”.In order to qualitatively assess the country’s strategic provisions for digital learning, the method of analysis of the country’s strategic documents was applied. Public expert opinions were included into the analysis of the situation in Lithuania. An interpretation of the comparative analysis of the obtained index values is presented.Standard indicators from the Eurostat, Eurobarometer, OECD, Bertelsmann Stiftung, World Bank, and expert surveys were used to create the combined Index of Readiness for Digital Lifelong Learning. The index is constructed as a weighted average of indicators divided into three categories: learning participation and outcomes, institutions and policies for digital learning, and availability of digital learning. The assessment of the situation in the EU countries, carried out according to the developed methodology, allowed to calculate the value of the Index for each country. Lithuania ranks 11th in the overall EU-27 ranking with an Index value of 0.623.A more detailed analysis allowed us to see that the countries’ ratings can differ significantly according to the different categories of the Index. The Scandinavian countries lead in terms of learning participation and outcomes and, together with the Netherlands and Austria, in terms of availability of digital learning. Southern European countries received relatively high ratings in the Index category “institutions and policies for digital learning”, which reflects their determination to strengthen their position in the digital world. Estonia and the Netherlands also found themselves among the leaders in this category. Lithuania’s relatively high position in the list is also based on positive evaluations of the indicators of the second component of the Index (i.e., policies and institutions), while participation and learning outcomes were assessed modestly. Using the example of Lithuania, the article provides arguments in favor of why the second component of the Index should not be given.
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Enns, Peter K., and Julianna Koch. "Public Opinion in the U.S. States." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 13, no. 3 (September 2013): 349–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440013496439.
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Treger, Iuly, and Lena Lutsky Treger. "Regional Organization of the Rehabilitation Service in Coronavirus Epidemic." Bulletin of Rehabilitation Medicine 20, no. 1 (February 26, 2021): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.38025/2078-1962-2021-20-1-13-20.
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The COVID-19 pandemics has dramatically changed the organization of public rehabilitation services around the world. Rehabilitation managers and doctors have faced different challenges at all stages of patient management from acute departments to home, especially in the periphery of the country. Aim. To analyze and present the regional experience of rehabilitation system reorganization during pandemics. Materials and methods. The Southern region of Israel is a big part of the country with about one million of population. The Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation department at the Soroka University Hospital is a part of the regional rehabilitation network, and was forced to find optimal solutions to all kinds of organizational challenges from the first days of the crisis. Most of those solutions, which, in our opinion, showed their effectiveness in managing our patients in this confused situation are presented and discussed in the article. Results. COVID-19 pandemics crisis had mostly a negative input on the whole system organization. The normal regular flow of multistage rehabilitation process was interrupted, serious part of professional staff was out of system due to quarantine and pandemic restrictions. The whole system was forced to change the management algorithms very quickly, sometimes as an immediate response to everyday changes. However, some changes that have occurred in response to the changed conditions may have a positive impact on the work of the rehabilitation system in the future and will also be discussed in the article. Conclusion. Our regional professional situation, of sure, is a combination of local rehabilitation organization and characteristics of Israeli health system, and from that point of view it is quite unique. But the problems of periphery are almost the same in every country so our local experience can help professionals in other regions.
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Fernández-Prados, Juan Sebastián, Cristina Cuenca-Piqueras, and María José González-Moreno. "International public opinion surveys and public policy in Southern European democracies." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 35, no. 2 (June 2019): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2018.1535997.
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AbstractThis article aims to analyse the presence of and relationship between the most relevant comparative social research thorough international surveys and public policies reflected in the different official bulletins or gazettes of the countries of southern Europe, specifically Spain, Portugal and Italy. Following a consideration of the process of globalisation of research through surveys, four surveys were selected (Eurobarometer, World Values Survey, International Social Survey Programme, European Social Survey). The complex relationships between public opinion and public policy were also addressed. Finally, it is concluded that the most prominent international surveys have little or no presence in public policies in the countries analysed.
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Fowler, Luke. "The states of public opinion on the environment." Environmental Politics 25, no. 2 (October 16, 2015): 315–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2015.1102351.
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Eun Kim, Sung, and Johannes Urpelainen. "Environmental public opinion in U.S. states, 1973–2012." Environmental Politics 27, no. 1 (September 27, 2017): 89–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2017.1362720.
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Erikson, Robert S., John P. McIver, and Gerald C. Wright. "State Political Culture and Public Opinion." American Political Science Review 81, no. 3 (September 1987): 797–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962677.
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Do the states of the United States matter (or are they of no political consequence)? Using a data set with over 50 thousand respondents, we demonstrate the influence of state political culture on partisanship and ideology. For individuals, we find that the state of residence is an important predictor of partisan and ideological identification, independent of their demographic characteristics. At the aggregate level, state culture dominates state demography as a source of state-to-state differences in opinion. In general, geographic location may be a more important source of opinion than previously thought. One indication of the importance of state culture is that state effects on partisanship and ideology account for about half of the variance in state voting in recent presidential elections.
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LAX, JEFFREY R., and JUSTIN H. PHILLIPS. "Gay Rights in the States: Public Opinion and Policy Responsiveness." American Political Science Review 103, no. 3 (August 2009): 367–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409990050.
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We study the effects of policy-specific public opinion on state adoption of policies affecting gays and lesbians, and the factors that condition this relationship. Using national surveys and advances in opinion estimation, we create new estimates of state-level support for eight policies, including civil unions and nondiscrimination laws. We differentiate between responsiveness to opinion and congruence with opinion majorities. We find a high degree of responsiveness, controlling for interest group pressure and the ideology of voters and elected officials. Policy salience strongly increases the influence of policy-specific opinion (directly and relative to general voter ideology). There is, however, a surprising amount of noncongruence—for some policies, even clear supermajority support seems insufficient for adoption. When noncongruent, policy tends to be more conservative than desired by voters; that is, there is little progay policy bias. We find little to no evidence that state political institutions affect policy responsiveness or congruence.
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Gray, Virginia, David Lowery, Matthew Fellowes, and Andrea Mcatee. "Public Opinion, Public Policy, and Organized Interests in the American States." Political Research Quarterly 57, no. 3 (September 2004): 411–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290405700306.
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Gray, Virginia, David Lowery, Matthew Fellowes, and Andrea McAtee. "Public Opinion, Public Policy, and Organized Interests in the American States." Political Research Quarterly 57, no. 3 (September 2004): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3219851.
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Zhurba, Oleh. "The history of Katerynoslav in historiography of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 2 (October 12, 2020): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190216.
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The aim of the article was to present the genesis and dynamics of the study of the history of Yekaterinoslav in the writings of local historians of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Using the methods of historiographic analysis and synthesis made it possible to identify the state of development of the issue in the historical literature and realize the goal. The main result was the creation of a periodization of regional historiographical exploration of the problem. It is proposed to divide this process into three stages. The criteria for their selection were organizational, personnel, style and problem-thematic parameters. Based on the texts of Archbishop Gabriel (Rozanov), Bishop Feodosii (Makarevskyi), The Chronicle of the Yekaterinoslav Scientific Archival Commission, D. I. Yavornitskyi the process of formation and change of research problems of urbanization processes in the region, types and information potential of their sources are analyzed Noah base. The value of the scientific development of the historiographic tradition for the formation of modern conceptual approaches to the study of the history of urbanization processes in southern Ukraine as a whole is determined. Scientific novelty is also determined by the fact that historiographic and sociological positions criticized such a historiographic phenomenon as the Cossack urbanism. The creators and supporters of the concept of the Cossack urban development have been trying to imagine the Cossacks as the creator of the urban environment since the 16th century, they ignore or significantly level the importance and role of imperial power in the generation of modern urban space. It is noted that it is the historians of the ХIX and early ХХ centuries. laid the foundation for the study of the history of Cossack settlements, the formation of a source base for such studies. They established a genetic link between Cossack settlements and the formation of Yekaterinoslav, they have documented the decisive role of imperial power in establishing a properly organized, modern city on the site of the traditional Cossack and peasant settlements. The conclusions emphasized that in the late ХIX and early ХХ centuries an ideal consensus was formed regarding the main parameters of the regional historical memory between its key actors (power, public opinion, professional historical environment and everyday historical representations of ordinary people). It was based on the results obtained by historians, popularized at the power, amateur and journalistic levels, rooted in public memorial practices of knowledge or perception of the foundation of Yekaterinoslav in 1787 as a result of the Cossack settlement of the region and imperial initiatives and organizational efforts to create a network of urban settlements. The type of article: analytical.
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Erikson, Robert S., Gerald C. Wright, and John P. McIver. "Political Parties, Public Opinion, and State Policy in the United States." American Political Science Review 83, no. 3 (September 1989): 729–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962058.
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When comparing states in the United States, one finds little correlation between state opinion and party control of the state legislature or between party control and state policy. Although these low correlations seeming to indicate that partisan politics is irrelevant to the representation process, the opposite is true. State opinion influences the ideological positions of state parties, and parties' responsiveness to state opinion helps to determine their electoral success. Moreover, parties move toward the center once in office. For these reasons, state electoral politics is largely responsible for the correlation between state opinion and state policy.
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Wright, Gerald C., Robert S. Erikson, and John P. McIver. "Public Opinion and Policy Liberalism in the American States." American Journal of Political Science 31, no. 4 (November 1987): 980. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111232.
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Ortiz, Reynaldo Yunuen Ortega. "The United States-Iraq War and Mexican Public Opinion." International Journal 61, no. 3 (2006): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204195.
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Lowery, David, Virginia Gray, and Gregory Hager. "Public Opinion and Policy Change in the American States." American Politics Quarterly 17, no. 1 (January 1989): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x8901700101.
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Ortiz, Reynaldo Yunuen Ortega. "The United States-Iraq War and Mexican Public Opinion." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 61, no. 3 (September 2006): 648–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200606100308.
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Lax, Jeffrey R., and Justin H. Phillips. "How Should We Estimate Public Opinion in The States?" American Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (January 2009): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00360.x.
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CITRIN, JACK, DAVID O. SEARS, CHRISTOPHER MUSTE, and CARA WONG. "Multiculturalism in American Public Opinion." British Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (March 20, 2001): 247–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123401000102.
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Multiculturalism has emerged to challenge liberalism as an ideological solution in coping with ethnic diversity in the United States. This article develops a definition of political multiculturalism which refers to conceptions of identity, community and public policy. It then analyses the 1994 General Social Survey and a 1994 survey of Los Angeles County to assess the contours of mass support and opposition to multiculturalism, testing hypotheses concerning the role of social background, liberalism–conservatism and racial hostility. The main conclusions are that ‘hard’ versions of multiculturalism are rejected in all ethnic groups, that a liberal political self-identification boosts support for multiculturalism, and that racial hostility is a consistent source of antagonism to the new ethnic agenda of multiculturalism. There is strong similarity in the results in both the national and Los Angeles samples.
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Pérez, Orlando J. "Public Opinion and the Future of U.S.-Panama Relations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 3 (1999): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166157.
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Using survey data and interviews, this study examines Panamanian attitudes toward the United States and toward the central issues in US.- Panama relations. It also compares Panamanian attitudes with opinions toward the United States in the rest of Central America. The study finds that nationalism, system support, anticommunism, and, for the mass public, ideology are the most important variables in determining support for the United States. Elites are more nationalistic and less accommodationist toward the United States than the mass public. Concern about the politicization and misuse of the Panama Canal and adjacent lands has led many in the general public to support a continued US. military presence on the Isthmus of Panama.
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Hartley, Thomas, and Bruce Russett. "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86, no. 4 (December 1992): 905–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964343.
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We measure the extent to which military spending policy reflects public opinion, while controlling for other reasonable influences on policy. We use survey data as an indicator of aggregate public opinion on military spending and find evidence that changes in public opinion consistently exert an effect on changes in military spending. The influence of public opinion is less important than either Soviet military spending or the gap between U.S. and Soviet military spending and more important than the deficit and the balance of Soviet conflict/cooperation with the United States. We also examine the hypothesis that public opinion does not influence the government but that the government systematically manipulates public opinion. We find no evidence to support this hypothesis.
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Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inequality and U.S. Public Opinion on Foreign Aid." World Affairs 182, no. 3 (August 8, 2019): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019862268.
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I investigate how the level of inequality affects American public opinion on foreign aid. As the level of inequality increases across the United States, the majority of the public will be more likely to demand the government implement policies that should ameliorate severe inequality in society. Assuming that government resources are limited, a greater level of inequality in American society may weaken public support for foreign aid because the public may prioritize providing social safety nets and welfare programs in domestic milieu over granting foreign aid to developing countries. In addition, as inequality widens, the public may perceive economic globalization as one of the main causes of inequality; thus, their overall support for globalization will decline. As a result, American support for global engagement will be negatively affected, and public support for foreign aid may decrease. An empirical test using public opinion data in 50 U.S. states since the 1980s confirms my theory: widening inequality both across states and within a given state does weaken public support for U.S. foreign aid.
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Erikson, Robert S. "Public Opinion at the Macro Level." Daedalus 141, no. 4 (October 2012): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00172.
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My book “The Macro Polity,” coauthored with Michael B. MacKuen and James A. Stimson and published in 2002, depicts the dynamics of public opinion and electoral politics in the United States at the macro level; the analysis is based on micro-level foundations of micro-level political behavior. This essay presents the book's main arguments, in some instances extending the analysis beyond its original 1956–1996 time frame to incorporate data from the George W. Bush administration. The central thesis is that there is more rationality and predictability to American politics when viewed in the aggregate than one might infer from considering only the limited political awareness of the average citizen.
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Houston, David M. "Schoolhouse Democracy: Public Opinion and Education Spending in the States." Educational Researcher 48, no. 7 (August 6, 2019): 438–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x19867948.
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Using new estimates of state-level public opinion, I explore the relationship between support for increased education spending and statewide per-pupil expenditures from 1986 to 2013. In the 1980s, there was a modest, positive relationship between public opinion and actual spending: States with greater support for increased education spending tended to have slightly higher per pupil expenditures. Over the next three decades, this relationship reversed. States with relatively low per-pupil expenditures tended to increase their spending at a slower rate despite steady growth in support for more spending. As a result, public opinion and education spending became inversely related. By the end of the time series, states with greater support for increased education spending tended to spend less per pupil. The changing distribution of local, state, and federal sources of education spending partially explains this pattern. As federal education expenditures rose, some states spent proportionally less from state and local sources, resulting in smaller overall spending increases in those states.
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Gerber, Theodore P. "Foreign Policy and the United States in Russian Public Opinion." Problems of Post-Communism 62, no. 2 (March 4, 2015): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2015.1010909.
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Griffiths, Anthony R. G. "‘Free the Baltics’: Australian public opinion on the Baltic States’." Journal of Baltic Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1994): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01629779300000401.
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TOMZ, MICHAEL, and JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (April 14, 2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.
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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.
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Cook, Amy Kyle, and Henry H. Brownstein. "Public Opinion and Public Policy: Heroin and Other Opioids." Criminal Justice Policy Review 30, no. 8 (November 29, 2017): 1163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403417740186.
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Virginia, much like other states, has experienced unprecedented rates of heroin and prescription opioid abuse, overdoses, and deaths. Given the wide range of competing voices concerning drug policy and the complicated situation of the contemporary opioid epidemic, this study examines whether public opinion is reflected in public policy toward illicit involvement with opioids. The 2016 Commonwealth Public Policy Survey, a statewide representative sample of 1,000 Virginia residents, found that Virginians are supportive of treatment over arrest for heroin and prescription pill abusers and factors such as race, education, and political affiliation are predictive of support for treatment over arrest. More importantly, the results of this poll converge with legislative policies of the 2017 General Assembly, supporting the notion that public support can have an influence on the policymaking process. Policy implications are discussed.
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Tománková, Veronika. "Differentiated Support of the EU Enlargement in the Public Opinion: A Multivariate LISREL Analysis." Geografie 112, no. 1 (2007): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2007112010001.
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This paper provides an analysis of the public opinion in the EU countries concerning further enlargement. Public opinion plays an important role in the current integration processes and is an integral part of the research concerning the European Union. The differentiation in the support for the EU enlargement across 25 countries can be explained by the multivariate LISREL (linear structural equations) analysis that makes possible to identify a causal system through the explanatory model. The model includes structural and public opinion variables in the set of the twenty-five EU member states. Multivariate statistical analysis shows a low public opinion support for the EU enlargement in rich states and, on the other hand, a clear support in a group of post-communist member states.
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Arves, Stephen, Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham, and Caitlin McCulloch. "Rebel tactics and external public opinion." Research & Politics 6, no. 3 (July 2019): 205316801987703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019877032.
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Rebel groups employ a number of strategies beyond violence, and these alternative tactics are often thought to improve the reputation and legitimacy of rebel actors. How powerful states (and their publics) view rebels can affect their chances of international recognition, inclusion in peace talks, and whether they are eventually successful at achieving their objectives. This study employs two experiments to test the link between rebel tactics and opinions of these rebels held by external audiences. We examine the impact of six rebel behaviors on American public opinion: (a) nonviolent demonstrations, (b) nonviolent interventions (such as blockades and sit ins), (c) social noncooperation (such as hunger strikes), (d) terrorism, (e) stone throwing, and (f) the use of local democratic practice (elections) in rebel groups. We find that the use of elections within rebel actors, demonstrations, and hunger strikes improve positive perceptions of rebels, whereas rebel use of terrorism decreases support.
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SOROKA, STUART N., and CHRISTOPHER WLEZIEN. "Opinion–Policy Dynamics: Public Preferences and Public Expenditure in the United Kingdom." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (August 22, 2005): 665–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000347.
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Work exploring the relationship between public opinion and public policy over time has largely been restricted to the United States. A wider application of this line of research can provide insights into how representation varies across political systems, however. This article takes a first step in this direction using a new body of data on public opinion and government spending in Britain. The results of analyses reveal that the British public appears to notice and respond (thermostatically) to changes in public spending in particular domains, perhaps even more so than in the United States. They also reveal that British policymakers represent these preferences in spending, though the magnitude and structure of this response is less pronounced and more general. The findings are suggestive about the structuring role of institutions.