Relevant bibliographies by topics / Southern states Public opinion

Academic literature on the topic 'Southern states Public opinion'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Southern states Public opinion"

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Cooper, Christopher A., and H. Gibbs Knotts. "Defining Dixie: A State-Level Measure of the Modern Political South." American Review of Politics 25 (April 1, 2004): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.25-39.

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Despite volumes of research, there is little agreement on which states to include in the modern political South. In this paper, we analyze state-level demographic, political, public opinion, and policy outcome data to evaluate the distinctiveness of the eleven states of the old Confederacy. Next, we combine the public opinion and policy outcomes unique to the old Confederacy states to create an index of political southernness. Our scale of southernness suggests that the traditional definitions of the region need to be reevaluated. For example, we find that Oklahoma and Kentucky score high on our scale, while Tennessee, Virginia, and especially Texas are much less politically southern.
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Banai, Ayelet, Fabio Votta, and Rosa Seitz. "The Polls—Trends." Public Opinion Quarterly 86, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac001.

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Abstract This article presents trends in public opinion toward immigration in the European Union (EU), between 2002 and 2018. Immigration is a salient and contentious issue in contemporary politics across Europe and is used by Eurosceptic parties in both government and opposition to mobilize support. Public opinion data—drawn from the European Social Survey and the Eurobarometer—reveals the following noteworthy trends over the past two decades. First, positive public attitudes toward immigration have increased across member states, with a temporary setback in 2015–16. Second, immigration is a divisive issue throughout the EU. While public opinion in some regions generally favors immigration, opinion is divided everywhere. Third, despite regional variations between northern, western, and southern Europe, EU-wide trends suggest the emergence of a collective public opinion, crossing national borders. Fourth, despite vocal political opposition to immigration, solid majorities of the public view immigration favorably over time and across regions. To the numerous studies of European public opinion on immigration, this article contributes a useful overview of the long-term trends, with regional and EU-wide presentation and data visualization.
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Schmitt, Carol L., Laurel E. Curry, Ghada Homsi, Pamela A. Williams, LaShawn M. Glasgow, Deanna Van Hersh, Jeffrey Willett, and Todd Rogers. "Public and Opinion Leader Willingness to Fund Obesity-Focused Policies in Kansas." Policy, Politics, & Nursing Practice 18, no. 3 (August 2017): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527154417749492.

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Obesity increases the risk for leading causes of death, including cardiovascular disease and some cancers. Midwestern and southern states have the highest obesity rates—in Kansas, one in every three adults is obese. We compared the willingness of Kansas adults and opinion leaders to pay more in taxes to fund obesity prevention policies. In 2014, we asked a representative sample of 2,203 Kansas adults (response rate 15.7%) and 912 opinion leaders (response rate 55%) drawn from elected office and other sectors, including business and health, whether they would pay an additional $50 in annual taxes to support five policies that improve access to healthy foods and opportunities for physical activity. We used adjusted Wald tests to compare public and opinion leaders’ responses, and regression analysis to assess whether differences in respondents’ gender, age, location (urban/rural), race/ethnicity, and political stance affected results. Adjusting for demographic differences, Kansas adults were more willing than opinion leaders to pay $50 in taxes for each of the five policy interventions. This study demonstrates a willingness among residents of a fiscally conservative state to pay increased taxes for policies that could reduce population obesity rates. Health professionals, including nurses, can use these findings to educate policy makers in Kansas and geopolitically similar states about widespread public support for obesity prevention policies. Public health and other nurses could also apply our methods to assess support for obesity prevention policies in their jurisdictions.
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Pretelli, Matteo. "Dal Trattato di Guadalupe-Hidalgo al Secure Fence Act. Politiche statunitensi di controllo del confine fra Messico e Stati Uniti." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 39 (May 2012): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-039008.

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This essay aims to analyze U.S. policies of southern border enforcement in the 19th- and 20th-centuries, which targeted illegal crossings from Mexico onto American soil. In 2006, President George W. Bush signed the Secure Fence Act that endorsed the costruction of a fence along 700 of the 2,000 mile long southern international boundary. This border enforcement is the aftermath of policies that especially from the 1980s onwards aim to respond to the increasing fear in U.S. public opinion relating to the presence of unauthorized migrants in the United States.
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Hodges, Donald G., and Frederick W. Cubbage. "Nonindustrial Private Forest Management in the South: Assistance Foresters' Activities and Perceptions." Southern Journal of Applied Forestry 14, no. 1 (February 1, 1990): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sjaf/14.1.44.

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Abstract Private and public technical assistance foresters were surveyed in 12 southern states. Their management practices on southern forests are summarized by employment sector. Industrial foresters helped manage more acres per forester than consultants or state foresters. All foresters assisted more in planting trees than in preparing for natural regeneration. Industrial foresters favored clearcutting, consultants selective cuts, and state foresters a mix. Consultants performed much more natural regeneration than industrial or state foresters, who focused almost exclusively on artificial regeneration. Respondents also provided written opinion about current forest management and environmental issues, as well as suggestions for professional education. South. J. App. For. 14(1):44-48.
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Wallsten, Kevin, and Tatishe M. Nteta. "For You Were Strangers in the Land of Egypt: Clergy, Religiosity, and Public Opinion toward Immigration Reform in the United States." Politics and Religion 9, no. 3 (August 8, 2016): 566–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000444.

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AbstractRecently, a number of influential clergy leaders have declared their support for liberal immigration reforms. Do the pronouncements of religious leaders influence public opinion on immigration? Using data from a survey experiment embedded in the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we find that exposure to the arguments from high profile religious leaders can compel some individuals to reconsider their views on the immigration. To be more precise, we find that Methodists, Southern Baptists, and Evangelical Lutheran Church in America leaders successfully persuaded respondents who identify with these religious denominations to think differently about a path to citizenship and about the plight of undocumented immigrants. Interestingly, we also uncovered that religiosity matters in different ways for how parishioners from different religious faiths react to messages from their leaders. These findings force us to reconsider the impact that an increasingly strident clergy may be having on public opinion in general and on support for immigration reform in particular.
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Dawes, Roy A., and Hunter Bacot. "Understanding Support for the War in Iraq during the Bush Years: Differences in Civilian and Military Opinion." American Review of Politics 34 (September 8, 2016): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2013.34.0.47-61.

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We examine relationships between military affiliation and support for the war in Iraq and support for President Bush in five southern states chosen because of their support of Republican presidents and concentration of military families. Using public opinion data, we disentangle the effects of race, military affiliation, age, and ideology on support for President Bush and his prosecution of the war. Of note are differences between civilians and military-affiliated respondents in support for the Iraq War. Incongruence is evident about the direction of the war effort between those who fought the war—members of the military—and those who managed most of the war—President Bush and his administration.
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Lekka, Anastasia Chr. "How Memoranda of Understanding Have Affected EU Democratic Institutions in Southern EU Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research 5, no. 2 (August 10, 2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v5i2.11692.

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The recent recession having emerged in 2007 has been the worst economic downturn since the time of Great Depression of 1929 in USA and spread across the European continent. In many European countries this led to severe sovereign debt crisis beginning in 2010 and was followed by implementation of austerity measures with significant impact on public, social and employment sector. Those tough austerity measures resulted in structural reforms of welfare and labor market especially in Southern EU countries like Greece, Spain, Portugal, Ireland and Italy representing the most prominent examples. These policies were imposed to a large extend through the so called “Troika” which was an interaction between internal EU and external Organizations, like the European Union, the European Central Bank and International Monetary Fund respectively.Citizens realize that their national economic institutions are no longer responsible for the decision making on major social and economic policies, on economic and welfare policies, on privatization and sale of public assets. Consequently, citizens tend to question if this constrained democracy deserves further support. This is enhanced by the fact that National Parliaments no longer develop policies but rather align with policies dictated by the above stated Institutions and are forced to accept such deals without asking the opinion of citizens. Nevertheless the EU intends to promote civil society participation in decision making and program policies applied. This contradiction needs to be analyzed in order to determine if there is a democratic deficit in EU member states.
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Udrea, Georgiana. "Review of "Uniunea Europeană – un trend în derivă? O analiză a discursului mediatic și a perspectivei tinerilor" (The European Union – a Drifting Trend? An Analysis of Media Discourse and Youth Perspectives) by Oana Ștefăniță, Comunicare.ro, 2017." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 19, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2017.3.247.

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In recent times, the European Union has been confronted with huge challenges and crises, which, in the absence of prompt and effective measures, call into question the future of the European project itself. The political incongruities, the disintegrating tendencies culminating with Brexit, the divisions between northern and southern states over economic crisis and austerity measures, the refugee waves and their poor integration into society, the rise of populist and extremist currents, etc. have caused anger, confusion and fear among Europeans, influencing the relations between member states and public perceptions. In this unstable context, studying people’s opinion on the EU and its subtle mechanisms becomes an important and pragmatic effort, as the public has the means to pursue action based on its feelings of support or opposition towards the community block. Oana Ștefăniță’s book, Uniunea Europeană – un trend în derivă? proposes such an insight into the world of young European citizens, investigating their interest in European issues, the EU’s place on the agenda of interpersonal conversations, the way they understand and experience the feeling of European belonging, and their perspectives on the future of the Union.
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Rinaudo, Jean Daniel, and Patrice Garin. "The benefits of combining lay and expert input for water-management planning at the watershed level." Water Policy 7, no. 3 (June 1, 2005): 279–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2005.0018.

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With the promulgation of the EC Water Framework Directive (WFD), stakeholders’ involvement in water management planning and public consultation has become mandatory for member states. This paper investigates the case of France, where water management has been based on a distinctive form of “participatory democracy” for over 40 years. It first analyses how public participation and expert opinion fit into the water-management planning procedure and compares this to what occurs elsewhere in Europe and the United States. It then proposes an operational method for initiating the participatory process with an analysis of the stakeholders' viewpoint at the watershed level. The method, which relies on interviews, is applied to two watersheds located in southern France. The results of the two case studies illustrate how the stakeholders' viewpoint analysis can give access to practical knowledge and experience and to a wider range of perspectives and options. The case studies highlight the idea that the mobilisation of non-scientific (or lay) knowledge, values and preferences can improve the quality of the identification of the issues at stake, the formulation of a generally complex and unstructured problem and the identification of a large panel of alternative solutions. The paper then proposes some recommendations for implementing the provisions of the WFD.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Southern states Public opinion"

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Fossett, Victoria Lea Hagler Dorse Harland. "May 1856 Southern reaction to conflict in Kansas and congress /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3673.

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Fossett, Victoria Lea. "May 1856: Southern Reaction to Conflict in Kansas and Congress." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3673/.

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This thesis examines southern reactions to events that occurred in May 1856: the outbreak of civil war in Kansas and the caning of Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts. I researched two newspapers from the upper South state of Virginia, the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Daily Whig, and two newspapers from the lower South state of Louisiana, the New Orleans Times-Picayune and the New Orleans Bee to determine the extent to which political party sentiment and/or geographic location affected southern opinion towards the two events. Political party ties influenced the material each newspaper printed. Each newspaper worried that these events endangered the Union. Some, however, believed the Union could be saved while others argued that it was only a matter of time before the South seceded.
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Bulkley, Celeste. "WHITE OPINIONS OF UNITED STATES IMMIGRATION: TESTING RIVAL HYPOTHESES, 2004." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4040.

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Few issues in the contemporary American political and social environments are as salient and emotionally charged as the debate over immigration. The thesis tests several competing hypotheses concerning the determinants of public opinion – among white respondents – on immigration issues. These include: the contextual considerations of southern residence and proximity to large numbers of Hispanic immigrants, as well as the individual-level factors of economic insecurity, political knowledge, national identity, group pride, and racism. Using data from the 2004 American National Election Study, the thesis provides a critical test of the competing hypotheses using multivariate analysis. Furthermore, conditional relationships are posited, facilitating a more refined analysis of the structure of attitudes on immigration issues. The results indicate that racism, group pride, symbolic patriotism, ideology, and isolationism are the most consistent and significant predictors of immigration policy preferences. The use of four distinct dependent variable questions also highlights the inconsistency in public opinion regarding immigration and the division between public perception of documented and undocumented entries. Future research should focus on the interrelationship between variables that are used by the individual to define group associations, as well as the change in national and personal identity brought about by the events of September 11th, 2001.
M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science
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Short, Steven W. "Texas Annexation and the Presidential Election of 1844 in the Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana, Newspaper." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2998/.

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This thesis examines the issue of Texas annexation from the viewpoints of two southern cities: Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana. It looks primarily at four major newspapers, two in each city: the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Whig; and the New Orleans Times-Picayune and the New Orleans Whig. These four newspapers were examined thoroughly from January 1844 to July 1845. In addition to the above newspapers, the Congressional Globe and national voting patterns on Texas annexation were examined. Analysis of the editorial articles in the above newspapers offers the best possibility of understanding public sentiment toward Texas annexation and the presidential election of 1844. The evidence examined in this study indicates that Texas annexation became a decisive issue in the presidential election of 1844. It also shows that, although the press and elements within both Democratic and Whig parties were aware that the slavery question was intricately linked to the Texas annexation issue, slavery and sectional politics were not the primary factors influencing annexation. Ultimately, fundamental concerns regarding western expansion in general, especially for the Whigs, and political party loyalty proved the decisive factors in the presidential election of 1844 and Texas annexation. The evidence gathered in this study indicates that Texas annexation deliberately became an issue in the presidential election by the Democratic party. It also shows that although consideration was given to the slavery question by elements of both the Whig and Democratic parties, sectional politics did not enter into play concerning the annexation of Texas.
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Robinson, Sarah Elizabeth. "Civil Liberties and National Unity: Reaction to the Sedition Act in the Southern States, 1798." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1062890/.

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The traditional narrative of political party development in the United States of America during the latter half of the 1790s ascribes the decline in popularity of the Federalist Party in the Election of 1800 to that party's passage of controversial legislation, specifically the Sedition Act of 1798, prior to the election. Between the passage of the Sedition Act and the Election of 1800, however, the midterm elections of 1798-1799 transpired and resulted in a significant increase in Federalist popularity in four states – North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Virginia. This study seeks to ascertain why these four states increased their support for the Federalist Party in 1798-1799, despite the passage of the Sedition Act by the Federalist Party. By examining newspapers and election results, this study analyzes the reaction of these four states to the passage of the Sedition Act and finds that generally, these states did not react strongly against the Sedition Act in the immediate aftermath of its passage. Instead, all four states urged national unity and emphasized the need to support the national government because the United States faced the threat of war with France. This study employs a state-by-state formula to determine each state's individual reaction to the Sedition Act and the Quasi-War, finding that ultimately, the Sedition Act did not have as significant of an impact in these states as the popular narrative holds.
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Mayer, Michael Allan. "Canadian public opinion and free trade." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28161.

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This thesis begins with a review of the elite debate over free trade with the United States. It then uses a three-fold theoretical framework to formulate predictions of how mass opinion should line up. It then analyzes public opinion data on free trade through the use of crosstabulations. Using a theory of changing exposure to international trade upon domestic political cleavages formulated by Ronald Rogowski, it predicts that labour will oppose free trade because it is a scarce factor of production, and capital will support it because it is an abundant factor of production. It next uses work by, among others, W.A. Mackintosh to predict that respondents in the "industrial heartland" regions of Canada--Quebec and Ontario--will oppose free trade because it threatens to remove the protective tariff that rewards import replacement industries concentrated in those two regions. In contrast, residents of the "resource extracting and processing hinterland" regions—British Columbia, the Prairies and the Atlantic—will, on balance, support free trade because it promises to improve their export performance. The thesis then predicts that women and lower income Canadians will oppose free trade. Women because many of the services that they consume—health and day care, for example—will become more difficult to obtain under a free trade regime. Women will also oppose free trade because it may be threaten the service sector jobs that many women now hold. Lower income Canadians should oppose free trade because of the possible deleterious effects greater reliance on the market to allocate social services could have on poorer Canadians. Finally, the thesis predicts that better-educated Canadians will oppose free trade because it threatens one of the "core-values" of Canadian society: independence from the United States. Data analysis reveals, however, that opinion is remarkably balanced. For example, the difference between union and non-union respondents is only five percent. Regionally, the largest differences in support for free trade is between British Columbia and Ontario, but it amounts to little more than a twenty percent difference. Women are slightly more likely to oppose free trade than men; income appears to play little role in the formation of opinion on free trade. Last, differences in opinion between articulate and less well educated Canadians also appears to be insignificant.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Dugan, Joni Mari. "Assessing public opinion toward homelessness in the United States." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2007. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=5076.

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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2007.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 62 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-62).
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Wyckoff, Christopher A. "The constraining dynamics of public opinion." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FWyckoff.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Jeffrey Knopf. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-146). Also available in print.
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Scott, James R. "Review, analysis, and recommendations of the 1990-99 Annual Phi Delta Kappa/Gallup Poll of the public's attitudes towards public schools top responses to the question "What do you think are the biggest problems facing public schools in your community?"." Virtual Press, 2000. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1217415.

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Since their inception, public schools had been faced with inert problems. The purpose of this study was to discover what the American public believed were the biggest problems facing public schools from 1990-1999 and what education experts believed could be done to eliminate or lessen the problems. Data to discover what the public believed were the biggest problems facing public schools were derived from the Annual Phi Delta Kappa/Gallup Polls of the Public's Attitudes Toward Public Schools (Poll) for that 10-year period. Possible solutions to those problems were examined and discussed based on the latest literature on identified topics.Based on the Poll data the public identified 46 problems facing public schools for this 10-year period. A group of 35 individuals sorted the 46 public school problems into categories they believed were similar with each other and these groupings were factor analyzed to determine coherent problem categories.The results of the factor analysis provided a list 16 problem areas for the 10-year (1990-1999) period as being the most prevalent. Potential solutions to these 16 problems were offered from four different areas: the schools, government, community and individual homes of the students. Some solutions to a particular problem were also mentioned as potential solutions to many of the other problems facing public schools.Suggestions for further study include replicating this study at the local level, analyzing each problem more thoroughly, and conducting further study of the factor analysis.
Department of Educational Leadership
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Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.

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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.
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Books on the topic "Southern states Public opinion"

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Green, Elna C. Southern strategies: Southern women and the woman suffrage question. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1997.

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The glittering illusion: English sympathy for the Southern Confederacy. Worthing: Churchman, 1988.

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Vanauken, Sheldon. The glittering illusion: English sympathy for the Southern Confederacy. Washington, D.C: Regnery Gateway, 1989.

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Vanauken, Sheldon. The glittering illusion: English sympathy for the Southern Confederacy. Columbia, S.C: Southron Press, 1985.

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When in the course of human events: Arguing the case for southern secession. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2000.

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Black and white in the southern states: A study of the race problem in the United States from a South African point of view. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2001.

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Black and white in the southern states: A study of the race problem in the United States from a South African point of view. London: Longmans, Green, 1990.

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Guerrero-Avila, Juan B. Hispanic experience in higher education: Mexican Southern Baptists' attitudes toward higher education. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2001.

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Circling Dixie: Contemporary southern culture through a transatlantic lens. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 2001.

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Harrell, Carolyn L. When the bells tolled for Lincoln: Southern reaction to the assassination. Macon, Ga: Mercer University Press, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Southern states Public opinion"

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Chubb, Danielle, and Ian McAllister. "The Alliance with the United States." In Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 43–76. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_3.

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Rupnik, Jacques, and Muriel Humbertjean. "Images of the United States in Public Opinion." In The Rise and Fall of Anti-Americanism, 79–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20783-1_6.

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Olson-Hazboun, Shawn K., and Peter D. Howe. "Public Opinion on Climate Change in Rural America." In Addressing Climate Change at the Community Level in the United States, 34–49. New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: The community development research and practice series ; Volume 9: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351211727-3.

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Saksena, Mita. "Framing Infectious Diseases: Effective Policy Implementation and United States Public Opinion." In Doing Qualitative Research in Politics, 111–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72230-6_6.

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Brown, Marvin T. "White Compromises and American Prosperity." In Library of Public Policy and Public Administration, 81–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77363-2_6.

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AbstractThe development and protection of American Prosperity was contingent upon Northern and Southern white men making compromises that allowed the continuance of slavery. These white compromises in 1787, 1820, 1850, and 1877 not only protected white supremacy, but also unity of the settler’s economy. The Federal government invaded the Southern states not to abolish slavery, but to preserve the union. After the War, during Reconstruction, Blacks started schools, farmed the land, and were elected to local, state, and national offices. This period of Black empowerment was cut short when Northern and Southern states compromised again to allow the establishment of the Jim Crow regime, the terrorism of lynching, and the re-establishment of the Ku Klux Klan. This compromise was disrupted with the 1960s civil rights movements, which has left us today without the unity necessary to create a climate of justice.
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Whitefield, Stephen, Robert Rohrschneider, and Rasa Alisauskiene. "Support for the European Union in the Baltic States." In Public Opinion, Party Competition, and the European Union in Post-Communist Europe, 187–202. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11500-3_10.

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Lucas, Russell E. "Linguistic and Conceptual Challenges of Public Opinion Surveys in the Arab Gulf States." In Language and Identity in the Arab World, 93–111. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003174981-7.

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Nagai, Sumimasa, Bartlett Witherspoon, Chadi Nabhan, and Charles L. Bennett. "Biosimilar Epoetin in the United States: A View from the Southern Network on Adverse Reactions." In Cancer Drug Safety and Public Health Policy, 41–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04402-1_2.

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Taylor, Charles R., and George R. Franke. "Public Opinion towards Digital Billboards in the United States: An Analysis of Recent Polls." In Advances in Advertising Research (Vol. 2), 373–92. Wiesbaden: Gabler, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-8349-6854-8_24.

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Mason, Robert. "Winning Without Winning: Neoliberalism, Public Opinion, and Electoral Politics in the United States (1968–2000)." In The Anglo-American Model of Neoliberalism of the 1980s, 117–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12074-9_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Southern states Public opinion"

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Silva, Taís Lorrane Mendes, Júlia Maria Orsini Zava, Bruna Chociai dos Santos, and Helenton Cristhian Barrena. "Hospitalizations for meningococcal infection in the southern region of Brazil: epidemiologic characterizations and prevalent serotypes." In XIII Congresso Paulista de Neurologia. Zeppelini Editorial e Comunicação, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5327/1516-3180.361.

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Introduction: Meningococcal disease occurs due to infection by the bacterium Neisseria meningitidis, which is classified according to serogroups. Objective: To survey the profile of hospitalizations and prevalent serogroups of meningococcal infection in the southern region of Brazil. Design and Setting: Is an observational, cross-sectional study using public use data. Methods: The data were taken from the DATASUS, in the year 2020, in states of Paraná (PR), Santa Catarina (SC), and Rio Grande do Sul (RS). Results: In 2020 there were 139 hospitalizations, 76 in RS, 38 in PR and 25 in SC. In RS the most affected age group was 70- 79 years, in PR 60-69 and in SC 30-39. In all states, the male sex had the highest number of hospitalizations. The prevalence of serogroups in RS were B and Y, in PR B and C 1 and in SC, B. The category of ‘’Ignored/Blank’’ stands out in all regions. Conclusion: The highest number of hospitalizations was in RS and in male patients over 30 years old. The large number of serotypes filled in as ignored/blank denotes inadequate data updating, reinforcing the need for regular training for health professionals, so that the filled out data will allow a better configuration of the disease and implementation of public health measures.
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Baldessar Warmling, Gean Marcos. "An Analysis of Bridges Performance in Southern Brazil Highways." In IABSE Conference, Copenhagen 2018: Engineering the Past, to Meet the Needs of the Future. Zurich, Switzerland: International Association for Bridge and Structural Engineering (IABSE), 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/copenhagen.2018.330.

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This paper presents the basic concepts of a Bridge Management System that can create a meaningful conservation and maintenance programs for the Brazilian Highway Public system. The methodology, based on a deterministic procedure aims to create a list of priorities towards a future program of maintenance of bridges. This document presents the introduction of a method that includes the content of the analysis. The application of the proposed procedure allowed the analysis of a batch of 308 bridges in the highways systems that cross the states of Parana and Santa Catarina, in the southern part of Brazil. The model considers several aspects that regulate the conditions of those bridges, considering traffic characteristics and maintenance history. The results bring the possibility to relate the actual condition of the structures within the performance that one expects the highway system to provide for the user. In order to complete the analysis, this paper presents a general classification of the bridges, by their performance, creating a very meaningful list of priorities to guide any maintenance program.
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Hauck, Paul L., Anthony M. LoRe, and Kevin Trytek. "Has the Time Come for More Publicly Operated WTE Facilities in the United States?" In 19th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec19-5416.

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When the current generation of U.S. waste-to-energy (WTE) facilities was developed during the 1980s and early 1990s, there were a large number of companies competing to design, build, operate and maintain them under a long term contract. Over the years, almost all of these firms have left the WTE business for a variety of reasons leaving essentially only two U.S. firms actively competing for renewed operating and maintenance (O&M) contracts for publicly owned WTE facilities. This consolidation has significantly reduced the level of competition for public owners who are interested in rebidding their WTE O&M contracts at the end of their initial or extended terms and, as a result, has the potential to increase the cost of service. Consolidation has likewise reduced the level of competition for potential new WTE projects in the U.S. This paper reviews the history of public sector operation of WTE facilities in the U.S., the unique challenges presented by public operation and whether it is time for more public owners to consider this alternative for existing WTE facilities in light of the lack of competition by private operating companies. Perceived risks and impediments to public operation of WTE facilities and suggestions on how to overcome them are presented as well as the benefits and opportunities available to public owners. The keys to a successful public WTE operating venture are also discussed based on the experiences of ecomaine, a consortium of 21 member municipalities in southern Maine that have operated and maintained their own 550 ton per day (tpd) WTE facility for more than 20 years. Public versus private operating practices for European WTE facilities are also explored as well as public ownership and operation of new WTE facilities including those based on alternative or emerging technologies.
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Harumová, Anna. "Economic Damage to the State Due to Unpaid Taxes and Levies." In EDAMBA 2021 : 24th International Scientific Conference for Doctoral Students and Post-Doctoral Scholars. University of Economics in Bratislava, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/edamba.2021.9788022549301.140-151.

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In my contribution, I focused on issues that are directly related to tax fraud, tax evasion and tax avoidance. The area can be described as an abuse of the tax system, which in its opinion is a real reflection of the behaviours of tax subjects in a specific tax practice. As a result of this procedure, the tax revenues of public budgets are reduced, as the collection of taxes decreases from year to year compared to the estimates of the tax administration in most EU Member States. Tax evasion due to fraudulent practices causes economic damage to individual states.
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ZAWOJSKA, Aldona. "THE PROS AND CONS OF THE EU COMMON AGRICULTURAL POLICY." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.158.

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The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union has generated a great deal of attention and controversy among research community, practitioners and the wider population. The aim of this study is to overview and to discuss the thoughts and comments on the CAP which have been addressed by both its proponents and its opponents in the scientific publications, political commentaries, official reports, pubic opinion surveys and social-media-based public forums. While on the one hand, recent public opinion poll (Eurobarometer 2016) indicated broad support among EU citizens for the CAP; on the other hand, other sources give some strong arguments in favour of reducing or even scrapping the CAP. The CAP supporters (including European Commission itself) highlight, among others, the benefits of this policy (environmental; cultural; social vitality; food variety, quality and security; maintaining of rural employment, etc.) for all European citizens and not only for farmers, while CAP opponents stress its unfairness both to non-farmers (e.g. huge financial costs of its policy for taxpayers) and small farmers (large farmers benefit most), heavy administrative burden for farmers as well as the CAP’s destructing impact both on the EU states’ agriculture systems and developing countries’ agricultural markets. The CAP is basically the same for all EU member states but the EU countries differ considerably in terms of their rural development. According to some views, the CAP does not fit the Central and Eastern European countries. It represents a failure of the EU to adjust adequately from an exclusively Western European institution into a proper pan-European organization.
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Gil Samaniego Ramos, Margarita, Héctor Enrique Campbell Ramírez, and Juan Carlos Tapia Olivas. "Water Supply Sustainability Indicators for the Southern California-Baja California Area." In ASME 2013 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2013-64540.

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Southern California and Baja California share, besides a dynamic social and economic exchange and 226 kilometers of borderline, an important natural resource: water from the Colorado River. Both areas have arid and semiarid climate in large zones and local fresh water sources are scarce, so water imports from the Colorado are strategic for their continued social and economic growth. Southern California’s water supply comes from the State Water Project, the Colorado River Aqueduct and local sources; in turn, Baja California depends mostly on the water supplied by the Colorado River, with an aqueduct that serves the Pacific coastline cities of the state. Both water supply systems are considered high energy consumers, affecting the quality of life in the region. The sustainable development of both communities is a challenge to Mexican and American public policy planners who must recognize that, to meet the future water demands to support sustainable development in this area it will require improved utilization and management of water resources. In this paper, water supply sustainable indicators were calculated for southern California and Baja California to evaluate and compare their performance towards sustainability. Findings show big differences in the indicators like water use per person, percentage of the cost of water relative to household income, cost of electricity to convey water, etc. High contrast in both economies makes up for these differences, but as water stakeholders of an only source, that is, the Colorado River, Mexico and the United States should avoid those imbalances in water use and management efficiencies, as it might affect its availability and cost, bringing potential conflicts and disturbing the traditional friendly coexistence and growth of both communities.
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Eriksson, Leif G. "Lessons Learned at the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant: Share, Listen, and Learn to Earn Stakeholder Acceptance." In ASME 2001 8th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2001-1254.

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Abstract On March 26, 1999, the United States (U.S.) Department of Energy (DOE) opened the nation’s first deep geological disposal system (repository) for long-lived radioactive wastes/materials (LLRMs) at the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) site, New Mexico, United States of America (USA). The opening of WIPP embodies gradually achieved acceptance, both local and global, on scientific, institutional, regulatory, political, and public levels. In the opinion of the author, five significant determinants for the successful siting, certification, and acceptance of WIPP, were the existence of: • A willing and supportive host community; • A strong, independent regulator; • A regulatory framework widely perceived to (over)protect public health and the environment; • A structurally simple, old, stable, host-rock with excellent radionuclide containment and isolation characteristics; and • An open siting, site characterization, repository development, certification and recertification process with regularly scheduled opportunities for information exchanges with affected and interested parties, including a) prompt responses to non-DOE concerns and b) transparency/traceability of external-input into, and the logic behind, the DOE’s decision-making process. The nation’s and the world’s next deep geological repository for LLRMs is currently scheduled to open in 2010. As follows, in addition to providing a national solution to safe disposal of LLRMs, the opening and continued safe operation of WIPP provides an international role model that effectively dispels the global myth that LLRMs cannot be safely disposed in a deep geological repository.
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Nemţoi, Gabriela. "Interference with Freedom of Expression." In World Lumen Congress 2021, May 26-30, 2021, Iasi, Romania. LUMEN Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/wlc2021/50.

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Established as a personal right, the right to free speech implies obligations and duties, which may generate possible restrictions. Freedom of expression works correctly in a legal framework when it comes to a legitimate aim in a state law. Article 10, paragraph 2, of the Convention explains the conditions under which the right to freedom of expression is justified by the need to protect certain public interests (such as those relating to national security, the territorial space of the state, public order, the prevention of crimes, the protection of health and social morals, the guarantee of authority and the impartiality of the judiciary) but also to protect certain private interests, such as reputation and the rights of others. persons or the need to prevent the publication of secret information. This paragraph basically authorizes states to take certain measures to protect those interests, which materialize through rules and normative rules of the right to conscience, opinion and freedom of expression States enjoy a margin of appreciation for establishing the need for such reactions in a state governed by the rule of law, but in the end it is also up to the European Court of Human Rights to rule on the compatibility of interference with the provisions of the Convention, assessing on a case-by-case basis if the interference arises as a result of the urgent social issues and whether it is fair.
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Tucker, Julie, Mary Ernesti, and Akira Tokuhiro. "Quantifying the Metrics That Characterize Safety Culture of Three Engineered Systems." In 10th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone10-22146.

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With potential energy shortages and increasing electricity demand, the nuclear energy option is being reconsidered in the United States. Public opinion will have a considerable voice in policy decisions that will “roadmap” the future of nuclear energy in this country. This report is an extension of the last author’s work on the “safety culture” associated with three engineered systems (automobiles, commercial airplanes, and nuclear power plants) in Japan and the United States. Safety culture, in brief is defined as a specifically developed culture based on societal and individual interpretations of the balance of real, perceived, and imagined risks versus the benefits drawn from utilizing a given engineered systems. The method of analysis is a modified scale analysis, with two fundamental eigenmetrics, time- (τ) and number-scales (N) that describe both engineered systems and human factors. The scale analysis approach is appropriate because human perception of risk, perception of benefit and level of (technological) acceptance are inherently subjective, therefore “fuzzy” and rarely quantifiable in exact magnitude. Perception of risk, expressed in terms of the psychometric factors “dread risk” and “unknown risk”, contains both time- and number-scale elements. Various engineering system accidents with fatalities, reported by mass media are characterized by τ and N, and are presented in this work using the scale analysis method. We contend that level of acceptance infers a perception of benefit at least two orders larger magnitude than perception of risk. The “amplification” influence of mass media is also deduced as being 100- to 1000-fold the actual number of fatalities/serious injuries in a nuclear-related accident.
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Helou, Alexander E., Kim Tran, and Cecile Buncio. "Energy Recovery From Municipal Solid Waste in California: Needs and Challenges." In 18th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec18-3568.

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Thermal technologies, such as gasification, pyrolysis, waste-to-energy (WTE), and advanced thermal recycling (second generation WTE with the most advanced air emission control system), can be employed to recover energy from municipal solid waste (MSW), reduce the volume of material to be landfilled, and lessen the potential emission of methane. Methane is a potent greenhouse gas and a major component of landfill gas. All operating WTE facilities in the United States have been subjected to strict environmental regulations since the passage of the Clean Air Act Amendments in 1990. As a result, U.S. WTE facilities now meet or exceed stringent local air quality standards, including those imposed by the South Coast Air Quality Management District (SCAQMD) in Southern California. The United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) recognizes the important role of WTE in the integrated solid waste management and ranks combustion higher than landfilling in its solid waste management hierarchy. In addition to upstream source reduction and recycling, downstream thermal treatment of the residual MSW (conducted in controlled environment) can effectively recover energy and further reduce waste volume. Despite all the advantages and environmental benefits of thermal technologies, its utilization for treating MSW in California still faces many challenges. These include negative public perceptions, economical disadvantages, local marketability of by-products, and disposal options for residuals. This paper discusses the need to include energy recovery in the integrated MSW management in California and the challenges encountered by many local jurisdictions.
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Reports on the topic "Southern states Public opinion"

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Adegoke, Damilola, Natasha Chilambo, Adeoti Dipeolu, Ibrahim Machina, Ade Obafemi-Olopade, and Dolapo Yusuf. Public discourses and Engagement on Governance of Covid-19 in Ekiti State, Nigeria. African Leadership Center, King's College London, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47697/lab.202101.

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Numerous studies have emerged so far on Covid-19 (SARS-CoV-2) across different disciplines. There is virtually no facet of human experience and relationships that have not been studied. In Nigeria, these studies include knowledge and attitude, risk perception, public perception of Covid-19 management, e-learning, palliatives, precautionary behaviours etc.,, Studies have also been carried out on public framing of Covid-19 discourses in Nigeria; these have explored both offline and online messaging and issues from the perspectives of citizens towards government’s policy responses such as palliative distributions, social distancing and lockdown. The investigators of these thematic concerns deployed different methodological tools in their studies. These tools include policy evaluations, content analysis, sentiment analysis, discourse analysis, survey questionnaires, focus group discussions, in depth-interviews as well as machine learning., These studies nearly always focus on the national government policy response, with little or no focus on the constituent states. In many of the studies, the researchers work with newspaper articles for analysis of public opinions while others use social media generated contents such as tweets) as sources for analysis of sentiments and opinions. Although there are others who rely on the use of survey questionnaires and other tools outlined above; the limitations of these approaches necessitated the research plan adopted by this study. Most of the social media users in Nigeria are domiciled in cities and their demography comprises the middle class (socio-economic) who are more likely to be literate with access to internet technologies. Hence, the opinions of a majority of the population who are most likely rural dwellers with limited access to internet technologies are very often excluded. This is not in any way to disparage social media content analysis findings; because the opinions expressed by opinion leaders usually represent the larger subset of opinions prevalent in the society. Analysing public perception using questionnaires is also fraught with its challenges, as well as reliance on newspaper articles. A lot of the newspapers and news media organisations in Nigeria are politically hinged; some of them have active politicians and their associates as their proprietors. Getting unbiased opinions from these sources might be difficult. The news articles are also most likely to reflect and amplify official positions through press releases and interviews which usually privilege elite actors. These gaps motivated this collaboration between Ekiti State Government and the African Leadership Centre at King’s College London to embark on research that will primarily assess public perceptions of government leadership response to Covid-19 in Ekiti State. The timeframe of the study covers the first phase of the pandemic in Ekiti State (March/April to August 2020).
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Habyarimana, James, Ken Ochieng' Opalo, and Youdi Schipper. The Cyclical Electoral Impacts of Programmatic Policies: Evidence from Education Reforms in Tanzania. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), September 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2020/051.

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A large literature documents the electoral benefits of clientelistic and programmatic policies in low-income states. We extend this literature by showing the cyclical electoral responses to a large programmatic intervention to expand access to secondary education in Tanzania over multiple electoral periods. Using a difference-indifference approach, we find that the incumbent party's vote share increased by 2 percentage points in the election following the policy's announcement as a campaign promise (2005), but decreased by -1.4 percentage points in the election following implementation (2010). We find no discernible electoral impact of the policy in 2015, two electoral cycles later. We attribute the electoral penalty in 2010 to how the secondary school expansion policy was implemented. Our findings shed light on the temporally-contingent electoral impacts of programmatic policies, and highlight the need for more research on how policy implementation structures public opinion and vote choice in low-income states.
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NARYKOVA, N. A., S. V. KHATAGOVA, and Yu R. PEREPELITSYNA. PEJORATIVE WORDS IN GERMAN MASS-MEDIA IN NOMINATIONS OF POLITICIANS. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-14-1-3-57-68.

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One of the main functions of mass media is influence on public opinion. So emotionally-painted lexical means are widely used in mass media in relation to leading politicians who are the centre of political arena. They are exposed to the frequent criticism, a negative estimation. The present article is devoted to the consideration of pejorative lexicon which is applied in nominations for heads of states. An empirical material of research were electronic newspapers and editions: Der Spiegel, Die Zeit, Sueddeutsche Zeitung, Der Tagesspiegel, taz, Die Welt, Gegenblende. As the basic methods of research are the following: the componental analysis, the lexico-semantic analysis, the stylistic analysis. The result of research revealed, that in German mass media there is a significant amount of persons names pejorative colouring. They express censure, disrespect, sneer, hatred, antipathy, condemnation, mistrust and so on. There main word-formations for persons nominations are composition, a derivation with using of suffixes and subsuffixes, attributive word-combinations, metaphorically-metonymical way. The materials of the research work can be used in the course of learning German language, at the practical training in oral speech, and also in the course of lexicology, general and aspect lexicography.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC: Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC: Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Shpigel, Nahum, Raul Barletta, Ilan Rosenshine, and Marcelo Chaffer. Identification and characterization of Mycobacterium paratuberculosis virulence genes expressed in vivo by negative selection. United States Department of Agriculture, January 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2004.7696510.bard.

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Mycobacterium avium subsp. paratuberculosis (MAP) is the etiological agent of a severe inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) in ruminants, known as Johne’s disease or paratuberculosis. Johne’s disease is considered to be one of the most serious diseases affecting dairy cattle both in Israel and worldwide. Heavy economic losses are incurred by dairy farmers due to the severe effect of subclinical infection on milk production, fertility, lower disease resistance and early culling. Its influence in the United States alone is staggering, causing an estimated loss of $1.5 billion to the agriculture industry every year. Isolation of MAP from intestinal tissue and blood of Crohn's patients has lead to concern that it plays a potential pathogenic role in promoting human IDB including Crohn’s disease. There is great concern following the identification of the organism in animal products and shedding of the organism to the environment by subclinically infected animals. Little is known about the molecular basis for MAP virulence. The goal of the original proposed research was to identify MAP genes that are required for the critical stage of initial infection and colonization of ruminants’ intestine by MAP. We proposed to develop and use signature tag mutagenesis (STM) screen to find MAP genes that are specifically required for survival in ruminants upon experimental infection. This research projected was approved as one-year feasibility study to prove the ability of the research team to establish the animal model for mutant screening and alternative in-vitro cell systems. In Israel, neonatal goat kids were repeatedly inoculated with either one of the following organisms; MAP K-10 strain and three transposon mutants of K-10 which were produced and screened by the US PI. Six months after the commencement of inoculation we have necropsied the goats and taken multiple tissue samples from the jejunum, ileum and mesenteric lymph nodes. Both PCR and histopathology analysis indicated on efficient MAP colonization of all the inoculated animals. We have established several systems in the Israeli PI’s laboratory; these include using IS900 PCR for the identification of MAP and using HSP65-based PCR for the differentiation between MAV and MAP. We used Southern blot analysis for the differentiation among transposon mutants of K-10. In addition the Israeli PI has set up a panel of in-vitro screening systems for MAP mutants. These include assays to test adhesion, phagocytosis and survival of MAP to/within macrophages, assays that determine the rate of MAPinduced apoptosis of macrophages and MAP-induced NO production by macrophages, and assays testing the interference with T cell ã Interferon production and T cell proliferation by MAP infected macrophages (macrophage studies were done in BoMac and RAW cell lines, mouse peritoneal macrophages and bovine peripheral blood monocytes derived macrophages, respectively). All partners involved in this project feel that we are currently on track with this novel, highly challenging and ambitious research project. We have managed to establish the above described research systems that will clearly enable us to achieve the original proposed scientific objectives. We have proven ourselves as excellent collaborative groups with very high levels of complementary expertise. The Israeli groups were very fortunate to work with the US group and in a very short time period to master numerous techniques in the field of Mycobacterium research. The Israeli group has proven its ability to run this complicated animal model. This research, if continued, may elucidate new and basic aspects related to the pathogenesis MAP. In addition the work may identify new targets for vaccine and drug development. Considering the possibility that MAP might be a cause of human Crohn’s disease, better understanding of virulence mechanisms of this organism might also be of public health interest as well.
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