Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Southeast Asia Foreign relations Australia / Journal articles

Journal articles on the topic 'Southeast Asia Foreign relations Australia'

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Southeast Asia Foreign relations Australia.

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Southeast Asia Foreign relations Australia.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

Full text

Abstract:

This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Darmawan, Harry. "LONGING FOR KEVIN RUDD AND HIS LEGACY IN IMPROVING AUSTRALIA-INDONESIA RELATIONS." Journal of Social Political Sciences 2, no. 2 (May 29, 2021): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v2i2.58.

Full text

Abstract:

Indonesia misses Kevin Rudd's figure. The emergence and victory of Kevin Rudd in the 2007 Australian elections seemed to be a speck of light in the improvement of bilateral relations between Australia and Indonesia at that time. He succeeded in turning Australia's foreign policy into a more humanist and Asia-centric direction. A thing that was previously very rare in the era of Prime Minister John Howard. Various policies were able to reconcile the romanticism of Garuda and the Kangaroo, which is the largest ruler in Southeast Asia and the Oceania Zone. This paper examines the dynamics of Kevin Rudd's victory in the 2007 Australian Election, as well as his golden legacy in fighting for harmonization of relations between Australia and Indonesia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.

Full text

Abstract:

Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.

Full text

Abstract:

A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Pramanta, Rio Akbar, Roihanatul Maziyah, Dela Karisma, Putri Rahma Asri, Ayu Tiara Karel Bua, Dimas Bagas Priambodo, and Bayu Mahendra. "Kemitraan Strategis Non-Zero Sum Game: Hubungan ASEAN-Australia dalam Konteks Geopolitik." Indonesian Perspective 3, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v3i2.22347.

Full text

Abstract:

ASEAN and Australia has a long history of mutual partnership. It is a strategic foreign policy for both parties. ASEAN needs to maintain its power and influence with their neighboring countries to maintain the political stability in the Southeast Asian region. On the other hand, Australia needs Southeast Asia because it serves as a strategic and crucial pivot of numerous benefits and interests for them, including but not limited to security and economics. However, ASEAN-Australia relations is not separated from the geopolitical implications. The geopolitical factors determine the strategic partnership between ASEAN and Australia, thus leading to the hypothesis in this article where Australia needs ASEAN more than the vice versa, and Australia is the one who benefits more in terms of relative gain, relative to ASEAN.Keywords: ASEAN-Australia relations, neorealism, relative gain, geopolitics

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

GARIN, Artyom A. "AUKUS AND THE SOUTH PACIFIC: FOREIGN POLICY AND SECURITY IMPLICATIONS FOR AUSTRALIA." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-223-233.

Full text

Abstract:

The United States, the UK and Australia continue to enhance defence cooperation in the dual space of the Indian and Pacific Oceans. These powers announced the establishing of a trilateral security pact AUKUS on September 15, 2021. The U.S. will transfer nuclear submarine technology to Australia but the nature of AUKUS implies a broader technological interaction between the parties. Despite the Anglosphere's attempts to indicate that their actions aren't directed against any power, all their actions reveal intensifying rivalry with the People's Republic of China (PRC). This article examines the nature of AUKUS and the reasons for its appearance. Special attention is paid to the influence of the alliance on the Fifth Continent's defense capabilities and its domestic policy dimension. At the same time, the author analyzes the impact of AUKUS on Australia's relations with the countries of Southeast Asia and Oceania.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Snyder, Craig A. "Southeast Asian Perceptions of Australia´ s Foreign Policy." Contemporary Southeast Asia 28, no. 2 (August 2006): 322–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs28-2g.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

SINGH, Bhubhindar. "Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia." East Asian Policy 13, no. 03 (July 2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000210.

Full text

Abstract:

Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Longmire, R. A. "Soviet foreign policy and southeast Asia." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620304.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Zagoria, Donald S., and Leszek Buszynski. "Soviet Foreign Policy and Southeast Asia." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 4 (1987): 913. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043176.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Richardson, Michael. "Australia-Southeast Asia relations and the East Asian Summit." Australian Journal of International Affairs 59, no. 3 (September 2005): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710500231149.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Bragina, Elena A. "Economic Relations of India with the Countries of Southeast Asia – Foreign Trade Aspect." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-066-072.

Full text

Abstract:

The article examines India's trade policy towards Southeast Asian countries as part of the implementation of India's Look East policy and the foreign policy principle Neighborhood is first. India's foreign trade expansion intensifies the confrontation between the interests of India and the PRC in Southeast Asia. A statistical analysis of the state of trade operations between India and the countries of Southeast Asia for the last five years is given, based on which the author draws a conclusion that the main problem of India in trade with the countries of Southeast Asia is a negative balance, large and stable. Undoubtedly, to eliminate it, or at least reduce it, India will undertake serious efforts in the coming years, primarily aimed at expanding exports to the markets of the Southeast Asian countries of its products.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Brown, James Alan. "Laos’s Peripheral Centrality in Southeast Asia." European Journal of East Asian Studies 17, no. 2 (October 10, 2018): 228–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01702005.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Laos’s position at the centre of the Southeast Asian mainland has entailed peripherality to regional loci of power. Its geography of peripheral centrality has however resulted in Laos becoming a realm of contestation between powerful neighbours. The analysis traces the construction of Laos within a regional space from pre-colonial times to contemporary special economic zones. Laos has been produced through mobility, foreign actors’ attempts to reorient space to their sphere of influence, and transnational class relations incorporating Lao workers and peasants, Lao elites and foreign powers. These elements manifest within current special economic zone projects.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Samphantharak, Krislert. "The Rise of China and Foreign Direct Investment from Southeast Asia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 2 (June 2011): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000204.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper discusses foreign direct investment from Southeast Asia to China. With the exception of some government-linked companies, most investments from Southeast Asia have been dominated by the region's overseas Chinese businesses. In addition to cheap labour costs, large domestic market and growing economy, China has provided business opportunities to investors from Southeast Asia thanks to their geographic proximity and ethnic connections, at least during the initial investment period. However, the network effects seem to decline soon after. As the Chinese economy becomes more globalised and more competitive, the success of foreign investment in China will increasingly depend on business competency rather than ethnic relations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Manurung, Hendra. "Indonesia-Russia Strategic Partnership in Southeast Asia Region." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 17, no. 1 (May 4, 2021): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v17i1.3488.77-96.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper aims to elaborate Indonesia and Russia bilateral relations, which closer post March 2018, after both countries leaders in Moscow agree accelerating the draft of the new strategic partnership agreement. Foreign Ministers Retno Marsudi and Sergey Lavrov signed a Plan of Consultation 2017 to 2019 pursued at bilateral interactions intensification. Kremlin views Jakarta as regional influential power and able to become dominant regional actor in Southeast Asian. This paper revealed, through Russia with ASEAN dialogue partnership, thus, a road map under working framework in strengthening closer relations along with mutual benefits pursued by Jakarta and Moscow also should be implemented and proceed further.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Wong, Pak Nung, and Wai Kay Ricky Yue. "U.S.-China Containment and Counter-Containment in Southeast Asia." African and Asian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (May 9, 2014): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341284.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractIn 2011, the United States of America (u.s.) adopted the “pivot to Asia” (also known as “return to Asia”) foreign policy. In order to provide a critique of this apparent policy change, this paper has two aims. First, we will contextualize such policy agenda against the Anglo-American strategic culture of “containment” as a strand of geopolitical realism and a foreign policy practice against communism. Second, by providing a case study on the changing relations between the Union of Myanmar (Burma), the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America, we will characterizeu.s.containment and China’s counter-containment strategies through the lens of Suntzu’sArt of War.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Tsvetov, Anton. "After Crimea: Southeast Asia in Russia's Foreign Policy Narrative." Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-1c.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Ayoob, Mohammed. "Southeast Asia in Indian Foreign Policy: Some Preliminary Observations." Contemporary Southeast Asia 9, no. 1 (June 1987): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs9-1a.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Pratita, Chika Kirana Budi. "SECURITY DYNAMICS OF SOUTHEAST ASIA: THE ROLE OF THE UK AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON REGIONAL SECURITY." Journal of Social Political Sciences 3, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v3i1.90.

Full text

Abstract:

Post-Brexit, Britain completely overhauled its foreign policy framework by adopting a 'Global Britain' strategy with the aim of demonstrating global leadership. The UK said that there had been geopolitical and geoeconomics shifts, including the rise of China's power and the increasing importance of the Indo-Pacific for global prosperity and security as well as the potential for new markets to emerge and the growth of the global middle class. In realizing the UK's existence in the world, especially in the Indo-Pacific region, the UK considers the strategic position of the Southeast Asia region which is included as part of the four pillars of British foreign policy. Southeast Asia has become an arena for the struggle for the influence of global powers, especially China and the United States. Changes in British Foreign Policy which focuses on the Southeast Asia region will certainly have strategic consequences in the region, especially regional security, especially the South China Sea Dispute which involves most of the ASEAN member countries. The problem raised in this study is how the dynamics of security in the Southeast Asia region after the change in the focus of British foreign policy to Southeast Asia and its impact on regional security. The writing of this article uses qualitative research methods to write to describe the complexity of regional security through patterns of relations between countries in the region and countries outside the region, as well as the role of global powers.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Huyen, Bui Thi, and Luu Van Quyet. "Russia’s Pivot to Asia and Russia-Vietnam Economic Relations in the Early 21st Century." Emerging Science Journal 6, no. 6 (December 1, 2022): 1492–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.28991/esj-2022-06-06-017.

Full text

Abstract:

Russia began to refocus its attention on the Asia-Pacific region in 1994, but the policy of pivoting toward Asia was implemented dramatically in the second decade of the 21st century. Adjustments made by Russia to its foreign policy and practical activities carried out by Russia in the region have impacted Russia-Vietnam relations generally and their economic ties in particular. Based on a qualitative approach and analysis of secondary data collected from previously conducted research works, this paper focuses on the following issues: (1) Adjustments made by Russia to its foreign policy towards Asia-Pacific over the first two decades of the 21st century; (2) Position of Vietnam in Russia’s foreign policy towards Asia–Pacific; and (3) Impacts of Russia’s new foreign policy on the economic ties between Russia and Vietnam over the first two decades of the 21st century. Based on the results of the analysis and evaluation, Russia's Asia-Pacific policy has been adjusted, particularly in the second decade of the 21stcentury, when the country turned its attention to Southeast Asia. Due to the importance of this region, Russia is implementing a comprehensive Asia policy and promoting Russia's interests in this region. The Russian Federation considers Vietnam an important partner in its "Look to the East" policy and plays a leading role because Vietnam is a country with an important geostrategic position to connect both land and sea between Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia. This is reflected in the Russian Federation's upgrading of its strategic partnership with Vietnam from 2001 to a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2012. The adjustment of the Asia-Pacific policy of the Russian Federation has positively affected the relationship between Vietnam and Russia in the economic fields (trade and investment). Doi: 10.28991/ESJ-2022-06-06-017 Full Text: PDF

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Rogozhina, Natalia G. "The Mask Diplomacy of China in Southeast Asia." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-073-081.

Full text

Abstract:

The article notes that China's mask diplomacy in Southeast Asia is an integral part of its foreign policy aimed at strengthening its positions in the region by increasing the level of confidence. By providing assistance to Southeast Asian countries in the fight against COVID-19, China hopes to improve its image of a “benevolent” neighbor in the region. At the same time, the priority was given to those countries of Southeast Asia with which the closest relations have developed and which are participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. In the development of the achieved success in mask diplomacy, China is moving to the implementation of the so-called vaccine diplomacy in Southeast Asia. However, despite the currently pronounced humanitarian orientation of China's foreign policy in Southeast Asia, the continuing territorial conflict in the South China Sea plays against its positive image in the region as “generous sponsor”. Time will tell whether mask diplomacy will help China gain an edge in the competition for influence in the region. But one thing is clear – China is acting decisively and does not miss a single chance to provide support for the countries of Southeast Asia in the competition with the United States.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Tuấn Bình, Nguyễn. "THE POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA AND MYANMAR (1992 - 2014) - A VIEW FROM THE IMPACTS OF “LOOK EAST” POLICY." Hue University Journal of Science: Social Sciences and Humanities 127, no. 6B (July 3, 2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.26459/hueuni-jssh.v127i6b.4161.

Full text

Abstract:

India’s Look East Policy is the policy toward the Southeast Asia region, where is abundant in natural resources and plays a role in support for India in the Asia - Pacific region strategy. The foreign policy of India can gets results on the economics, politics, society for this country. Besides, this success brought useful experiences for ASEAN countries in general and Myanmar in particular when they enforce the new foreign policy. Myanmar is considered a “bridge” between India and Southeast Asia. With its strategic location, this country has an important role in India’s Look East Policy. In this article, the author focused on India - Myanmar relations about politics and diplomacy from 1992 to 2014 under the positive impact of the “Look East” Policy in the research phase and we took out some comments about India - Myanmar relations during the research period.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Vlasov, N. V. "The Contemporary Chinese Policy in Southeast Asia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(42) (June 28, 2015): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-60-67.

Full text

Abstract:

Although the PRC has been gradually turning into a genuinely global power recently, her regional interests particularly in SEA are not shrinking. Developing relations with ASEAN in general and its member states in particular is still among the key priorities of the Chinese foreign policy. This is motivated by the interest to ensure safe and controlled buffer along China's border perimeter - "belt of peace, stability and common prosperity". At present, Chinese standing in SEA is firm. Sino-ASEAN relations are based upon mutual pragmatism. The reason for that to a great extent is a tangible trade and economic and investment cooperation. Bilateral relations in political and security as well as defense spheres have been also steadily expanding. Humanitarian ties are closely interwoven, which may help make future ASEAN elites more pro-Chinese. Nevertheless, it has been all the more evident that Southeast Asian nations are seeking to lower their current overdependence on China. Their concern are rising due to China's growing political and military and economic muscles as well as because of increasing Chinese nationalism. Unresolved territorial disputes in the South China Sea also impede promotion of China's influence there. In this context China turns out to be sandwiched between the necessity to uphold her national interests, on the one hand, and the goal to keep a comfort regional atmosphere for facilitating her relationship with ASEAN, on the other. Moreover, lately there has been another sound factor jeopardizing China's leadership in SEA - Washington's Asia Pacific pivot.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Averianov, Serhii. "Security aspect of Asean-China relations in South-East Asia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 28-29 (2020): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-28-29-133-143.

Full text

Abstract:

The article analyzes the the People's Republic of China (PRC) influence on the activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the security sector. It outlines the specifics of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in the region and its connection to the formation of the Southeast Asia (SA) security architecture processes. The article highlightes modern trends and tendencies of China's geostrategic positioning in the region, the pros and cons of the Chinese foreign policy concept at both regional and global levels. For many years China was seen as a threat to Southeast Asian countries due to its political ideology and active support for the uprisings in those countries. In 1967, when ASEAN was founded, China had serious doubts about the motives of this newly formed international union. Beijing was deeply concerned that the organization could have a hidden military connotation that would consolidate anti-Chinese sentiment in Southeast Asia. Formal relations between China and the Association were established in 1991. In July 1994 China became a «consultative partner» within ASEAN Regional Forum on Peace and Security. In 1996 by signing the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation of 1976 China became a full dialogue partner. The transformation of the system of international relations, as well as the global rebalance of power in the post-bipolar era have contributed to the strengthening of China`s positions in world politics. On the one hand the end of the Cold War minimized the risks of a nuclear catastrophe, but at the same time it actualized and accelerated trade and economic cooperation tendencies. In such circumstances most of ASEAN member states sought brand new approach towards China, willing to benefit from its economic upswing. For its part, China's growing dependence on energy forces it to engage in solving regional security issues more actively. Nowadays China's foreign policy is represented by the Belt and Road Initiative, formerly known as the One Belt One Road. It is a global infrastructure development strategy that includes 2 large-scale projects: the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Participating in those projects seems lucrative for most Southeast Asia countries, due to their close economic ties with China being nearly the main driver of their own economies. After all, China still remains a key trading partner among ASEAN member states. However, on the other hand, many of the political elites fear that participation in China's projects will put them in a position of dependence on Beijing. That`s why ASEAN tries to maintain the SA as a peaceful, neutral region, free from the dominance of any regional or non-regional state.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Giang, Nguyen Minh. "Australia – a strategic alliance of the US in the period of Vietnam War (1954-1975)." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 5, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): first. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v5i1.650.

Full text

Abstract:

Although located in a region having close historical-cultural relations with the area of Southeast Asia, Australia always considers itself and is considered a special outpost of the West in Asia-Pacific. Since World War II up to now, the strategic alliance between Australia and the US has been developed comprehensively and deeply. Particularly, with the purpose of getting the protection in terms of security from the US towards the Near-North region, it's obvious that Australia had to accept the fact that the number of killed and wounded soldiers, advisories, and military workers during the period of the Vietnam war was equivalent to that of the killed and wounded ones of the two World Wars when Australia participated along with the British troops. To illustrate the aforementioned content, this article focuses on analyzing some objective factors including the development of the movement of national liberation, the founding and rising of Chinese socialism, and the policies of Southeast Asia of the US during the period of post-World War II, along with some subjective factors influencing the founding and development of the strategic alliance between Australia and the US such as the national interest and the role of Australia during the Vietnam war, the economiccultural- political platforms of the US-Australia relations, and three-key factors expressing the depth of these relations including military, politics and diplomacy, culture and education, science and technology.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Sutter, Robert. "Myanmar in Contemporary Chinese Foreign Policy – Strengthening Common Ground, Managing Differences." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100103.

Full text

Abstract:

This assessment first briefly examines recent features of China's approach to foreign affairs, and then examines in greater detail features in China's approach to relations with its neighbours, especially in Southeast Asia. It does so in order to discern prevailing patterns in Chinese foreign relations and to determine in the review of salient recent China–Myanmar developments in the concluding section how China's approach to Myanmar compares with Chinese relations with other regional countries and more broadly. The assessment shows that the strengths and weaknesses of China's recent relations with Myanmar are more or less consistent with the strengths and weaknesses of China's broader approach to Southeast Asia and international affairs more generally. On the one hand, China's approach to Myanmar, like its approach to most of the states around its periphery, has witnessed significant advances and growing interdependence in the post-Cold War period. On the other hand, mutual suspicions stemming from negative historical experiences and salient differences require attentive management by Chinese officials and appear unlikely to fade soon.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Tingting, F. "Energy Factor in PRC’s Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2011): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-87-90.

Full text

Abstract:

In recent years, China’s fast-growing economy has fuelled the demand for energy. For China energy policy becomes not only a part of foreign policy and diplomacy, but also part of the state development strategy. The article explores the main directions of China's energy policy at the present stage. A detailed analysis of energy factors in Chinese foreign policy at the present stage is undertaken. A particular attention is paid to the main vectors of energy cooperation between China and other countries and regions: Middle East, Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Russia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Baviera, Aileen S. P. "China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives Under Xi Jinping." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2016): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500032.

Full text

Abstract:

This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the management of the South China Sea disputes. These initiatives are expected to provide a favorable external environment for the attainment of the “Chinese dream” and to pave the way for China to emerge into a position of global power and leadership. The article mainly focuses on what these initiatives may be signaling to China’s neighbors, and the subsequent implications for Southeast Asia and its relations with China. There are, for instance, some doubts as to whether China can be a reliable provider of security and stability as public goods in its own region if China itself is a key party in the territorial contentions and power rivalries that could be likely causes of conflict. The fact that China is still trying to defend primordial territorial and cultural-ideational interests, settle historical scores, and find an effective model for its domestic politics and governance that will serve its increasingly globalized economy, indicates that China may not be ready yet to make the sacrifices and compromises that will be required of regional — let alone global — leadership.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Case, William. "Declare the cost of war: Southeast Asia, Australia, and interpretative spin." Australian Journal of International Affairs 58, no. 4 (December 2004): 424–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1035771042000304706.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Sinaga, Lidya Christin. "China’s Assertive Foreign Policy in South China Sea Under Xi Jinping: Its Impact on United States and Australian Foreign Policy." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 3, no. 2 (February 20, 2016): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v3i2.770.

Full text

Abstract:

This essay examines the impact of the assertiveness of China’s Foreign Policy in the South China Sea under Xi Jinping on United States and Australian foreign policy. The essay focuses on the Xi Jinping period from 2013 because Xi has a different approach in foreign policy making from that of his predecessors. His determination to defend and advance maritime claims and interests as well as the external developments, have made his foreign policy more assertive. This essay will argue that China’s assertive foreign policy in South China Sea under Xi Jinping has paved the way for a greater role for the US in Southeast Asia, and deepened the rivalry between China and the US. This rising tension in turn has put Australia in a challenging situation, torn between its security alliance with the United States, and its economic interests in China. However, Australia does not have to choose one, but Australia can play a constructive role in the development of some compromise between the two.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Naya, Seiji, and Eric D. Ramstetter. "Policy Interactions and Direct Foreign Investment in East and Southeast Asia." Journal of World Trade 22, Issue 2 (April 1, 1988): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1988014.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Southgate, Laura. "Explaining the United States' Foreign Policy Failure in Southeast Asia since 2008." Asia Policy 28, no. 4 (2021): 195–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2021.0042.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Ngoei, Wen-Qing. "There and back again: What the Cold War for Southeast Asia can teach us about Sino-US competition in the region today." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019855352.

Full text

Abstract:

This essay examines how the history of the Cold War in Southeast Asia has shaped, and will likely continue to shape, the current Sino-US rivalry in the region. Expert commentary today typically focuses on the agendas and actions of the two big powers, the United States and China, which actually risks missing the bigger picture. During the Cold War, leaders of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) played a critical role in containing Chinese influence, shaping the terms of Sino-US competition and rapprochement, and deepening the US presence in Southeast Asia. The legacy of ASEAN’s foreign relations during and since the Cold War imposes constraints on Chinese regional ambitions today, which militates against the popular notion that Chinese hegemony in East and Southeast Asia is inevitable. This essay underscores that current analyses of the brewing crisis in and around the South China Sea must routinely look beyond the two superpowers to the under-appreciated agency of small- and middle-sized ASEAN actors who, in reality, are the ones who hold the fate of the region in their hands.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Stevenson, Charles H. "U.S. Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia: Implications for Current Regional Issues." Contemporary Southeast Asia 14, no. 2 (September 1992): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs14-2a.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Hess, Gary R., Madeline Chi, John P. Glennon, William K. Klingaman, Robert J. McMahon, Glenn W. LaFantasie, John P. Glennon, Edward C. Keefer, and David W. Mabon. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 15: South and Southeast Asia." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080559.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Rogozhin, A. A. "Southeast Asia and Africa – Trade and Investment Relations in the XXIst Century." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 5 (December 3, 2018): 200–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-5-200-218.

Full text

Abstract:

In the twenty-first century African countries have not only taken a significant step forward in their economic development as a whole, but have also strengthened their positions in the world economy. One manifestation of this is the emergence of new foreign economic partners for African countries. African countries have become more interesting, not only for Asian giants – China and India, but also for Southeast Asia countries, which have just recently started their outward expansion. The main purpose of this study is to create an initial, most general panorama of how trade and investment relations between the Southeast Asian and African countries developed in the new century. As regard for trade, we used a quite complete statistical database under the auspices of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Southeast Asia was represented by all 10 of ASEAN member-countries. The African continent was portrayed by 47 countries. A comprehensive analysis of the statistical data showed that the trade operations of Southeast Asian countries with their African partners were profitable for them: in 2010–2016 they had a permanent surplus on these operations. It was found that in 2010–2016. the main partners of African countries were Thailand (with turnover of 69 billion dollars.). Singapore ($64 billion)) and Malaysia ($48 billion).). Companies from Southeast Asian countries expect to expand on the African continent, taking into account, in particular, the following factors: the need to enlarge and diversify their imports of oil and gas. as well as some types of industrial raw materials that are not available in Southeast Asia; constantly growing opportunities to expand exports of their goods, in order to meet growing consumer demand in African countries; Southeast Asian exporters expect a significant expansion of their exports following the entry into force of the African Continental Free Trade Area) in 2022. As for investment links, we were forced to gather by trifles everything concerned about Southeast Asian investments on African continent. Reliable generalizing statistics on this segment of economic relations either do not exist, or it is not available to research community. As a result of monitoring of investment contacts, it was possible to collect the final material giving a short overview of this process.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Chung, Chien-Peng. "Japan's Involvement in Asia-Centered Regional Forums in the Context of Relations with China and the United States." Asian Survey 51, no. 3 (May 1, 2011): 407–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.3.407.

Full text

Abstract:

Against China's attempts at cultivating multilateral forums to augment and institutionalize its influence in Central, Northeast, and Southeast Asia, Japan's major foreign policy challenge now is how to secure its own interests in these forums while balancing its relations with China and the United States.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Liow, Joseph Chinyong. "Tunku Abdul Rahman and Malaya's Relations with Indonesia, 1957–1960." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 36, no. 1 (February 2005): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463405000044.

Full text

Abstract:

Despite popular representations of Tunku Abdul Rahman as an avuncular political personality, he was also an astute policy practitioner. This was evident in how he, in pursuit of Malayan interests, calibrated Malaya's foreign policy posture towards Jakarta in a manner that not only displayed little appreciation of Indonesian sensitivities, but also undermined its political interest and status as the major power in Southeast Asia, thus contributing to bilateral tension.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Tanner, Murray Scot. "China in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.19.

Full text

Abstract:

Surveying China in 2015, this article focuses on how the Xi leadership dealt with several of the most complex economic and security challenges it faced during the year, in particular: sustaining economic growth; responding to social unrest; confronting environmental problems; managing foreign relations in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea; reforming and modernizing the People’s Liberation Army; and managing cross-Strait relations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Scalapino, Robert A. "The United States and Asia in 2008: A Time of Challenge." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.5.

Full text

Abstract:

The Asian-Pacific scene at present is marked by turbulent economic conditions and varying degrees of political instability, yet foreign relations are relatively favorable. Two key issues in Northeast Asia——North Korean nuclearization and cross-Taiwan Straits relations——remain unresolved, but current trends are generally hopeful. In Southeast and South Asia, conditions have been marked by economic decline stemming from the domestic scene and prominent cases of political tension. Yet, the risk of a war between Asian-Pacific states is at a record low.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Ng, Beoy Kui. "The Economic Rise of China: Its Threats and Opportunities from the Perspective of Southeast Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 25 (February 5, 2008): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v25i0.1427.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract The purpose of the paper is to examine the economic impact of China on Southeast Asian countries, mainly in terms of trade and investment. The paper attempts to examine whether the rise of China poses a threat to Southeast Asia as a region in the area of international trade, especially competition in third country markets, and asks, can they be friends and allies rather than competitors in international market? Secondly, the paper also questions if the concentration of foreign direct investment (FDI) in China is resulting in a diversion of FDI away from the region. Do FDI in China and Southeast Asia complement one another when it comes to the international division of labour? On the other hand, the increasing role of China as an international trader and global investor provides an opportunity for Southeast Asia countries to integrate with the Chinese economy. The huge domestic market of China also provides vast opportunities for investment, especially through connections with their respective ethnic Chinese businesses in the region. The overall assessment is that the rise of China will benefit Southeast Asian countries, especially in terms of China's role in the Asian production network, destination for investment, its outward investment and more importantly, its huge and growing domestic market. All these turn China into another driver for economic growth in Asia. Keywords: China, FDI flows, Southeast Asia, trade, investment, Asia production networks.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Biedermann, Reinhard. "Reimagining Taiwan? The EUs Foreign Policy and Strategy in Asia." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 3 (October 1, 2018): 305–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018028.

Full text

Abstract:

The European Union’s (EU’s) Taiwan policies have been dominated by trade and economic concerns due to the absence of a security profile and China’s insistence on Taiwan belonging to China. This neglect of a political role of the EU in East Asia is often regarded as a central strategic weakness of the EU. With a new government in office in Taiwan since 2016, Cross-Strait relations have worsened; this challenges EU’s ambitions to become a strategic actor in the region. Apart from security and economy, other political aspects of bilateral relations have remained almost unnoticed in the literature. This article addresses EU’s Taiwan policies from a different perspective. Instead of a hierarchic foreign policy exploration with security issues predominating, here, a multidimensional mosaic of EU’s Taiwan relations is analysed breadthways. From this standpoint, one can see that EU’s profile in Taiwan has increased considerably in recent years. These broadened bilateral relations may also support the EU’s wider political and strategic interests in the region altogether. The EU could help Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy align with EU’s Association of Southeast Asian Nations strategy, and thus support a rule-based strategy in the Far East.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Sullivan, Gerard, and S. Gunasekaran. "The Role of Ethnic Relations and Education Systems in Migration from Southeast Asia to Australia." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 8, no. 2 (August 1993): 219–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj8-2a.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.

Full text

Abstract:

The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Sudarman, Suzie. "Can We Reinvent International Studies on Southeast Asia for the Post Western World?" Indonesian Journal of International Relations 1, no. 1 (June 10, 2017): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v1i1.6.

Full text

Abstract:

Since the end of the Cold War the Asia-Pacific region draws increased attention but there is a gap between the rich comparative and foreign policy scholarship on China, Japan, and the United States with the wider world of international relations theory. Although Pierre Lizee’s work, quoting Stanley Hoffmann, puts forward an argument that international studies as a discipline assumes that it speaks to the nature of politics throughout the entire world,1 it is evident that the study of Southeast Asia in particular, tends to be under-theorized.2 The images, concepts, and theories which underlie international studies as Hoffmann argued, must be recognized for what they are: product of the post-1945 era, when “to study United States foreign policy was to study the international system and to study the international system could not fail to bring one back to the role of the United States.”3

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

PANARINA, Daria S. "SOUTH PACIFIC REGION IN THE PAST AND THE PRESENT: HISTORY, POLITICS, ECONOMY, CULTURE." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 3(56) (2022): 283–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-3-3-56-283-292.

Full text

Abstract:

The article provides an overview of the 43th scientific inter-institutional conference with the participation of foreign speakers, dedicated to the study of the South Pacific Region in the past and the present, its history, politics, economy and culture, which was held in an online format at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences on November 9, 2022. The conference was organized by the Center for Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania Studies, Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Hall, Derek. "Environmental Change, Protest, and Havens of Environmental Degradation: Evidence from Asia." Global Environmental Politics 2, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15263800260047808.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper explores the relevance for the debate on “pollution havens” of two cases from the international political economy of Japan-Southeast Asia relations. It begins by suggesting that the typical focus of the pollution havens literature is too narrow, and concentrates instead on the broader question of the extent to which the environmental transformations associated with particular sectors influence their international siting patterns. The first case—the changes in Japanese FDI to Asia in the 1970s—demonstrates that Japanese firms and the Japanese state consciously attempted to relocate highly-polluting industry in order to escape anti-pollution protest in Japan. The second case—the effort to create in Asia and the Pacific an export-oriented industrial tree plantation (ITP) sector supplying regional pulp and paper markets—shows, somewhat counterintuitively, that political contestation related to the environmental problems caused by ITPs has encouraged Japanese companies to concentrate their tree planting activity not in Southeast Asia but in Australia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Hennessey, Eileen M. "‘…the cheapest thing in Australia is the girls’: Young Women In Townsville 1942–45." Queensland Review 1, no. 1 (June 1994): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600000519.

Full text

Abstract:

Australian foreign policy reached a watershed in late 1941/early 1942. As the Japanese continued their rapid advance through Southeast Asia and into New Guinea, apprehensive Australians believed their country could be next. The government also knew their traditional ally Britain would not come to their aid should the Japanese invade Australia, and as most of their own forces were already out of the country, the remainder would have provided a totally inadequate defence. For Prime Minister Curtin and his advisers it was America that had to provide protection for Australia; both for its own sake, and as the base from which the Japanese advance through the Eastern Pacific rim from North to South could be halted.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Routray, Bibhu Prasad. "India-Myanmar Relations :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2011): 299–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.22.

Full text

Abstract:

The article is an analysis of India-Myanmar foreign relations which are marked by both paranoia and bonhomie. Myanmar is strategically important for India, especially in achieving its objective of a Look-East Policy. India has to maintain a cordial relationship with Myanmar’s non-democratic military junta to extend its influence in Southeast Asia and due to internal security concerns of its north-eastern states which are under continuous threat from various insurgent groups. This article discusses the pragmatic shift of India’s stand on Myanmar where the growing presence of China in Myanmar and India’s quest for energy are the major drivers. In economic terms, China is a major investor in Myanmar and its military relations with Myanmar are causes for concern in India. The article also discusses concerns raised about India’s Myanmar policy, keeping in view widespread scepticism about its military junta.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

PANARINA, Daria S., and Ekaterina M. ASTAFIEVA. "EASTERN BRANCHES OF THE RUSSIAN DIASPORA – 2022." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 307–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-307-321.

Full text

Abstract:

The article provides an overview of the 13th scientific inter-institutional conference with the participation of foreign speakers, dedicated to the study of the Russian diaspora in the countries of the East, which was held in a mixed format at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences on May 18, 2022. The conference was organized by the Laboratory for the Study of the Russian Diaspora in the Countries of the East, Center for Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania, Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!