Relevant bibliographies by topics / Southern Opposition

Academic literature on the topic 'Southern Opposition'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Southern Opposition"

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Aucoin, Brent J. "The Southern Manifesto and Southern Opposition to Desegregation." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 55, no. 2 (1996): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40030963.

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Chiroro, Bertha. "The Dilemmas of Opposition Political Parties in Southern Africa." Journal of African elections 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2006): 100–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2006/v14i1a6.

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FELDMAN, GLENN. "SOFT OPPOSITION: ELITE ACQUIESCENCE AND KLAN-SPONSORED TERRORISM IN ALABAMA, 1946–1950." Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 753–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007231.

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The traditional division of the Klan phenomenon into three or four separate outbreaks (Reconstruction, 1920s, post-1954, and post-1979) is a useful organizing construct for scholars, but is deceptively simple and not necessarily reflective of reality. Alabama's KKK is examined immediately following World War II. During this alleged period of dormancy there is, instead, a thriving Klan presence in perhaps the most racist of the deep South states. Postwar Alabama was especially tense as black voting registration aspirations and the growing appeal of biracial economic liberalism challenged the status quo. Klan resurgence was part of a determined white supremacist reaction. The concept of soft opposition is also coined and introduced to describe the efforts of elites to combat the Klan. While waging a vigorous opposition, elites were not so concerned with Klan depredations as abominations in and of themselves; rather, they were worried about the threat of federal intervention into southern race relations in response to violence. They opposed Klan excesses to perpetuate traditional elite, white control over southern blacks. Such opposition, while genuine, was less than effective, altruistic, or hard opposition; the kind needed to eliminate the Klan as an accepted part of southern society, which evolved only after 1979.
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SELTZER, ANDREW J. "Democratic Opposition to the Fair Labor Standards Act: A Comment on Fleck." Journal of Economic History 64, no. 1 (March 2004): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704002669.

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In a well-crafted recent article in this JOURNAL, Robert Fleck argues that voting on the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA), the last and among the most contentious pieces of major New Deal legislation, was heavily influenced by regional political differences and by the “southern political system.” This contention is broadly supportive of a view held by several traditional historians, who have argued that political differences between the North and South were a major factor in voting. According to this view, the considerable support for minimum wages among southern workers, African American leaders, and the general public did not translate into congressional votes for the FLSA due to southern political institutions that effectively disfranchised many of the voters who were predisposed to support the FLSA. In a previous article I argued that, although southern representatives were more likely to vote against the FLSA, this was primarily because of economic differences between the two regions, not political factors. I argued that the opposition to the FLSA was spearheaded by low-wage employers, who were disproportionately concentrated in the South. This note examines the reasons for these conflicting results. It is argued that Fleck's approach to prediction, which evaluates the marginal impact of his independent variables individually, but does not jointly consider the variables that defined the southern political system, is misleading, and a more appropriate approach using his own regression results supports my contention that political differences between North and South were inconsequential to the overall roll-call vote on the FLSA. It is shown that, holding economic factors constant, had the South been politically like the North, the estimated roll-call vote on the FLSA would have been very similar to the actual votes in 1937 and 1938.
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McCarthy, M. "Opposition to abortion is growing in Southern and Midwestern US states." BMJ 347, aug02 2 (August 2, 2013): f4915. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.f4915.

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Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Voting, violence and violations: peasant voices on the flawed elections in Hadiya, Southern Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 4 (December 2001): 697–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003743.

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This article presents peasant grievances on the flawed 2000 elections in Hadiya zone, southern Ethiopia. For the first time in Ethiopia's electoral history, an opposition party managed to win the majority of the votes in one administrative zone. In the run-up to the elections, government cadres and officials intimidated and harassed candidates and members from the opposition Hadiya National Democratic Organisation (HNDO). Several candidates and members were arrested and political campaigning was restricted. On election day, widespread attempts at rigging the election took place, and violence was exerted in several places by government cadres and the police. Despite the government's attempt to curtail and control the elections in Hadiya, the opposition party mobilised the people in a popular protest to challenge the government party's political hegemony – and won. If this is an indication of a permanent shift of power relations in Hadiya, it is however, too early to say.
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FLECK, ROBERT K. "Democratic Opposition to the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938: Reply to Seltzer." Journal of Economic History 64, no. 1 (March 2004): 231–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704002670.

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Andrew J. Seltzer raises an interesting question: How large was the net effect of southern political institutions on congressional support for the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA)? Although Seltzer claims to use my econometric results to show that those institutions had little effect, his interpretation of my results depends entirely on two assumptions that I did not make and that he does not justify. The first assumption is that two variables—the Turnout-Manufacturing Correlation and Turnout—somehow “defined the southern political system.” The second is that southern political institutions caused higher values of Turnout-Manufacturing Correlation. Seltzer's assumptions are theoretically baseless and empirically indefensible, and they lead him to the wrong conclusion. I will explain why.
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de Kadt, Daniel, and Evan S. Lieberman. "Nuanced Accountability: Voter Responses to Service Delivery in Southern Africa." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 1 (December 13, 2017): 185–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000345.

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Various theories of democratic governance posit that citizens should vote for incumbent politicians when they provide good service, and vote for the opposition when service delivery is poor. But does electoral accountability work as theorized, especially in developing country contexts? Studying Southern African democracies, where infrastructural investment in basic services has expanded widely but not universally, we contribute a new empirical answer to this question. Analyzing the relationship between service provision and voting, we find a surprising negative relationship: improvements in service provision predict decreases in support for dominant party incumbents. Though stronger in areas where opposition parties control local government, the negative relationship persists even in those areas where local government is run by the nationally dominant party. Survey data provide suggestive evidence that citizen concerns about corruption and ratcheting preferences for service delivery may be driving citizen attitudes and behaviors. Voters may thus be responsive to service delivery, but perhaps in ways that are more nuanced than extant theories previously recognized.
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Badger, Tony. ""The Forerunner of Our Opposition": Arkansas and the Southern Manifesto of 1956." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 56, no. 3 (1997): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40023181.

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Huynh, Thu Ngoc. "DUALISM IN CAODAISM IN SOUTHERN VIETNAM." Science and Technology Development Journal 14, no. 3 (September 30, 2011): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v14i3.2001.

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In considering Caodaism in terms of its establishment and development, organizing structure, and cosmology, we discover that dualism is not a conflicting and eliminating binary factor; rather it is an integration to create the solidarity in the structure of facts and phenomena in society and religion. In short, binary opposition is considered as a principle to explain solidarity, completeness in religious structure in terms of organizing forms, rituals, religious priesthood and in general the whole social structure of Caodaism. Caodaism as one of the religions in Southern Vietnam expresses clearly the dualism in its doctrine, in organization as well as in its establishment and development.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Southern Opposition"

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Sawilla, Darcy. "Religious Devotions in the Southern Low Countries as an Opposition to Catharism 1150-1300." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31234.

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Through contemplation, and the practice of actions with religious meaning, faith is taught and reinforced. Beliefs that conflict with the established teaching of a religious group are sometimes ruled by it as heretical. Effective in countering heresy are religious practices that would not be performed by those deemed heretical. The practices indicate those who are orthodox and safeguard them from accusations of heresy. Catharism was an expanding heretical sect in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, enticing adherents away from the Roman Catholic Church, rejecting the Catholic sacraments and holding to a dualistic theology. Through the study of eleven hagiographies (idealized biographies of saints) this thesis identifies and examines sixteen attributes of people who lived in the southern Low Countries, corresponding with contemporary Belgium and northeastern France. We show how these attributes aided the Catholic Church’s struggle against Catharism through the confirmation, dissemination, and distinction of orthodoxy, while serving to nullify heterodox suspicion of the hagiographical subjects.
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Huggins, Benjamin L. "Republican principles, opposition revolutions, and Southern Whigs Nathaniel Macon, Willie Mangum, and the course of North Carolina politics, 1800-1853 /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3310.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2008.
Vita: p. 669. Thesis director: Jane T. Censer. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Jan. 11, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 657-668). Also issued in print.
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Books on the topic "Southern Opposition"

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1970-, Webb Clive, ed. Massive resistance: Southern opposition to the second reconstruction. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, ed. Democratisation, dominant parties and weak opposition: The Southern African Project. Auckland Park, South Africa: Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, 2004.

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Solomon, Hussein. Against all odds: Opposition political parties in Southern Africa, Botswana, Lesotho, Mauritius, Mozambique, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, Zimbabwe. Johannesburg: KMM Review, 2011.

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Webb, Clive. Massive Resistance: Southern Opposition to the Second Reconstruction. Oxford University Press, USA, 2005.

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Massive resistance: Southern opposition to the second reconstruction. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2004.

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Webb, Clive. Massive Resistance: Southern Opposition to the Second Reconstruction. Oxford University Press, USA, 2005.

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Webb, Clive. Massive Resistance: Southern Opposition to the Second Reconstruction. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2005.

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Webb, Clive. Massive Resistance: Southern Opposition to the Second Reconstruction. Oxford University Press, 2005.

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De Giorgi, Elisabetta, and Catherine Moury, eds. Government-Opposition in Southern European Countries during the Economic Crisis. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315683829.

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Moury, Catherine, and Elisabetta De Giorgi. Government-Opposition in Southern European Countries During the Economic Crisis: Great Recession, Great Cooperation? Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Book chapters on the topic "Southern Opposition"

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Augustine, Tshuma Lungile, Trust Matsilele, and Mbongeni Jonny Msimanga. "‘Weapons of Oppressors’: COVID-19 Regulatory Framework and its Impact on Journalism Practices in Southern Africa." In Health Crises and Media Discourses in Sub-Saharan Africa, 253–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95100-9_15.

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AbstractThe chapter examines the regulatory frameworks that were put in place by governments in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region to combat the outbreak of COVID-19 and the impact it had on journalism practices in the region. African governments with the help of World Health Organization (WHO) guidelines crafted laws and policies which prohibited gatherings. These measures limited the conduct of journalism, i.e. gathering and dissemination of news, during the pandemic. While these laws were implemented to avert the virus, we argue in this chapter that some regimes used the pandemic to muzzle the media. We analyse laws that were gazetted in Zimbabwe, Tanzania, and South Africa to combat/ address COVID-19, and evaluate their impact on the practice of journalism in the region through the lens of securitisation theory. The securitisation theory indicates that by declaring something or phenomenon a threat, it ensures that such a phenomenon is moved out of the sphere of normal politics into the realm of emergency politics, where it can be dealt with without the normal (democratic) rules and regulations of policymaking. Methodologically, the chapter uses document analysis which is the systematic evaluation and review of documents. The study found that Zimbabwe and Tanzania enacted laws meant to restrict journalistic practice and information management flow under the cover of the pandemic. The laws enacted were targeted at critical and oppositional media. South Africa was a complete opposite as journalists were capacitated by the state to function properly during the pandemic even when other citizens’ rights were limited during the lockdown period.
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"From Opposition to Power: Greek Conservatism Reinvented." In Party Change in Southern Europe, 147–65. Routledge, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203822869-11.

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Remillard, Arthur. "“The Pure of Body Are Pure of Soul”." In Southern Religion, Southern Culture, 102–12. University Press of Mississippi, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496820471.003.0006.

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This chapter assesses how religion worked through sports in the years between the Civil War and the 1920s. The standard narrative starts by noting that in the North at this time, progressive reformers embraced the “muscular Christian” movement, as they promoted sports as means of “toning” both body and spirit. In the South, however, evangelicals were wary. The story of southern white evangelicals denouncing sports connects to broader national and international discourses over questions of athletics, race, and public morality. Put another way, southern white evangelicals were not entirely distinct in their mobilized opposition to sports like prizefighting. Meanwhile, on the fields, among the fans, and in the print culture, athletes and athletics continued to develop a mythic stature. They too deployed not only evangelical language in the elevation of physical activity, but also a generalized discourse of the sacred.
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Bettez, David J. "Opposition to the War." In Kentucky and the Great War. University Press of Kentucky, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813168012.003.0005.

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While most Kentuckians supported the US entry into the war, some dissent arose. Most notably, influential Southern Baptist pastor H. Boyce Taylor from Murray objected strenuously to the war, prompting investigations by the Kentucky Council of Defense and the US Department of Justice’s Bureau of Investigation (BI). Taylor eventually backed down and avoided jail. Another notable case involved three German American men from northern Kentucky (most prominently Charles B. Schoberg) who allegedly made pro-German comments and were prosecuted by federal authorities for sedition and spent time in federal prison. The BI investigated and successfully prosecuted other cases throughout the state, including Holiness Church preachers who opposed war in general and alleged subversion by African Americans. Although a few cases of draft resistance occurred, the number of draft resisters in Kentucky was much lower than in many southern states.
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"Southern Opposition to the Social Security Act." In Southern Paternalism and the American Welfare State, 49–74. Cambridge University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511720529.005.

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"Southern Opposition to the Farm Security Administration." In Southern Paternalism and the American Welfare State, 75–98. Cambridge University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511720529.006.

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"The Woes of Being in Opposition: The PSD since 1995." In Party Change in Southern Europe, 35–55. Routledge, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203822869-5.

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Day, John Kyle. "Introduction: The Manifesto That Made Massive Resistance." In The Southern Manifesto. University Press of Mississippi, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781628460315.003.0001.

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The introduction explains the historical parameters of this research project, placing it into the larger context of the profound socioeconomic changes of Postwar America. The South had long sought to oppose the Federal Government’s efforts to desegregate southern society, which began with the Dixiecrat Revolt of 1948 in opposition to The Truman Administration’s report “To Secure These Rights.” In contrast, the Southern Congressional Delegation in general and the Senate’s Southern Caucus in particular worked within and through the Democratic Party to oppose the destruction of Jim Crow segregation, most notably Brown v. Board of Education (1954). Their efforts culminated in the promulgation of the most notorious public document in postwar American History, the Southern Manifesto.
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Maxwell, Angie, and Todd Shields. "Southern White Privilege." In The Long Southern Strategy, 70–92. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265960.003.0003.

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In order to solidify support among its southern white base, the GOP offered powerful characterizations of the haves and have-nots, of the taxpayer and the tax recipient, of the makers and the takers, all of which promoted the belief that some Americans deserved privileges but others did not. Thus, the techniques of the Long Southern Strategy are more complex than simply elevating whiteness to maintain the racial hierarchy. Additionally, the Long Southern Strategy turned the political arena into a zero-sum economic game, in which only one group could prosper. GOP leaders framed federal entitlements as big government waste and minority advancement as tantamount to white persecution. In turn, opposition to both safeguards white privilege by championing fiscal conservatism and pretending whiteness is a meritocracy. While a popular and effective dog whistle, these messages make southern whites vulnerable to identity politics and subject to vote against their economic self-interest.
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Smith, Samuel C. "Southern American Evangelicalism." In The Oxford Handbook of Early Evangelicalism, 215—C10.P141. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190863319.013.11.

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Abstract This chapter argues that a vibrant, multidenominational evangelical presence emerged in the colonial South long before the First Great Awakening, setting the stage for its early expansion and long-lasting entrenchment in the region. Evangelical dissenters in the Carolina and Georgia lowcountry settled simultaneously with Anglican establishment, making it possible to extract enough concessions early on to expand their influence throughout and beyond the colonial era. The southern backcountry regions afforded even greater freedoms from some of the more intrusive inroads of authority. While tidewater Virginia’s establishment allowed minimal religious dissent, revivalism’s impressive growth in the mid-eighteenth century, even among some Anglicans, forced previously unattainable levels of recognition for evangelicals. This give-and-take tension would eventually help make Virginia the center of political negotiations for religious liberty. Overall, the colonial South was a seed bed of primitive space in the context of controlled opposition, a reality that fostered a deeply entrenched and still-dominant evangelical presence.
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Conference papers on the topic "Southern Opposition"

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علوان عبدالله, نزار. "" Stages of Genocide Against the Kurds in Iraq 1975 – 1988 Historical study"." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/57.

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Following the collapse of the Kurdish revolution in 1975 in the wake of Algiers Agreement1975 between Iraq and Iran, the governing Baath regime in Baghdad found itself free against the National Kurdish Movement, carrying out a series of genocide and ethnic cleansing operations against Kurds in Iraq. The government lunched wide arrest campaign against members of Kurdish opposition and destroyed many border villages in order to create a 20-kilometer security belt alongside the borders with Turkey and Iran with mines planted there. That area was declared to be a military zone accessed only by the Iraqi army. That required evacuating 500 villages which caused thousands of Kurds to seek refuge in Iran in fear of apprehension or murder. These developments were accompanied by a displacement process carried out by the Iraqi government on March 31st 1975 against member of Al-Barzani clan in Barzan area, who were displaced to the desert in Al-Qadisiya province and were only allowed to return to Kurdistan in the 1980 in the condition that they do not go back to their original areas. This was followed by the Anfal campaign which destroyed more than four thousand villages and displaced more than half a million Kurds to the Iraqi southern deserts while other thousands fled to Iran. It was in the Anfal campaign that the tragedy of Halabja occurred where chemical weapons were used on March 16th 1988 causing the death of more than five thousand Kurds and horrible unprecedented scene.
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Leighty, William C. "Running the World on Renewables: Hydrogen Transmission Pipelines With Firming Geologic Storage." In ASME 2008 Power Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/power2008-60031.

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The world’s richest renewable energy resources — of large geographic extent and high intensity — are stranded: far from end-users with inadequate or nonexistent gathering and transmission systems to deliver the energy. The energy output of most renewables varies greatly, at time scales of seconds to seasons: the energy capture assets thus operate at inherently low capacity factor (CF); energy delivery to end-users is not “firm”. New electric transmission systems, or fractions thereof, dedicated to renewables, will suffer the same low CF, and represent substantial stranded capital assets, which increases the cost of delivered renewable-source energy. Electric energy storage cannot affordably firm large renewables at annual scale. At gigawatt (GW = 1,000 MW) scale, renewable-source electricity from diverse sources, worldwide, can be converted to hydrogen and oxygen, via high-pressure-output electrolyzers, with the hydrogen pipelined to load centers (cities, refineries, chemical plants) for use as vehicle fuel, combined-heat-and-power generation on the retail side of the customers’ meters, ammonia production, and petroleum refinery feedstock. The oxygen byproduct may be sold to adjacent dry biomass and / or coal gasification plants. Figures 1–3. New, large, solution-mined salt caverns in the southern Great Plains, and probably elsewhere in the world, may economically store enough energy as compressed gaseous hydrogen (GH2) to “firm” renewables at annual scale, adding great market and strategic value to diverse, stranded, rich, renewable resources. Figures 2 and 3. For example, Great Plains, USA, wind energy, if fully harvested and “firmed” and transmitted to markets, could supply the entire energy consumption of USA. If gathered, transmitted, and delivered as hydrogen, about 15,000 new solution-mined salt caverns, of ∼8 million cubic feet (225,000 cubic meters) each, would be required, at an incremental capital cost to the generation-transmission system of ∼5%. We report the results of several studies of the technical and economic feasibility of large-scale renewables — hydrogen systems. Windplants are the lowest-cost new renewable energy sources; we focus on wind, although concentrating solar power (CSP) is probably synergistic and will become attractive in cost. The largest and richest renewable resources in North America, with high average annual windspeed and sunlight, are stranded in the Great Plains: extant electric transmission capacity is insignificant relative to the resource potential. Large, new, electric transmission systems will be costly, difficult to site and permit, and may be difficult to finance, because of public opposition, uncertainties about transmission cost recovery, and inherently low CF in renewables service. The industrial gas companies’ decades of success and safety in operating thousands of km of GH2 pipelines worldwide is encouraging, but these are relatively short, small-diameter pipelines, and operating at low and constant pressure: not subject to the technical demands of renewables-hydrogen service (RHS), nor to the economic challenge of delivering low-volumetric-energy-density GH2 over hundreds or thousands of km to compete with other hydrogen sources at the destination. The salt cavern storage industry is also mature; several GH2 storage caverns have been in service for over twenty years; construction and operating and maintenance (O&M) costs are well understood; O&M costs are low.
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