Journal articles on the topic 'Southern Opposition'
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1
Aucoin, Brent J. "The Southern Manifesto and Southern Opposition to Desegregation." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 55, no. 2 (1996): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40030963.
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Chiroro, Bertha. "The Dilemmas of Opposition Political Parties in Southern Africa." Journal of African elections 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2006): 100–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2006/v14i1a6.
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FELDMAN, GLENN. "SOFT OPPOSITION: ELITE ACQUIESCENCE AND KLAN-SPONSORED TERRORISM IN ALABAMA, 1946–1950." Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 753–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007231.
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The traditional division of the Klan phenomenon into three or four separate outbreaks (Reconstruction, 1920s, post-1954, and post-1979) is a useful organizing construct for scholars, but is deceptively simple and not necessarily reflective of reality. Alabama's KKK is examined immediately following World War II. During this alleged period of dormancy there is, instead, a thriving Klan presence in perhaps the most racist of the deep South states. Postwar Alabama was especially tense as black voting registration aspirations and the growing appeal of biracial economic liberalism challenged the status quo. Klan resurgence was part of a determined white supremacist reaction. The concept of soft opposition is also coined and introduced to describe the efforts of elites to combat the Klan. While waging a vigorous opposition, elites were not so concerned with Klan depredations as abominations in and of themselves; rather, they were worried about the threat of federal intervention into southern race relations in response to violence. They opposed Klan excesses to perpetuate traditional elite, white control over southern blacks. Such opposition, while genuine, was less than effective, altruistic, or hard opposition; the kind needed to eliminate the Klan as an accepted part of southern society, which evolved only after 1979.
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SELTZER, ANDREW J. "Democratic Opposition to the Fair Labor Standards Act: A Comment on Fleck." Journal of Economic History 64, no. 1 (March 2004): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704002669.
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In a well-crafted recent article in this JOURNAL, Robert Fleck argues that voting on the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA), the last and among the most contentious pieces of major New Deal legislation, was heavily influenced by regional political differences and by the “southern political system.” This contention is broadly supportive of a view held by several traditional historians, who have argued that political differences between the North and South were a major factor in voting. According to this view, the considerable support for minimum wages among southern workers, African American leaders, and the general public did not translate into congressional votes for the FLSA due to southern political institutions that effectively disfranchised many of the voters who were predisposed to support the FLSA. In a previous article I argued that, although southern representatives were more likely to vote against the FLSA, this was primarily because of economic differences between the two regions, not political factors. I argued that the opposition to the FLSA was spearheaded by low-wage employers, who were disproportionately concentrated in the South. This note examines the reasons for these conflicting results. It is argued that Fleck's approach to prediction, which evaluates the marginal impact of his independent variables individually, but does not jointly consider the variables that defined the southern political system, is misleading, and a more appropriate approach using his own regression results supports my contention that political differences between North and South were inconsequential to the overall roll-call vote on the FLSA. It is shown that, holding economic factors constant, had the South been politically like the North, the estimated roll-call vote on the FLSA would have been very similar to the actual votes in 1937 and 1938.
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McCarthy, M. "Opposition to abortion is growing in Southern and Midwestern US states." BMJ 347, aug02 2 (August 2, 2013): f4915. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.f4915.
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Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Voting, violence and violations: peasant voices on the flawed elections in Hadiya, Southern Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 4 (December 2001): 697–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003743.
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This article presents peasant grievances on the flawed 2000 elections in Hadiya zone, southern Ethiopia. For the first time in Ethiopia's electoral history, an opposition party managed to win the majority of the votes in one administrative zone. In the run-up to the elections, government cadres and officials intimidated and harassed candidates and members from the opposition Hadiya National Democratic Organisation (HNDO). Several candidates and members were arrested and political campaigning was restricted. On election day, widespread attempts at rigging the election took place, and violence was exerted in several places by government cadres and the police. Despite the government's attempt to curtail and control the elections in Hadiya, the opposition party mobilised the people in a popular protest to challenge the government party's political hegemony – and won. If this is an indication of a permanent shift of power relations in Hadiya, it is however, too early to say.
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FLECK, ROBERT K. "Democratic Opposition to the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938: Reply to Seltzer." Journal of Economic History 64, no. 1 (March 2004): 231–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704002670.
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Andrew J. Seltzer raises an interesting question: How large was the net effect of southern political institutions on congressional support for the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA)? Although Seltzer claims to use my econometric results to show that those institutions had little effect, his interpretation of my results depends entirely on two assumptions that I did not make and that he does not justify. The first assumption is that two variables—the Turnout-Manufacturing Correlation and Turnout—somehow “defined the southern political system.” The second is that southern political institutions caused higher values of Turnout-Manufacturing Correlation. Seltzer's assumptions are theoretically baseless and empirically indefensible, and they lead him to the wrong conclusion. I will explain why.
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de Kadt, Daniel, and Evan S. Lieberman. "Nuanced Accountability: Voter Responses to Service Delivery in Southern Africa." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 1 (December 13, 2017): 185–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000345.
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Various theories of democratic governance posit that citizens should vote for incumbent politicians when they provide good service, and vote for the opposition when service delivery is poor. But does electoral accountability work as theorized, especially in developing country contexts? Studying Southern African democracies, where infrastructural investment in basic services has expanded widely but not universally, we contribute a new empirical answer to this question. Analyzing the relationship between service provision and voting, we find a surprising negative relationship: improvements in service provision predict decreases in support for dominant party incumbents. Though stronger in areas where opposition parties control local government, the negative relationship persists even in those areas where local government is run by the nationally dominant party. Survey data provide suggestive evidence that citizen concerns about corruption and ratcheting preferences for service delivery may be driving citizen attitudes and behaviors. Voters may thus be responsive to service delivery, but perhaps in ways that are more nuanced than extant theories previously recognized.
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Badger, Tony. ""The Forerunner of Our Opposition": Arkansas and the Southern Manifesto of 1956." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 56, no. 3 (1997): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40023181.
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Huynh, Thu Ngoc. "DUALISM IN CAODAISM IN SOUTHERN VIETNAM." Science and Technology Development Journal 14, no. 3 (September 30, 2011): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v14i3.2001.
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In considering Caodaism in terms of its establishment and development, organizing structure, and cosmology, we discover that dualism is not a conflicting and eliminating binary factor; rather it is an integration to create the solidarity in the structure of facts and phenomena in society and religion. In short, binary opposition is considered as a principle to explain solidarity, completeness in religious structure in terms of organizing forms, rituals, religious priesthood and in general the whole social structure of Caodaism. Caodaism as one of the religions in Southern Vietnam expresses clearly the dualism in its doctrine, in organization as well as in its establishment and development.
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Gwaradzimba, Fadzai. "SADCC and the Future of Southern African Regionalism." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, no. 1-2 (1993): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501644.
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Since the 1960s, Southern Africa’s regional alliance patterns have been primarily determined by South Africa’s military and economic dominance of the region. Not surprisingly, divisive and conflict-ridden relations between South Africa and the less powerful majority-ruled states characterized interstate relations in the region throughout this period. In the 1970s, the latter’s collective and individual opposition to an apartheid-dominated regional order gave rise to two competing regional blocs: the South African-led Pax Pretoriana and the Frontline States (FLS) informal diplomatic alliance, which became the nucleus of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC).
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ALLAN, LAURENCE. "Néstor Kirchner, Santa Cruz, and the Hielos Continentales Controversy 1991–1999." Journal of Latin American Studies 39, no. 4 (November 2007): 747–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x07003215.
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AbstractThis article traces the development of the political controversy in Argentina over the resolution of border issues between Argentina and Chile during the 1990s, examining provincial opposition to the Menem government's proposals for the Hielos Continentales zone in the far southern Andes. It argues that territorial perceptions held by Argentine opponents of the proposals, whilst highly significant, are insufficient to explain domestic opposition to the territorial accords. Instead it suggests that the sensitivity and longevity of the controversy reflected both specific territorial perceptions and anti-Menem dynamics in Argentina. Whilst the article highlights citizen opposition to government policy, it also points to the key role of Néstor Kirchner, at the time governor of the province of Santa Cruz, and subsequently Argentina's president. Kirchner's role in the decade-long controversy highlights two key factors. First, the potential utility of foreign policy issues, and particularly those centred on territory, as a resource in the domestic political environment, and, second, the fact that Kirchner's opposition itself responded at least in part to disputes within Peronism during the 1990s.
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Beachler, Donald. "The South and the Military: Evidence from the House of Representatives." American Review of Politics 14 (November 1, 1993): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.341-354.
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With the enfranchisement of southern Blacks and the development of a two-party system in the region, several well-documented changes have occurred in southern politics. Among the most prominent of these changes is the greater liberalism exhibited by many southern Democratic members of Congress. Several scholars have noted the vastly increased support southern Democrats provide for civil rights measures. Other researchers have noted less conservatism by southern representatives on other issues. This paper explores roll call voting by southern representatives on national security issues. It demonstrates that despite some increased liberalism by southern Democrats, during the 1980s a wide regional gap existed within the Democratic caucus on foreign policy and military matters. Southern Democratic votes on national security issues were influenced by a representative’s overall ideology, by a district’s partisan preferences as indicated by presidential election results, the region of the South a representative is from, and by the strength of Republican opposition in a district.
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Hedman, Eva‐Lotta E. "In Search of Oppositions: South East Asia in Focus." Government and Opposition 32, no. 4 (October 1997): 578–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00447.x.
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ANY INVESTIGATION OF POLITICAL OPPOSITIONS IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC must necessarily begin, if not end, with the obvious. First of all, there is the evident weakness of political oppositions in much of this part of the world today — whether we focus on the commonly capitalized ‘Opposition’ denoting ‘a political party opposing, and serving as a check on, the party in power’ (Webster's, italics added), or on the more variegated lower case ‘alternative oppositions’ often associated with so-called ‘non-governmental organizations’ of some sort or another. To a considerable extent, therefore, this question involves the compounded difficulty of not merely explaining the careers and conditions of manifest political groupings and their respective trajectories but also, significantly, of retrieving the historical traces, lived experiences and collective memories of oppositions displaced — whether by means of incorporation or of exclusion. Secondly, despite its remarkable recent rise in political, financial and academic discourse, ‘the Asia-Pacific’ remains a highly elusive — and eminently elastic — conception in terms of historical, economic and cultural content. Significantly, for the present discussion, no ‘wave’ of regime transitions comparable to those witnessed in other regions — Southern Europe, Latin America, Eastern Europe and Tropical Africa — can be discerned across the countries encompassed within ‘the Asia-Pacific’.
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Howkins, Adrian. "Defending polar empire: opposition to India's proposal to raise the ‘Antarctic Question’ at the United Nations in 1956." Polar Record 44, no. 1 (January 2008): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247407006766.
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ABSTRACTThis paper examines the international response to India's 1956 proposal to raise the ‘Antarctic Question’ at the United Nations. It focuses in particular on the uneasy alliance that developed between the British Commonwealth and Latin America in opposition to the Indian proposal. Although Great Britain, Argentina, and Chile were bitterly disputing the sovereignty of the Antarctic Peninsula region, they shared a common desire to keep the southern continent off the agenda of the United Nations. This ability to work together for common goals, despite their differences, set an important precedent for the Antarctic Treaty that would be signed in 1959. In this way, opposition to the Indian proposal, more than the proposal itself, played an important role in the history of Antarctica in the 1950s. Latin American opposition to the proposal helped to fragment any ‘anti-imperial’ coalition that might have developed in Antarctica. This fragmentation helps us to place the Antarctic Treaty System into the framework of post-colonial studies.
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McDonagh, Eileen L., and H. Douglas Price. "Woman Suffrage in the Progressive Era: Patterns of Opposition and Support in Referenda Voting, 1910-1918." American Political Science Review 79, no. 2 (June 1985): 415–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956657.
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Sources of opposition and support for woman suffrage are analyzed with the use of the responses of male voters to constitutional referenda held in six key states during the Progressive era. Traditional axes of opposition and support for suffrage are examined, establishing that stable sources of suffrage support originate most often from Protestant and northern European constituencies (with the exception of Germans), whereas southern Europeans and Catholics (except for Germans) generally show no consistent patterns. Opposition to suffrage is most constant from Germans—both Catholic and Protestant—and from urban constituencies. A structural model indicating the greater importance of prohibition as an intervening variable compared to partisanship or turnout at the grass-roots level of voting behavior explicates the sources of direct and indirect support for suffrage while it also demonstrates the influence of educational commitment in determining suffrage voting patterns. Except in the West, opposition to suffrage was intense and greater at the grass-roots level than among legislative elites. The ultimate success of the federal amendment is discussed in the context of state referenda, the changed political climate after American entry into World War I, and the innovative efforts of state legislatures to grant “presidential” suffrage, thereby circumventing what proved to be the difficult referenda route.
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Dong, Li, and Stephen J. Colucci. "Interpreting the Opposition between Two Block-Onset Forcing Mechanisms." Journal of the Atmospheric Sciences 64, no. 6 (June 2007): 2091–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/jas3936.1.
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The opposition between two block-onset forcing mechanisms, previously identified in midtropospheric analyses over the Southern Hemisphere midlatitudes, is analytically interpreted with an idealized model. These mechanisms are the interaction (Finter) between deformation and potential vorticity and the advection (Fadv) of meridionally varying potential vorticity. Weather systems of concern, primarily consisting of planetary- and synoptic-scale waves, mostly fall into two regimes of zonal and meridional wavenumber space in which the opposition between the two block-onset forcing mechanisms is analytically derived. A synoptic interpretation of this opposition is schematically presented within the framework of barotropic dynamics. It is found that whether blocking occurs in diffluent or confluent flow depends upon the critical wavelength associated with the geostrophic flow. Blocking tends to take place in the diffluent flow of long waves in which Finter dominates over Fadv. In addition, blocking also tends to occur in the confluent flow of relative short waves in which Fadv prevails over Finter. An investigation of Rossby wave phase speeds in one diagnosed case reveals a lengthening with time of the dominant wave until it reaches the stationary wavelength on the block-onset day. In this context blocking may be understood as a stationarity and thus persistence of one of the two block-onset forcing mechanisms.
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Sani, Rabea. "PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF PRE AND POST VACCINATION OF COVID-19: PEOPLE PERCEPTION IN SOUTHERN PUNJAB." Advanced Humanities and Social Sciences 6, no. 2021 (2021): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21065/25205986.6.19.
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Due to myths and misconception Pakistan has already intense opposition to vaccination specially Covid 19 vaccination among people. A web based cross sectional study was conducted in the general population of Punjab Pakistan in June 2021.The self-developed questionnaire which is based on 30 items which comprises on pre vaccination, during vaccination and post vaccination fears, myths and psychological effects.
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Lohmann, Larry. "Gas, waqf and Barclays Capital: a decade of resistance in southern Thailand." Race & Class 50, no. 2 (October 2008): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396808096395.
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The struggle of villagers in the Chana district of southern Thailand to resist the construction of the Trans Thai-Malaysia gas pipeline and its various spin-off industries illustrates some of the ways in which questions of ethnic, religious and class conflict are tightly bound up with industrial development, the global financial sector and human rights abuses. While the Thai elite and international investors portray the project as `socially responsible', the protesting villagers have increasingly turned to Islamic principles of waqf — land designated as given over to God and therefore available for common use — to articulate their opposition.
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Chung, Shan-Shan, and Chi-Sun Poon. "Accounting for the shortage of solid waste disposal facilities in Southern China." Environmental Conservation 28, no. 2 (June 2001): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892901000108.
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Most developed communities, such as Japan, the European Union and the USA, are experiencing a shortage of sites for waste disposal facilities (WDFs) (e.g. Alter 1991; Schall 1992; Chilton 1993; Ikeguchi 1994; Anon. 1994; Berenyi 1996; European Commission 1999). Strong control of local public bodies over site selection decisions and public opposition appear to be the chief causes (Schall 1992; Charles 1993; Capua & Magagni 2000). Recently, in the USA adequate landfill capacity has been ensured, but mainly because of the ease of planning permission for new very large regional landfills (Berenyi 1999). This further illustrates the artificial nature of waste disposal site availability.
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Bensel, Richard. "Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 68–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000432.
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War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.
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Bensel, Richard. "Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 68–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001735.
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War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.
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Abegunrin, Layi. "Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC): Towards Regional Integration of Southern Africa for Liberation." A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 17, no. 4 (June 1, 1985): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132558501700405.
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Southern Africa has become a battleground between two ideologically and fundamentally opposed constellation of states, Pretoria and Lusaka constellations. The conflict between the two basically concerns the domestic racial policies and the future of South Africa. The Pretoria constellation was launched on July 22, 1980, and is led by P. W. Botha, the South Africa's Prime Minister. The Botha's axis is a designed strategy which essentially aims at using South Africa's economic power and wealth to manipulate its neighboring nine black ruled states; and to exert subtle pressure to ensure that they cohere with the white minority regime of South Africa. This ambition of the Pretoria constellation is a vital part of the total strategy of survival of the Botha government. This particularly involves the use of the economy as an instrument of maintaining ultimate political power and control based on the maintenance of the basic structures of apartheid. This has in turn motivated South Africa's opposition to the policies of economic and political liberation of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) states. The second, the Lusaka constellation and also known as the “Southern Nine” was launched on April 1, 1980. It consists of the nine Southern African States of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The declared aim of the Southern Nine is to form an alliance which would pursue an economic strategy that would reduce or eliminate their economic dependence on South Africa. To this end, the Southern Nine and the South African-occupied territory of Namibia unanimously adopted a Programme of Action aimed at stimulating inter-state trade with the ultimate objective of economic independence from South Africa.
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Colomer, Josep M. "Transitions by Agreement: Modeling the Spanish Way." American Political Science Review 85, no. 4 (December 1991): 1283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963946.
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Several nonrevolutionary cases of transition to democracy are modeled. Different preferences and strategic choices between the alternatives of continuity, reform, and rupture of the authoritarian regime are used to define conventional distinctions between hard-liners, soft-liners, and opposition more precisely. Six groups of actors emerge. Using game theory, the interactions among these actors are formally analyzed. The possibility of political pact in the first phase of change is identified with the possibility of cooperation between players in games in which the equilibrium is a deficient outcome. Three models of transition by agreement are established: agreed reform within the ruling bloc, controlled opening to the opposition, and sudden collapse of the authoritarian regime. Each of these models entails differences in the pace of change and in the limits of the pact and can be associated with different cases of transition in Southern Europe, Latin America, and Eastern Europe.
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Fiktus, Paweł. "Charter 77 in the journalism of the Parisian “Kultura”." Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 60, no. 4 (April 20, 2021): 173–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.2021.040.
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Although the Czechoslovak theme was not of particular interest in the journalism of “Kultura” (compared to Ukrainian or Lithuanian issues), it covered issues concerning Poland’s southern neighbour. The year 1968 marked a special period of increased interest in Czechoslovakia and the associated process of a series of social, political and economic reforms, which went down in history under the name of the Prague Spring. The period after the invasion by the Warsaw Pact troops and the start of the so-called process of normalization was also closely commented on by columnists and analysts of “Kultura”. However, particular attention was paid to the activities of the opposition in the area of Charter 77. The purpose of this article is to show how the Parisian “Kultura” referred to the opposition movement in Czechoslovakia. Moreover, Czechoslovak writers associated with Czechoslovak immigrant communities spoke out more often in “Kultura” pages
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Sithole, Masipula. "Prospects for Change in South Africa: Lessons from Rhodesia." Issue 15 (1987): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700506003.
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Southern Africa has been in a state of crisis since the fall of the Portuguese empire in Angola and Mozambique in 1974. The MPLA and FRELIMO governments established in Angola and Mozambique, respectively, in the mid-1970’s have been under pressure from internal opposition groups that have been increasingly drawn into the armpits of South African sponsorship in its destabilization policy towards its neighbors. Zimbabwe, independent only six years ago, seems to have fallen into a similar pattern.
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Chacón, Mario, and Jeffrey Jensen. "Direct Democracy, Constitutional Reform, and Political Inequality in Post-Colonial America." Studies in American Political Development 34, no. 1 (April 2020): 148–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x1900018x.
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The ratification of constitutional changes via referendum is an important mechanism for constraining the influence of elites, particularly when representative institutions are captured. While this electoral device is commonly employed cross-nationally, its use is far from universal. We investigate the uneven adoption of mandatory referendums by examining the divergence between Northern and Southern U.S. states in the post-independence period. We first explore why states in both regions adopted constitutional conventions as the primary mechanism for making revisions to fundamental law, but why only Northern states adopted the additional requirement of ratifying via referendum. We argue that due to distortions in state-level representation, Southern elites adopted the discretionary referendum as a mechanism to bypass the statewide electorate when issues divided voters along slave-dependency lines. We demonstrate the link between biases to apportionment and opposition to mandatory referendums using a novel data set of roll calls from various Southern state conventions, including during the secession crisis of 1861.
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Conti, Nicolò, Andrea Pedrazzani, and Federico Russo. "Raising the flag among the ruins: the crisis as helping hand for opposition parties?" Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 49, no. 3 (April 15, 2019): 293–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.9.
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AbstractWithin the context of the economic downturn in southern Eurozone countries and the imposition of new constraints on national policy-making, this article examines the congruence between party issue prioritization, during and after the electoral phase. This is done through a longitudinal analysis of four countries (Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain) and use of party manifesto and parliamentary question data. We found that between the electoral and parliamentary arenas, parties tend to emphasize different issues. However, this occurs in different ways across time, countries, and parties. We propose a measurement of issue congruence in agenda framing between the pre- and post-electoral phases to assess to what extent elections provide a guide for public policies. Moreover, we propose arguments to explain different results in the analyzed countries and across parties. We show that the crisis magnified the capacity of the opposition to maintain programmatic coherence – a helping hand for opposition parties (including the radical ones) that succeeded in boosting the relevance of their signature issues.
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Vydrin, Valentin. "Genitival constructions in Eastern Dan." Language in Africa 3, no. 2 (July 23, 2022): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2686-8946-2022-3-2-159-180.
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In Eastern Dan (< Southern Mande < Mande < Niger-Congo), the common Mande strategies of marking genitival relations are available, namely head-marking by means of tone, and dependent-marking (by a specialized postposition) in the alienable possession construction. However, against this common background, some important modifications have evolved. The opposition between the head-marked and the head-unmarked constructions, although retained, has become semantically blurred: in the proto-language, the head-marked genitival construction had the semantics of “modification-by-noun”, while in the Eastern Dan, this meaning has undergone erosion. In the dependent-marked constructions, a case-like opposition has emerged in the alienable possession constructions: different possessive markers (postpositions) are used depending on whether the head noun of an NP containing the possessive construction stands in the locative case or not. Other postpositions can also serve as markers of genitival relations. In addition, morphological case can sometimes serve to mark genitival relations.
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Kirschke, Linda. "Informal repression, zero-sum politics and late third wave transitions." Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 3 (September 2000): 383–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00003396.
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Transitions to multiparty politics occurred throughout Sub-Saharan Africa with remarkable speed in the early 1990s, linking the region to the broader ‘third wave of democratisation’ which, from 1974, progressively marked many areas of southern Europe, Latin America and post-communist Europe. Unlike most earlier cases of political reform, however, the changes in Sub-Saharan Africa demonstrated a strong external orientation. A unique combination of donor pressure, internal opposition and ‘snowballing’ led regimes to rapidly introduce multiparty politics regardless of whether ruling elites in fact supported democratisation. The particular constraints surrounding these transitions place much of Sub-Saharan Africa at high risk of civil violence. Drawing on the cases of Cameroon, Rwanda and Kenya, this article argues that, during transitional periods, the greater the conflict between ruling elites and opposition forces, and the greater the pressure which regimes face to proceed with reform, the greater the likelihood that states will sponsor ‘informal repression’, covert violations by third parties, to regain political control.
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Salas-Vives, Pere, and Joana-Maria Pujadas-Mora. "Cordons Sanitaires and the Rationalisation Process in Southern Europe (Nineteenth-Century Majorca)." Medical History 62, no. 3 (June 11, 2018): 314–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2018.25.
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Never before the nineteenth century had Europeans, especially in the south, adopted cordons sanitaires in such great numbers or at such a fast rate. This article aims to analyse the process of the rationalisation and militarisation of the cordons sanitaires imposed in the fight against epidemics during the nineteenth century on the Mediterranean island of Majorca (Spain). These cordons should be understood as a declaration of war by the authorities on emerging epidemics. Epidemics could generate sudden and intolerably high rises in mortality that the new liberal citizenship found unacceptable. Toleration of this type of measure was the result of a general consensus, with hardly any opposition, which not only obtained the support of scientists (especially in the field of medicine) but also of most of the local and provincial political elite, and even of the population at large.
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Munro, Niall. "Neo-Confederates take their stand: Southern Agrarians and the Civil War." European Journal of American Culture 39, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ejac_00020_1.
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Ninety years ago, a group of twelve Southern intellectuals published I’ll Take My Stand, a manifesto dedicated to reviving Southern values and ideals in direct opposition to Northern industrialism and philosophy. Ever since 1930, the Southern Agrarians have been frequently presented as critics of modern life, but this kind of focus overshadows another way in which they were described in those early days: as neo-Confederates. The Agrarians’ ongoing and wide-ranging engagement with the Civil War ‐ especially in the work of Allen Tate and Donald Davidson ‐ was, I argue, hugely significant for the planning and writing of the manifesto. Examining the ways in which these writers used the war also shows how they sought to retard modernist progress, embrace failure as an element of Lost Cause ideology, and distort the temporal shape of Civil War memory. Furthermore, I show here how bound up in the manifesto and related writing by its contributors is a commitment to white supremacy and violence ‐ a kind of fanatical dedication that speaks to events in the United States today.
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Ledgeway, Adam, Norma Schifano, and Giuseppina Silvestri. "The Negative Imperative in Southern Calabria. Spirito Greco, Materia Romanza Again?" Journal of Language Contact 14, no. 1 (September 30, 2021): 184–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-14010007.
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Abstract The aim of this article is to investigate a special case of suppletion in the paradigm of the negative imperative in some dialects of southern Calabria. First, we show how these paradigms involve the extension of an original infinitival desinence to a present indicative verb, giving rise to a hybrid imperatival form (Section 2). Second, we claim that this pattern of suppletion does not represent a Romance-internal development but, rather, the outcome of contact-induced change and, in particular, the influence of the local Greek sub-/adstrate (Section 3). Furthermore, we show that these hybrid patterns also provide significant evidence for the formal morphosyntactic equivalence between competing Greek finite and Romance non-finite forms of subordination, a typical Balkanism (Section 4). Finally, we demonstrate that the extension of the Romance infinitival desinence according to an underlying Greek model yields in synchrony an alternation between a suppletive positive imperative and a true negative imperative, a typologically very rare formal opposition (Section 5).
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Feldman, Glenn. "Labour repression in the American South: corporation, state, and race in Alabama's coal fields, 1917–1921." Historical Journal 37, no. 2 (June 1994): 343–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016502.
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ABSTRACTThis article is a case study of labour strife in the Alabama coal fields from 1917 to 1921. It speaks to the broader issue of labour repression in the American South by examining the patterns of repression in one industry and in one state. Several revisionist works have been written recently refuting the alleged distinctiveness of the South on the labour issue. This article supplies evidence for a surprising degree of labour militancy; the type of militancy that has been used to buttress revisionist interpretations of the similarity of southern labour to that of other American regions. In this study, however, labour militancy is understood more as a function of the desperation of southern workers confronted with distinctive issues and degrees of racial acrimony, communal antipathy toward labour, and the advantageous position of southern coal operators vis-a-vis their northern counterparts. In the face of overwhelming odds of governmental, business, press, religious, communal, and legal opposition, Alabama coal miners mounted a militant, prolonged, and biracial protest against what have been described as the worst conditions in the United States at that time.
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Sudo, Jonathan K. "The Accumulation of People: Slavery and Capitalism in Southern Thought." Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal 2, no. 2 (2021): 102–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.2.2.6.
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The abolitionist movement in antebellum America provoked a frenzy of pro-slavery reaction. With the very foundation of their society under assault from the 1830s onward, southern planters, intellectuals and ministers penned countless speeches, essays, letters, and even poems in defense of bondage. Previously, the lack of a movement for immediate abolition gave slaveholders little reason to forcefully argue for the coerced labor of black people, but the rise of an energized opposition in Britain and America required ever more sophisticated justifications for the “peculiar institution.” The result was southern intellectuals began to justify slavery not only in terms of racial hierarchy or practical necessity, but also by critiquing the model of free labor offered by Northern abolitionists as an alternative. Through these critiques, southerners articulated an alternative vision of capitalism, one based on ostensibly more humane bound labor and the racial and social stability it maintained. However, I argue that this vision was fundamentally reactionary and situational. It was only articulated in response to attacks from British and northern abolitionists and, despite arguing for slavery universal superiority to wage labor, Southerners never advocated expanding it beyond the Southern, black population.
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Mutter, Robin. "‘Doing the North-South splits: Post-modern Strain on a Pre-modern Institution’." Sociological Research Online 9, no. 1 (February 2004): 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.891.
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‘The controversy in the Anglican Church around homosexuality within the priesthood is considered in terms of the kind of world-view held by an important faction of those in opposition. An example of research into the world-view of Charismatic Christians running an Anglican outreach project in the UK is taken to gain insight into the world-wide Evangelical Charismatic resurgence. Parallels are drawn with the position taken by the Southern hemisphere Anglicans and it is argued that this opposition is unlikely to be yielding to the secularising influences of pluralistic industrialised societies. Robertson (1985) proposes that religious forms in differentiated societies, such as Charismatic Evangelicalism, draw strength from global integration. It is argued that this thesis is relevant to understanding the nature of divisions within Anglicanism as these world-wide factions cut across and divide a broad church. That the world contains varying conditions of secularisation and counter-secularisation (Berger, 1999) places additional and intolerable strain on a world-wide communion that tries to embrace a plurality.’
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Banai, Ayelet, Fabio Votta, and Rosa Seitz. "The Polls—Trends." Public Opinion Quarterly 86, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac001.
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Abstract This article presents trends in public opinion toward immigration in the European Union (EU), between 2002 and 2018. Immigration is a salient and contentious issue in contemporary politics across Europe and is used by Eurosceptic parties in both government and opposition to mobilize support. Public opinion data—drawn from the European Social Survey and the Eurobarometer—reveals the following noteworthy trends over the past two decades. First, positive public attitudes toward immigration have increased across member states, with a temporary setback in 2015–16. Second, immigration is a divisive issue throughout the EU. While public opinion in some regions generally favors immigration, opinion is divided everywhere. Third, despite regional variations between northern, western, and southern Europe, EU-wide trends suggest the emergence of a collective public opinion, crossing national borders. Fourth, despite vocal political opposition to immigration, solid majorities of the public view immigration favorably over time and across regions. To the numerous studies of European public opinion on immigration, this article contributes a useful overview of the long-term trends, with regional and EU-wide presentation and data visualization.
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DANNREUTHER, ROLAND. "War and insecurity: legacies of Northern and Southern state formation." Review of International Studies 33, no. 2 (April 2007): 307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007528.
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ABSTRACTMuch of the post-Cold War discourse about contemporary warfare posits a binary opposition between a ‘democratic peace’ in the North and the prevalence of virulent ‘new wars’ in the South. This article seeks to qualify these accounts by bringing out the deeper historical and sociological legacies of state formation critical for understanding the emergence of an internal peace amongst developed countries and the continuing insecurity and multiple civil wars in many poorer developing regions. It is argued that two features of Southern state formation – the external imposition of states and the enforced norm against territorial aggrandisement – have significantly constrained the development of many developing states, making it more difficult for them to forge strong, synergistic states whose security concerns are externally- rather than internally-oriented. The article argues that there is, though, much variation in how Southern states have responded to these historical legacies of state formation. The article concludes with a four-fold taxonomy to replace the simple North-South bifurcation, differentiating between developed, globalising, praetorian and failed states and identifying the differing potential for, and incidence of, violent conflict, insecurity, and war within these four types of state.
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Robinson, Mark, José Iriarte, Jonas Gregorio De Souza, Rafael Corteletti, Priscilla Ulguim, Michael Fradley, Macarena Cárdenas, Paulo De Blasis, Francis Mayle, and Deisi Scunderlick. "MOIETIES AND MORTUARY MOUNDS: DUALISM AT A MOUND AND ENCLOSURE COMPLEX IN THE SOUTHERN BRAZILIAN HIGHLANDS." Latin American Antiquity 28, no. 2 (June 2017): 232–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/laq.2017.11.
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Excavations at Abreu Garcia provide a detailed case study of a mound and enclosure mortuary complex used by the southern proto-Jê in the southern Brazilian highlands. The recovery of 16 secondary cremation deposits within a single mound allows an in-depth discussion of spatial aspects of mortuary practices. A spatial division in the placement of the interments adds another level of duality to the mortuary landscape, which comprises: (1) paired mound and enclosures, (2) twin mounds within a mound and enclosure, and (3) the dual division in the mound interior. The multiple levels of nested asymmetric dualism evoke similarities to the moiety system that characterizes modern southern Jê groups, highlighting both the opposition and the complementarity of the social system. The findings offer deeper insight into fundamental aspects of southern proto-Jê social organization, including the dual nature of the community, the manifestation of social structure in the landscape, and its incorporation into mortuary ritual. The results have implications for research design and developing appropriate methodologies to answer culture-specific questions. Furthermore, the parallels among archaeology, ethnohistory, and ethnography enable an understanding of the foundation of modern descendent groups and an assessment of the continuity in indigenous culture beyond European contact.
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Lago, Enrico Dal. "The End of the "Second Slavery" in the Confederate South and the Great Brigandage in Southern Italy: Some Comparative Suggestions." Almanack, no. 4 (December 2012): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2236-463320120404.
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Abstract Between 1861 and 1865, the newly formed Confederate nation and the Kingdom of Italy faced comparable crises of legitimacy, as the South of the former United States and southern Italy underwent the horrific ordeals of the American Civil War and of Italy's "Great Brigandage", also in itself a civil war. Even though on different scales and in different ways, the two civil wars affected relationships between the agrarian elites and their slave and peasant workers, leading to the shattering of the "second slavery" in the Confederate South and to a deep crisis in the landowning socio-economic system of southern Italy. Whereas the Confederate nation did not survive the crisis of legitimacy and collapsed under combined military pressure from the Union and internal opposition, the Kingdom of Italy survived the crisis of legitimacy at the cost of strengthening the government's authoritarian character and of the indiscriminate use of military force.
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Tiukhtiaev, Andrei. "Alternative Archaeology and New Age Traditionalism in Contemporary Russia." Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jef-2021-0017.
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Abstract This article examines how esoteric traditionalism in contemporary Russia searches for legitimisation using alternative archaeology. Although New Age spirituality is often considered a private religion, some of its manifestations have a significant impact on the public sphere. The author demonstrates that the New Age in Russia contributes to redefining of categories of religion, science, and cultural heritage through the construction of sacred sites and discursive opposition to academic knowledge. The research is based on analysis of media products that present esoteric interpretations of archaeological sites in southern Russia and ethnographic data collected in a pilgrimage to the dolmens of the Krasnodar region.
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Reft, Ryan. "The Metropolitan Military: Homeownership Resistance to Military Family Housing in Southern California, 1979-1990." Journal of Urban History 43, no. 5 (June 18, 2015): 767–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144215590582.
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Despite its dependence on military investment, large segments of the Sunbelt have always expressed ambivalence toward military housing. From 1941 to 1973, real estate interests served as the primary resistance to the construction of military housing; however, during the 1970s, due to economic changes, tax revolts, New Right fiscal and social policies, and the transformation to the all-volunteer force (AVF), opposition to military housing transferred from real estate interests to homeowners. From 1979 to 1990, the Navy’s attempt to construct military family housing in San Diego encountered angry homeowners who resented the tax exempt status of housing and accused military households of overburdening school infrastructure, reducing property values, and spreading social dysfunction. Demographic changes resulting from the AVF yielded more families and greater ethnic and racial diversity, which failed to align with suburban norms and thereby marginalized service households socially and politically.
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Guillen, Ana M., and Manos Matsaganis. "Testing the 'social dumping' hypothesis in Southern Europe: welfare policies in Greece and Spain during the last 20 years." Journal of European Social Policy 10, no. 2 (May 1, 2000): 120–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a012486.
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Recent research has shown that the traditional view of social welfare in Southern Europe as 'rudimentary' is a misreading of its distinct nature: welfare arrangements in the region do not 'lag behind' as a whole, rather they suffer from serious imbalances that cause inequities and inefficiencies. The article focuses on Greece and Spain, two countries that differ in terms of economic performance and size, but share a recent history of successful transition to democracy and common membership of the Southern European 'model' of welfare. The article shows that the welfare policies pursued in these two countries over the last 20 years were marked by strong expansionary trends that clearly outbalanced occasional cut-backs. This evidence lends no support to the 'social dumping' hypothesis. If anything, 'catching up with Europe' in terms of social as well as economic standards seems to have been elevated to something of a national ideal, shared by both government and opposition. As the expansionary thrust of 'welfare state building' is being exhausted, the biggest challenge facing Southern European welfare states is the construction of welfare institutions in tune with a changing society.
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Hutchinson, Sharon E. "A Curse from God? Religious and political dimensions of the post-1991 rise of ethnic violence in South Sudan." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 2 (June 2001): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003639.
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Southern Sudanese civilian populations have been trapped in a rising tide of ethnicised, South-on-South, military violence ever since leadership struggles within the main southern opposition movement – the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) – split into two warring factions in August 1991. This paper traces the devastating impact of this violence on a particularly volatile and fractured region of contemporary South Sudan: the oil rich heartlands of the Western Upper Nile Province. Foregrounding the historical experiences and grassroots perspectives of Nuer civilian populations in this region, the paper shows how elite competition within the southern military has combined with the political machinations of the national Islamic government in Khartoum to create a wave of inter- and intra-ethnic factional fighting so intense and intractable that many Nuer civilians have come to define it as ‘a curse from God’. Dividing Sudan's seventeen-year-long civil war (1983–present) into four distinct phases, the paper shows how successive forms and patterns of political violence in this region have provoked radical reassessments of the precipitating agents and ultimate meaning of this war on the part of an increasingly demoralised and impoverished Nuer civilian population.
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Napolio, Nicholas G., and Jordan Carr Peterson. "Their Boot in Our Face No Longer? Administrative Sectionalism and Resistance to Federal Authority in the U.S. South." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 19, no. 1 (October 26, 2018): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440018803960.
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What explains state agency resistance to actions taken by their federal counterparts? And do sectional tensions make state bureaucratic nonacquiescence particularly likely in the U.S. South? We theorize that state resistance to federal administrative policy is more likely among Southern state bureaus due to administrative sectionalism. We argue that state agencies can and do resist federal administrative orders independent of other political constraints. This study is among the first to consider the policy consequences of sectionalism in state bureaucracies. We test our claims by employing a mixed methods approach that analyzes each instance of litigation and intervention by state bureaucrats in opposition to actions and orders by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) from 2010 to 2017. We find that, all else equal, state agency resistance to federal utility policy is about 3.75 times as likely among Southern utility regulators. This research has important normative implications for administrative politics as it suggests agencies with putatively apolitical policy jurisdiction have political preferences driven by sectional tension.
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Liow, Joseph Chinyong, and Moch Khafidz Fuad Raya. "ISLAMIC REFORMIST MOVEMENT OF HAJI SULONG ABDUL KADIR IN ISLAMIC EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS IN THAILAND’S SOUTHERN BORDER." Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 10, no. 2 (November 1, 2020): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.38073/jpi.v10i2.346.
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The development of Islamic education in southern Thailand has been in the spotlight of researchers in the last decade in efforts to establish a national education, although this study is still less attractive. The existence of Pondok schools as Islamic educational institutions is considered to have mobilized separatist movements and the authority of traditional Malay Muslim elites to fight for territory. The existence of the Malay rulers with their authority in the fields of religion and culture made traditional Islamic education deeply rooted in the southern Thailand region. Muslims in the southern province are allegedly a monolithic entity whose existence constructs the institutionalization of Thailand as a state, thus opening up space for separatist seeds that emerge from Islamic educational institutions. The existence of Islamic reformers such as Haji Sulong Abdul Kadir is strong evidence that his movement is treading the religious and cultural field in the process of reviving the institutionalization of Islamic education in Southern Thailand. The establishment of Madrasah al-Ma'arif al-Wataniah Fatani as a forum for Haji Sulong Abdul Kadir to fight for reforms in Islamic education institutions, despite strong opposition from the state and the authority of the traditional Malay Muslim elite but ultimately the principles of reform were realized even though the reformers had died and the madrasa was closed.
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Encrenaz, T., T. K. Greathouse, S. Aoki, F. Daerden, M. Giuranna, F. Forget, F. Lefèvre, et al. "Ground-based infrared mapping of H2O2 on Mars near opposition." Astronomy & Astrophysics 627 (July 2019): A60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/0004-6361/201935300.
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We pursued our ground-based seasonal monitoring of hydrogen peroxide on Mars using thermal imaging spectroscopy, with two observations of the planet near opposition, in May 2016 (solar longitude Ls = 148.5°, diameter = 17 arcsec) and July 2018 (Ls = 209°, diameter = 23 arcsec). Data were recorded in the 1232–1242 cm−1 range (8.1 μm) with the Texas Echelon Cross Echelle Spectrograph (TEXES) mounted at the 3 m Infrared Telescope Facility (IRTF) at the Mauna Kea Observatories. As in the case of our previous analyses, maps of H2O2 were obtained using line depth ratios of weak transitions of H2O2 divided by a weak CO2 line. The H2O2 map of April 2016 shows a strong dichotomy between the northern and southern hemispheres, with a mean volume mixing ratio of 45 ppbv on the north side and less than 10 ppbv on the south side; this dichotomy was expected by the photochemical models developed in the LMD Mars Global Climate Model (LMD-MGCM) and with the recently developed Global Environmental Multiscale (GEM) model. The second measurement (July 2018) was taken in the middle of the MY 34 global dust storm. H2O2 was not detected with a disk-integrated 2σ upper limit of 10 ppbv, while both the LMD-MGCM and the LEM models predicted a value above 20 ppbv (also observed by TEXES in 2003) in the absence of dust storm. This depletion is probably the result of the high dust content in the atmosphere at the time of our observations, which led to a decrease in the water vapor column density, as observed by the PFS during the global dust storm. GCM simulations using the GEM model show that the H2O depletion leads to a drop in H2O2, due to the lack of HO2 radicals. Our result brings a new constraint on the photochemistry of H2O2 in the presence of a high dust content. In parallel, we reprocessed the whole TEXES dataset of H2O2 measurements using the latest version of the GEISA database (GEISA 2015). We recently found that there is a significant difference in the H2O2 line strengths between the 2003 and 2015 versions of GEISA. Therefore, all H2O2 volume mixing ratios up to 2014 from TEXES measurements must be reduced by a factor of 1.75. As a consequence, in four cases (Ls around 80°, 100°, 150°, and 209°) the H2O2 abundances show contradictory values between different Martian years. At Ls = 209° the cause seems to be the increased dust content associated with the global dust storm. The inter-annual variability in the three other cases remains unexplained at this time.
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Murray, Gail Schmunk. "Taming the War on Poverty." Journal of Urban History 43, no. 1 (August 3, 2016): 70–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144215574696.
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President Johnson’s War on Poverty encountered significant opposition in southern states where impoverishment and race served to reinforce both social and economic systems. In Memphis, the War on Poverty underwent political attacks primarily aimed at neighborhood organizing. However, two agencies used Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA) recruits to implement significant antipoverty initiatives. VISTAs developed a prisoner release–mentoring program and a pretrial release for indigent detainees who could not post bail. The Metropolitan Inter Faith Association recruited savvy local residents to design VISTA services for the poor. The latter drew on local volunteers and reflected a paternalistic approach rather than one that reflected the voice of the poor.
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Baum, Robert M. "Wrestlers on the Awasena Path: Wrestling, Fertility, and Rites of Passage among the Diola of Southern Senegal." Numen 64, no. 4 (May 26, 2017): 418–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341473.
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The existing literature on religion and sport focuses on the ways that sporting events take on many aspects of religious events, fostering a sense of community and reinforcing a sense of opposition to external groups. This article focuses on a different aspect, the use of ritual to reduce the uncertainties of athletic competition in wrestling matches and its role in socializing boys and girls into the religious obligations that they will assume as adults. Utilizing a case study from the southern Diola of the Casamance area of Senegal, it builds on the author’s participation in wrestling rituals to analyze the ways in which rituals surrounding wrestling matches socialize boys and girls into ritual life, while providing individual wrestlers with a sense of protection against spiritual attacks and the uncertainties of individual competitions.
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Travaglino, Giovanni A., Dominic Abrams, Georgina Randsley de Moura, and Giuseppina Russo. "Organized crime and group-based ideology: The association between masculine honor and collective opposition against criminal organizations." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 17, no. 6 (May 30, 2014): 799–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430214533394.
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What is the role of culture in establishing young people’s pathways into gang membership? Italian criminal organizations (COs) exhibit adherence to codes of honor and masculinity, important values in the context where they originated. Here it is proposed that the embedding of these values at an individual level may lessen young people’s group-based opposition to such organizations, and indirectly, create a space in which such organizations can persist and recruit. In a study of young Southern Italians ( N = 176; Mage = 16.17), we found that those who endorsed ideological beliefs related to the honorableness of male violence reported lower intentions to engage in antimafia activities. Consistent with the hypothesized mechanisms, this relationship was mediated by more positive attitudes toward COs, and lower reported vicarious shame in relation to the activities of COs. Directions for future research and implications for research on gangs are discussed.