Academic literature on the topic 'Southern Foundry Co'

Purpose – This paper, a “Q&A interview” conducted by Joanne Pransky of Industrial Robot Journal, aims to impart the combined technological, business and personal experience of a prominent, robotic industry engineer-turned entrepreneur regarding the evolution, commercialization and challenges of bringing a technological invention to market. Design/methodology/approach – The interviewee is Dr Esben H. Ostergaard, inventor, co-founder and chief technology officer of Universal Robots. From building his first robot to solve a local industrial problem at the age of four, to building the world’s first collaborative robot company, Dr Ostergaard shares his lifelong ventures as a robot scientist, inventor and entrepreneur. Findings – Dr Ostergaard received degrees in computer science, physics and multimedia at Aarhus University in Denmark, and a PhD in robotics from the University of Southern Denmark. While at Aarhus, Dr Ostergaard pursued his hobby of robot football, and in 1998, his team STATIC became the world champion of the Federation of International Robot-soccer Association (FIRA). Dr Ostergaard held research positions at the University of Southern California (USC) Robotics Labs and at the Advanced Industrial Science and Technology (AIST) in Tsukuba/Tokyo. During the years 2001-2005 as a researcher and assistant professor in robotics and user interfaces at University of Southern Denmark, he created the foundation for a reinvention of the industrial robot. This led him to found Universal Robots in 2005 with two of his research colleagues. Originality/value – From a young child who played with LEGOs until he got a Commodore 64, Dr Ostergaard has always been interested in robotics. His unique multidisciplinary education and multicultural research experiences helped him to pioneer a new multi-axis, lightweight industrial robot and launch the successful company, Universal Robots, which has grown from its three co-founders to nearly 150 employees, with more than 4,000 collaborative robot applications installed in over 50 countries worldwide. Dr Ostergaard has over 30 patents and has received many awards, including the 2012 IEEE-IFR Invention and Entrepreneurship Award (IERA), the 2013 Japanese Institute Good Design Award, the 2013 Robotics Business Review Game Changer Award and the Ernst & Young Entrepreneur of the Year 2012 in Region Funen.

During the Middle Horizon (600–1000 CE), the Wari state’s influence expanded across a broad swath of the central Andes. To better understand the organization of this state and its relationship to outlying regions, we conducted a social network analysis with a database of human images—cataloged as “agents”—as depicted on Wari-associated art. Agent analyses depended on trained, visual acuity for interpreting ancient artistic expressions that distinguished individual identities among various Middle Horizon cultures. The social network analysis used agent locations and co-occurrences on the same object to model the period’s complex social dynamics. The resulting networks suggest a Wari political structure that was more fractured and decentralized than previously imagined during the early Middle Horizon. This article explores aspects of these networks in relationship to four agents excavated at Quilcapampa, a short-lived Wari-affiliated enclave founded during the ninth century on the coastal plain of southern Peru. Considering the place of these agents within Middle Horizon social networks—when combined with what is known about Quilcapampa, the southern Peruvian coast, and the period in general—allows for a reconstruction of who founded Quilcapampa and the possible reasons for the settlement’s founding. The results provide insights into ninth-century changes to Wari’s organization that would be difficult to obtain from purely descriptive analyses of each agent, demonstrating the utility of social network analysis of the human image for investigating political relationships in societies without writing.

This research examines interplay between entrepreneurial action dynamics, Entrepreneurship Ecosystem (EES) Framework, & entrepreneurial success, with a focus on a sample size of 160 founders and co-founders incubated in diverse Business Incubation Centres of Southern Punjab. The research underscores its significance within the specific context of Southern Punjab by addressing a crucial research gap. The quantitative research approach is adopted, and questionnaire is adapted. For the data collection, the random sampling technique was used. The study positions the entrepreneurship ecosystem as independent variable, entrepreneurial action as mediator, and entrepreneurial success as the dependent variable. Smart PLS and SPSS were used for the data analysis. The outcomes unveil a robust and positive relationship, shedding light on the pivotal role played by entrepreneurial action. This contributes significantly to comprehension of success factors in entrepreneurial landscape, particularly within nuanced context of Southern Punjab Business Incubation Centres. Concluding, research offers nuanced suggestions for fostering more conducive environment in EES for aspiring entrepreneurs, thereby enhancing understanding of the success drivers in this distinctive ecosystem.

The Nicholas Central Astronomical Observatory in Pulkovo, near Saint-Petersburg, was inaugurated as Russia's principal astronomical institution on 19 (7) August 1839. Construction of the observatory had begun in 1834 following the edict of the Russian Emperor Nicholas I, who had invited as his adviser Professor Friedrich Georg Wilhelm Struve, the Director of the Dorpat Observatory. Emperor Nicholas I appointed Wilhelm Struve as the Director of the new observatory. With regard to funding, the emperor had given Struve a carte blanche to enable him to order from German telescope makers the best astrometric instruments designed according to Struve's own ideas. Hence Wilhelm Struve is to be considered as the co-founder of Pulkovo Observatory.

In the summer of 2018, the theatre company Hemhâl, which I co-founded with Nezaket Erden and Hakan Emre Ünal, travelled to a small village in southern Turkey. The main reason for our trip was to realize Nezaket's dream of taking her widely acclaimed solo performance, Dirmit, Dear Shameless Death, to the village where her extended family live. Furthermore, we thought that this performance could resonate with the villagers since it is an adaptation of a Turkish novel by Latife Tekin which talks about the struggles and internal conflicts of a migrant family moving from a small rural village to the big city.

Prof. Cristo/or L Simionescu was born in Dumbraveni, County of Suceava, Bucovina, Romania on July 17, 1920 and passed away in Jassy on August 6, 2007. He graduated from the Polytechnic Institute of Jassy in 1944, obtained the Doctoral Degree in Technical Sciences from the same institution in 1948, and served as a faculty member in Jassy for over fifty (50) years. He held various other positions including Rector, Vice-President and President of the Academy of Romania, and Director of the "Petru Poni" Institute of Macromolecular Chemistry. He has supervised more than one hundred (100) doctoral dissertations, published over eight hundred (800) scientific papers, and authored or co-authored more than twenty-seven (27) hooks. He was a member of many academies and learned societies throughout the world, Editor of many scientific journals, and received many prizes and awards. Prof. Cristo/or L Simionescu served on the Editorial Board of many international scientific periodicals, including the Southern BrazHian Journal of Chemistry. He is generally considered the father of macromolecular chemistry in Romania.

The wood-feeding cockroachCryptocercus punctulatusScudder (Blattodea: Cryptocercidae) is an important member of the dead wood (saproxylic) community in montane forests of the southeastern United States. However, its population biology remains poorly understood. Here, aspects of family group co-occurrence were characterized to provide basic information that can be extended by studies on the evolution and maintenance of sub-sociality. Broad sampling across the species’ range was coupled with molecular data (mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) sequences). The primary questions were: (1) what proportion of rotting logs contain two or more different mtDNA haplotypes and how often can this be attributed to multiple families inhabiting the same log, (2) are multi-family logs spatially clustered, and (3) what levels of genetic differentiation among haplotypes exist within a log, and how genetically similar are matrilines of co-occurring family groups? Multi-family logs were identified on the premise that three different mtDNA haplotypes, or two different haplotypes among adult females, is inconsistent with a single family group founded by one male–female pair. Results showed that of the 88 rotting logs from which multiple adultC. punctulatuswere sampled, 41 logs (47%) contained two or more mtDNA haplotypes, and at least 19 of these logs (22% overall) were inferred to be inhabited by multiple families. There was no strong evidence for spatial clustering of the latter class of logs. The frequency distribution of nucleotide differences between co-occurring haplotypes was strongly right-skewed, such that most haplotypes were only one or two mutations apart, but more substantial divergences (up to 18 mutations, or 1.6% uncorrected sequence divergence) do occasionally occur within logs. This work represents the first explicit investigation of family group co-occurrence inC. punctulatus, providing a valuable baseline for follow-up studies.

This project presents a syllabus that emerged out of an ongoing set of discussions between the two co-authors about how Black, Southern theatre and performance traditions—as well as embodied and transmitted genealogies of community engagement and activism—informed the intellectual, social, and political commitments that have suffused performance studies from its origins as an academic discipline. These discussions allowed us to generate a syllabus that provides the raw materials for an alternative and potentially radically destabilizing pedagogical approach to narrating the historical roots and development of performance studies over the past half-century. Specifically, we ask what shifts might occur in the performance studies classroom by narrating the field’s origins through the Free Southern Theatre, founded as a multiracial artistic ensemble in Jackson, Mississippi, in 1964. Our syllabus incorporates the key strands woven into the Free Southern Theatre’s aesthetic and political interventions, including Africanist cultural forms (such as the story circle); influences from the artistic and theatrical avant-garde; and populist theatre projects that developed in tandem with the revolutionary energies of the anti-imperialist, anti-colonial, and anti-capitalist struggles of the student movements of the 1960s. We ask how these largely hidden histories of resistance and dramaturgies of evasion reorient the way performance studies syllabi of the future tell the story of who and what matters, and in so doing materialize pedagogies of field formation that get frozen in place.

Eduardo Frei Montalva, co-founder of the Christian Democratic Party and President of Chile, represented for Jacques Maritain, French neo-Thomist philosopher, an example of prophetic leadership in contemporary times. According to Maritain, modem democracy could not survive without a profound spiritual revolution of political leadership--the "prophetic factor" of democracy--which he observed in Frei as a public official, senator, and ultimately the Presient of the Republic of Chile (1964-1970). Under his famed "Revolution in Liberty," Frei endeavored to meld socio-economic reforms with an effort to build a more participatory democratic culture in his native land. Guided by Maritain's political philosophy, Frei's initiatives set into motion the possibility of a "third way" of politics in the Southern hemisphere. In the end, this revolution ended in political disappointment due to economic stagnation, social disruption, political infighting, and the impractical idealism of Christian democracy itself.

An examination of the symbiotic relationship that existed between the Hollywood film community and horse racing, primarily between 1930 and 1960, Hollywood at the Races explores the extraordinary participation of producers, directors, and actors in the sport of kings. All three of Southern California’s major racetracks were founded in part or in whole by Hollywood luminaries: Hal Roach was cofounder of SantaAnita; Bing Crosby founded Del Mar with help from Pat O’Brien; and the Warner brother founded Hollywood Park with assistance from dozens of people in the film community. Moreover, people like Crosby, Betty Grable, Mervyn LeRoy, and Don Ameche owned racehorses, while MGM’s chief of production, Louis B. Mayer, was one of the nation’s leading owner-breeders. Racing also had an interest in Hollywood, as evidenced by the exploits of breeder-owner Jock Whitney, who helped finance David O. Selznick’s productions of GonewiththeWind and Rebecca. A horse owned by Rita Hayworth (aka the Princess Aly Khan) nearly won Europe’smost important race, the Prix de l’Arc de Triomphe, and screenwriter- producer Gene Markey became the co-owner of Calumet Farm when he married his fourth wife.During this period, Hollywood produced at least 120 racing-themed films, among them A Day at the Races, National Velvet, and Thoroughbreds Don’t Cry. Thelast two starred Mickey Rooney, an inveterate horseplayer who, like Chico Marx and Jimmy Durante, lost a fortune at the track.The book concludes with an analysis of the twin declines of racing and cinema in America in recent decades.

Explores the prominent role of Highland Scots in the exploitation of enslaved Africans and their descendants in the cotton, sugar and coffee plantations of the 18th and 19th centuries. Pays special attention to the new colonies of the southern Caribbean, including Grenada and Guyana, and to Suriname in the years to 1863 Contributes to the debate on reparation by reappraising the idea of Scots complicity in the slave trade Includes a short foreword by Rod Westmaas and Juanita Cox-Westmaas, co-founders of Guyana Speaks, an organisation for the Guyanese diaspora in London Scots were involved in every stage of the slave trade: from captaining slaving ships to auctioning captured Africans in the colonies and hunting down those who escaped from bondage. This book focuses on the Scottish Highlanders who engaged in or benefitted from these crimes against humanity in the Caribbean Islands and Guyana, some reluctantly but many with enthusiasm and without remorse. Their voices are clearly heard in the archives, while in the same sources their victims’ stories are silenced – reduced to numbers and listed as property. David Alston gives voice not only to these Scots but to enslaved Africans and their descendants – to those who reclaimed their freedom, to free women of colour, to the Black Caribs of St Vincent, to house servants, and to children of mixed race who found themselves in the increasingly racist society of Britain in the mid-1800s. As Scots recover and grapple with their past, this vital history lays bare the enormous wealth generated in the Highlands by slavery and emancipation compensation schemes. This legacy, entwined with so many of our contemporary institutions, must be reckoned with.

A native of London, Kentucky, Dr. Katherine Jackson French (Ph.D. Columbia University, 1906) collected over sixty British Isle ballads in the hills of Kentucky in 1909 and attempted to publish them in 1910 with the help of Berea College, an endeavor that never came to pass due to an intriguing tangle of motives, gender biases, wavering support from her hoped-for patron, and ruthlessness on the part of fellow collectors. (Her ballad collection, “English-Scottish Ballads from the Hills of Kentucky,” sees publication here at last and comprises the last section of the book.) An unwitting participant in the Ballad Wars of the early 20^th Century, French went on to a full professorship at Centenary College in Shreveport, Louisiana, where she was also the co-founder of the Woman’s Department Club and President of the UUAW. This book sets the story of Jackson’s life against the backdrop of the social upheaval of the early 20^th century, highlights Jackson’s focus on women as ballad keepers, discusses the long-lasting Anglo-only depiction of Appalachia, and reimagines what effect publication of her collection in 1910 (seven years before Olive Dame Campbell and Cecil Sharp’s landmark English Folk Songs from the Southern Appalachians) might have had upon our first and lasting view of Appalachian balladry.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Abstract Since its introduction into the Southern Highlands of Tanzania by researchers 25 years ago, Conservation Agriculture (CA) has been well received, researched and the concept proven to be increasing productivity and incomes, enhancing resilience of livelihoods and contributing to reducing greenhouse gas emissions. CA research, as defined by the three interlined principles, was introduced into the Southern Highlands by the Tanzania Agricultural Research Institute (TARI) Uyole, formerly Agricultural Research Institute (ARI) Uyole around 1995. Research results showed a labour saving of up to 70% in CA compared to conventional tillage, yield increases of 26%-100% and 360% for maize and sunflower, respectively, partly attributed to higher moisture content (18%-24%) in CA systems. CA was also found to be much more effective in mitigating dry spells and increasing productivity in maize production in areas where average annual rainfall is less than 770 mm. Economic analysis of maize production showed that profits in CA were three times more than in conventional tillage production at US$526.9 ha^-1 and US$ 176.6 ha^-1, respectively. Profits were twice as much for beans under CA at US$917.4 ha^-1 compared to US$376.3 ha^-1 for conventional practice. Studies confirm that 5% of farmers in the Southern Highlands have adopted CA. Increased uptake requires addressing challenges including resistance to change in mindset, inaccessibility of appropriate mechanization and cover crop seeds, traditions of free-range communal grazing of livestock (which makes it difficult for farmers to retain crop residue in their farms) and shortage of investment capital. A holistic value chain approach is recommended in CA interventions, bringing together various stakeholders including scientists, trainers, extension workers, administrators, policy makers, agro-inputs and machinery dealers, machinery service providers, agro-processors and financial institutions. The innovations adaptation set-up brings service providers closer to farmers for co-innovation. Long-term CA programmes are recommended, with farmers being taken through the complete learning cycle in testing CA technologies under their own farm environments. This should be complemented by entrepreneurial CA machinery hire services provision to increase the availability of farm power to smallholders unlikely to have the capital or skills to buy and manage their own machinery. The proof of application of the CA concept in the Southern Highlands has set the stage for further scaling the adoption of CA through support from national policies and programmes.

AbstractProfessor Thijs Maarleveld of the University of Southern Denmark and co-founder of the ICOMOS International Committee on the Underwater Cultural Heritage (ICUCH), was a fierce guardian of underwater cultural heritage and proponent of the UNESCO recommendation of in situ preservation as a first option. Despite his unfortunate and untimely passing in 2020, Prof. Maarleveld’s efforts to combat the misrepresentation of commercial salvage as archaeological investigation remains a beacon in the field and a reminder of best practices for protecting UCH. He championed the guiding principle that ‘the preservation in situ of underwater cultural heritage shall be considered as the first option’. Maarleveld noted that ‘the principle to consider in situ preservation first is not to be confused with the foregone conclusion that in situ preservation is what is to be decided to’ (2016, p. 478), only that it is considered as a first option. In addition, strides have been made by UNESCO and other organisations to develop tools for preservation in situ of shipwreck sites that contribute to long term management options but do not ‘reduce a central principle to a management tool’ and it is even understood that there are situations and conditions in which in situ preservation is not a preferred or feasible option (Maarleveld, 2016). However, there are those that have used this as a way to argue instead for commercial salvage of any shipwrecks, not just those that are threatened.

AbstractBiomass Burning (BB) aerosol has attracted considerable attention due to its detrimental effects on climate through its radiative properties. In Africa, fire patterns are anticorrelated with the southward-northward movement of the intertropical convergence zone (ITCZ). Each year between June and September, BB occurs in the southern hemisphere of Africa, and aerosols are carried westward by the African Easterly Jet (AEJ) and advected at an altitude of between 2 and 4 km. Observations made during a field campaign of Dynamics-Aerosol-Chemistry-Cloud Interactions in West Africa (DACCIWA) (Knippertz et al., Bull Am Meteorol Soc 96:1451–1460, 2015) during the West African Monsoon (WAM) of June–July 2016 have revealed large quantities of BB aerosols in the Planetary Boundary Layer (PBL) over southern West Africa (SWA).This chapter examines the effects of the long-range transport of BB aerosols on the climate over SWA by means of a modeling study, and proposes several adaptation and mitigation strategies for policy makers regarding this phenomenon. A high-resolution regional climate model, known as the Consortium for Small-scale Modelling – Aerosols and Reactive Traces (COSMO-ART) gases, was used to conduct two set of experiments, with and without BB emissions, to quantify their impacts on the SWA atmosphere. Results revealed a reduction in surface shortwave (SW) radiation of up to about 6.5 W m−2 and an 11% increase of Cloud Droplets Number Concentration (CDNC) over the SWA domain. Also, an increase of 12.45% in Particulate Matter (PM25) surface concentration was observed in Abidjan (9.75 μg m−3), Accra (10.7 μg m−3), Cotonou (10.7 μg m−3), and Lagos (8 μg m−3), while the carbon monoxide (CO) mixing ratio increased by 90 ppb in Abidjan and Accra due to BB. Moreover, BB aerosols were found to contribute to a 70% increase of organic carbon (OC) below 1 km in the PBL, followed by black carbon (BC) with 24.5%. This work highlights the contribution of the long-range transport of BB pollutants to pollution levels in SWA and their effects on the climate. It focuses on a case study of 3 days (5–7 July 2016). However, more research on a longer time period is necessary to inform decision making properly.This study emphasizes the need to implement a long-term air quality monitoring system in SWA as a method of climate change mitigation and adaptation.

Richard Caswell was the first and fifth governor of North Carolina, a member of the Continental Congress, and the co-author of the North Carolina constitution of 1776. Caswell’s political success owed much to his role as a leader of North Carolina forces at the Battle of Moore’s Creek Bridge, one of the first American victories in the southern phase of the American Revolution. The American defeat at the Battle of Camden in 1780, where Caswell was a militia commander, tarnished his reputation only slightly. Citing ill health, he declined an appointment to serve in the federal Constitutional Convention, although he supported strengthening the national government. Caswell might best be described as a popular conservative who often supported reform, including the creation of a public school system and a state university.

Colonel John George Vaughan Hart resided in his large ancestral home of Kildery (Muff, Co. Donegal) during the partition of Ireland. This chapter highlights the experiences of a Southern Unionist who found himself on the wrong side of the border and explores the possible reasons as to why the Colonel decided to move a few miles, to Londonderry, to a simpler home. The chapter draws primarily on Hart’s carbon copy letter books which have been deposited at the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland. The seventy letter books comprise a small part of a much larger Hart family collection.

Chapter 3 raises the issue of how race intersected with the constitutional development of the Nineteenth Amendment. It argues that the immediate pivot of the National Woman’s Party (NWP), to a federal equal rights amendment, played a significant role in the failure of enforcement legislation to be enacted by Congress. The chapter explores the fear of a “Second Reconstruction,” by white southern congressmen, as an element in that story. And it suggests that the NWP’s failure to support African American women suffragists, and white NWP members who were co-founders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), was both a moral and a strategic failing. That choice, animated by concerns around white southern political support for the proposed equal rights amendment, contributed to the failure of enforcement legislation. The chapter links the lack of such legislation to the absence of a federal judicial forum, in which to more fully develop the meaning and scope of the Nineteenth Amendment.

Guichón and co-authors open the windows on the contact experience in Tierra de Fuego in southern Argentina. These authors explore colonialism to the very end of the archaeological record at the Salesian mission of La Candelaria, which was founded in 1897 and abandoned in the 1940s. Drawing from diverse documentary sources, Guichón and colleagues construct a remarkably contextualized case study and a guiding theoretical framework involving “double colonialism.” Diversity in mortuary practices at La Candelaria indicates that peoples buried there possessed distinct social identities (i.e., clergy, settlers, and Selk’nam natives). A paleopathological study of the human remains indicated mission residents experienced a notable degree of biological stress in the forms of porotic hyperostosis, cribra orbitalia, dental enamel hypoplasia, non-specific periosteal reactions, worsened oral health, and a high prevalence of skeletal tuberculosis, all emerging as functions of socioeconomic reality created by the mission setting.

Abstract The Peters story did not end with the decision of the appeal chamber. True, for the moment he seemed ‘a dead man in political terms’. In July 1896, Peters moved to London, and there he revived his interest in King Solomon’s legendary gold mines at Ophir. From 1899 he undertook various expeditions to the Zambesi region to prove that Manicaland, Mashonaland, and Matabeleland, were indeed Solomon’s Ophir as described in the Bible. However Peters’s theories failed to find general acceptance.3 He also founded a mining company, called ‘Dr. Carl Peters’s Estates and Exploration Co.’ (later renamed ‘South East Africa Ltd.’), and established various mines in southern Africa. In 19 rn, however, he sold the enterprise to a British group of financiers. According to his own statement, he lost around 170,000 marks in the venture.4 Peters private life also changed. At the age of 54 he decided to give up his life as a single man and married Thea Herbers from Iserlohn.

In 1927, Austin purchased the Carolina Times and transformed the newspaper in to a vital part of the black freedom struggle in North Carolina. He prioritized printing the truth and giving a voice to the black community in Durham and throughout the state. He never focused on the newspaper as a moneymaking enterprise, as he attacked any one, who, he believed, stood in the way of freedom and equality for all people. As a result, black and white businesses often withdrew advertisements from the paper, leaving the paper in precarious financial condition. In 1933, Austin helped bring the Hocutt case, the first legal attempt to integrate southern higher public education. He also co-founded the Durham Committee on Negro Affairs in 1935, which sought to increase black political participation and improve black life in Durham. Austin was elected justice of the peace in 1934, a victory that was hailed by the Pittsburgh Courier as the beginning of the New Deal in the South. He helped expand black voter registration and moved blacks from the Republican to the Democratic Party, a strategic move to increase black political influence in the one-party state.

This chapter is dedicated to non-liberal varieties of technocratic internationalism. The focus is on two largely forgotten authors who represent technocratic internationalism in the fascist and socialist context. I first consider the international theory of Giuseppe De Michelis, a Geneva-based Italian diplomat who developed a fascist approach to international cooperation. What he proposed in the early 1930s was a system of global economic governance coordinated by a powerful international organization. Projecting Italian corporativism to the international level, De Michelis envisaged a global scheme to allocate capital, labour, and raw materials, with a united ‘Eurafrica’ as avant-garde. The second part of the chapter considers the work of Francis Delaisi, a French political economist and journalist of the same generation. Delaisi was a syndicalist who late in his life came to sympathize with the way the Nazis re-organized the German economy. He was the author of the so-called ‘Delaisi plan’, a scheme of transnational public works intended to unite the European continent. The idea behind this plan, presented in 1931, was to bring together the ‘two Europes’ that he found to co-exist on the same continent: the industrial core in the North-West on the one hand and the far less developed areas in Eastern and Southern Europe on the other.

Heavy metals accumulate in the sediments of aquatic environments due to poor water solubility. Their toxic effect poses a significant threat to living organisms. Negombo Lagoon, a vital aquatic ecosystem in Sri Lanka, has become vulnerable to heavy metals mainly from urbanization-related anthropogenic activities. Previous research in this respect has sampling points restricted to the boundary area. Since the heavy metal concentration is a static parameter, continuous research needs to keep the data updated. This study aims to investigate the spatial distribution of several heavy metals (Cr, Ni, Co, Cu, As, Cd, and Pb) in the surficial sediment of the Negombo Lagoon. Fifteen grab sediment samples were collected from the lagoon and analyzed for heavy metal concentration and grain size. The range of concentrations of each metal in test samples were between (78.07 - 222.68 mg/kg) Cr, (376.7-1298.05 mg/kg) Ni, (15.875-43.74 mg/kg) Co, (32.45-112.79 mg/kg) Cu, (20.17-55.81 mg/kg) As, (0.30-1.4 mg/kg) Cd, and (16.57-70.97 mg/kg) Pb. Heavy metal concentrations and sediment grain sizes show significant spatial variation over the Negombo lagoon area. Heavy metals were highly concentrated in locations, where finer sediments are accumulated (i.e., towards the eastern and southern part of the lagoon). Heavy metal concentrations were found to be increased with the decreasing grain size. High heavy metal concentrations are also found at places where there is a river discharge. Among the sources which feed heavy metals into Negombo Lagoon anthropogenic activities such as municipal and industrial waste disposal, rapid urbanization, shipping, and naval activities etc. have a significant impact.

Drought is a natural climate variability that emerged as a result of the prolonged decrease in precipitation. This study used Standardized Precipitation Index (SPI) to evaluate the drought variability over West Central India (WCI) and its association with various climatic oscillations (COs) like Pacific Decadal Oscillation (PDO), El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO), North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) and Indian Ocean Dipole (IOD). The dominant periodicities of the drought index and climatic oscillations were analyzed using Continuous Wavelet Transform (CWT). Partial Wavelet Coherence (PWC) was used to understand the standalone effect of a specific CO on drought, excluding the role of other climatic oscillations. The study investigated the individual and combined influences of the large-scale climatic oscillations at different time scales using Bivariate Wavelet Coherence (BWC) and Multiple Wavelet Coherence (MWC). To identify the most influential climatic driver for the meteorological and hydrological drought of WCI, various multi-factor combinations were considered. The ENSO-PDO combination gave maximum coherence in the case of a two-factor combination for short-term and long-term drought. The maximum coherence value was obtained for the three-factor combination of ENSO-PDO-IOD for all drought conditions. In short, PDO was found to be the most influencing driver in the drought experienced in WCI.

In 1993, a landslide and widespread flooding devastated the region around the city of Paute in southern Ecuador, taking lives and destroying property in its path. Out of a belief that the community itself was best able to determine what was needed to help it not only rebuild but grow and prosper, the Jardin Azuayo Cooperative was founded in 1996 as a savings and loans co-op dedicated to meeting the needs of this under-served region.Today, the cooperative's microloans support a wide variety of projects, such as educational programs, development of small businesses, and infrastructure improvements. The co-op boasts US$175 million in assets and some 180,000 co-op members. Now, with a $US9 million loan package from the Inter- American Development Bank's Opportunities for the Majority (OMJ) initiative and three impact investment co-lenders, Jardin Azuayo will be able to increase its activities.