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Academic literature on the topic 'Southeast Asia Foreign relations Australia'

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Published: 10 December 2022
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Journal articles on the topic "Southeast Asia Foreign relations Australia"

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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.
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Darmawan, Harry. "LONGING FOR KEVIN RUDD AND HIS LEGACY IN IMPROVING AUSTRALIA-INDONESIA RELATIONS." Journal of Social Political Sciences 2, no. 2 (May 29, 2021): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v2i2.58.

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Indonesia misses Kevin Rudd's figure. The emergence and victory of Kevin Rudd in the 2007 Australian elections seemed to be a speck of light in the improvement of bilateral relations between Australia and Indonesia at that time. He succeeded in turning Australia's foreign policy into a more humanist and Asia-centric direction. A thing that was previously very rare in the era of Prime Minister John Howard. Various policies were able to reconcile the romanticism of Garuda and the Kangaroo, which is the largest ruler in Southeast Asia and the Oceania Zone. This paper examines the dynamics of Kevin Rudd's victory in the 2007 Australian Election, as well as his golden legacy in fighting for harmonization of relations between Australia and Indonesia.
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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.

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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.

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A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.
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Pramanta, Rio Akbar, Roihanatul Maziyah, Dela Karisma, Putri Rahma Asri, Ayu Tiara Karel Bua, Dimas Bagas Priambodo, and Bayu Mahendra. "Kemitraan Strategis Non-Zero Sum Game: Hubungan ASEAN-Australia dalam Konteks Geopolitik." Indonesian Perspective 3, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v3i2.22347.

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ASEAN and Australia has a long history of mutual partnership. It is a strategic foreign policy for both parties. ASEAN needs to maintain its power and influence with their neighboring countries to maintain the political stability in the Southeast Asian region. On the other hand, Australia needs Southeast Asia because it serves as a strategic and crucial pivot of numerous benefits and interests for them, including but not limited to security and economics. However, ASEAN-Australia relations is not separated from the geopolitical implications. The geopolitical factors determine the strategic partnership between ASEAN and Australia, thus leading to the hypothesis in this article where Australia needs ASEAN more than the vice versa, and Australia is the one who benefits more in terms of relative gain, relative to ASEAN.Keywords: ASEAN-Australia relations, neorealism, relative gain, geopolitics
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GARIN, Artyom A. "AUKUS AND THE SOUTH PACIFIC: FOREIGN POLICY AND SECURITY IMPLICATIONS FOR AUSTRALIA." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-223-233.

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The United States, the UK and Australia continue to enhance defence cooperation in the dual space of the Indian and Pacific Oceans. These powers announced the establishing of a trilateral security pact AUKUS on September 15, 2021. The U.S. will transfer nuclear submarine technology to Australia but the nature of AUKUS implies a broader technological interaction between the parties. Despite the Anglosphere's attempts to indicate that their actions aren't directed against any power, all their actions reveal intensifying rivalry with the People's Republic of China (PRC). This article examines the nature of AUKUS and the reasons for its appearance. Special attention is paid to the influence of the alliance on the Fifth Continent's defense capabilities and its domestic policy dimension. At the same time, the author analyzes the impact of AUKUS on Australia's relations with the countries of Southeast Asia and Oceania.
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Snyder, Craig A. "Southeast Asian Perceptions of Australia´ s Foreign Policy." Contemporary Southeast Asia 28, no. 2 (August 2006): 322–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs28-2g.

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SINGH, Bhubhindar. "Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia." East Asian Policy 13, no. 03 (July 2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000210.

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Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.
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Longmire, R. A. "Soviet foreign policy and southeast Asia." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620304.

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Zagoria, Donald S., and Leszek Buszynski. "Soviet Foreign Policy and Southeast Asia." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 4 (1987): 913. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043176.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Southeast Asia Foreign relations Australia"

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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.

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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Manickam, Ravindran. "The strategic role of the United States of America in South East Asia since 1975." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114555.

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One of the constant features of the United States foreign policy is the maintenance of an international environment in which the United States can survive and prosper. This is based on an economic-strategic nexus. This has been emphasised since the time of the Truman administration after the second World War. For instance Truman stated during the height of the Korean War and other communist rebellions in the Southeast Asian region that the loss of any one of those countries would mean the loss of freedom for millions of people, the loss of vital raw materials,and the loss of points of critical strategic importance to the free world. This perception was crystallised into the containment policy to halt the spread of communism. This policy was also emphasised in the Southeast Asian region. However with the achievement of detente with China and the Soviet Union in 1972, the containment policy transformed to maintenance of a balance of power policy in the region.
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Hogan, Mary Vivianne. "The development and role of ASEAN as a regional association." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B16043017.

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Darmono, Juanita Amanda. "ASEAN's diplomatic strategy after the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26805.

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This thesis examines the diplomatic strategy adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in response to the 1978 Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia and the subsequent shift in the regional distribution of power with regard to the security of the ASEAN nations. I argue that ASEAN has demonstrated considerable success in preventing a collapse of regional order in Southeast Asia. It is important to understand that ASEAN is a product and tool of its members' foreign policy and should therefore be assessed in the foreign policy, rather than in the regional integrationist, context. This will be examined from the point of view of a group of relatively weak, insignificant states within the international arena, historically plagued by conflict and intervention by external powers, exacerbated by a history of intra-regional enmity rather than cooperation, military weakness, and no collective tradition of diplomatic expertise. Yet, despite these shortcomings and ASEAN's previous inability to come together on issues of economic integration, ASEAN's response to the Third Indochina conflict has allowed its member nations to maintain their independence, preserve their freedom of action, rally international support, and confront the great powers involved in this issue through the use of a regional organization. This thesis will also counter the prevailing view that existing intra-ASEAN differences regarding the primary external threat in the issue (namely Vietnam, China or the Soviet Union) have seriously divided its members to the point of potentially threatening the organization's existence. Instead, I will argue that the combination of ASEAN's curious mode of "conflict resolution" through "conflict avoidance", as well as its diplomatic "division of labour," have effectively incorporated existing intra-ASEAN differences as bargaining assets for the organization's political viability. These internal cleavages have been far from resolved or reconciled, but rather skirted over by a web of unwritten laws, implicit rules and mutual understandings regarding one another's accepted role within the organization. This implicit "regime" has served several purposes: it has allowed ASEAN to sustain its image of unity, boosted its political visability in the international forum, and prevented the "loss of face" of fellow members on points of contention. Research for this thesis was conducted in part at the ASEAN Secretariat and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta, and the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) in Singapore.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Ma, Yansheng 1956. "Dynamics of regional (in)security in the post-cold war era : China and Southeast Asia." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30186.

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This thesis has explored two basic themes in post-Cold War international relations. The first is the transformation of the global and regional security environments leading to a projected decline in the importance of traditional realist-style security problems. The second is the supposed shift in state behavior with conflictual strategies giving way to accommodation. These presumed trends are explored in the context of Southeast Asia and, more specifically, China's security strategies and relations in the region. This study argues that conventional security problems have declined in Southeast Asia in the short term but still remain prominent. In terms of policies, while China's goals remained partly revisionist with regard to territorial issues and status/power relationships, its approaches became more accommodative in coping with disputed issues in the region. This was manifested above all in its gradual acceptance of a multilateral framework for dialogue on regional security issues and in its willingness to undertake some confidence building measures in the military area. This shift can be explained partly in terms of China's external political concerns at both the global and regional levels. The more fundamental explanation, however, lies in China's drive for economic modernization with an accommodative regional strategy intended to ensure the flow of external resources required for this purpose.
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Zhang, Qing. "Management of construction international joint ventures between Australia and Asia." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36103/1/36103_Zhang_2000.pdf.

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In recent years, many of South East Asian countries have experienced high levels of economic growth. Coupled with their sheer population, this has led to a huge demand for the improvement of infrastructure. The construction market is growing rapidly in these countries, with governments encouraging multinational companies to set up joint ventures with the local companies to bring in advanced construction technology. International Joint Venture (IJV) as a unique formation of project structure has become one of the most widely used methods for multinational construction companies to enter into the Asian market. Australia is building closer relationships with Asian countries and is playing an active role in the economy development of Asia Pacific region. Australian contractors are also trying to gain a foothold in the international construction market. They have the geographical advantage over their US or European competitors to target the Asian market. Despite all this, the Australian construction industry has been slow in accessing the Asian market, and has experienced many difficulties. As a result of the increasing interest in joint ventures in the business environment and the high failure rate of the IJV, the study of IJV is gaining increasing popularity among researchers. Most of the research has focused on the motivations to joint venture. For example, past studies have investigated joint ventures as means of coping with resource limitations and uncertainty, reduction of risk and/or uncertainty, and expediting entry into a new geographic or technological market. Another focus of joint venture research has been on joint venture performance and control. However, little literature is available on how to manage the IJV between Australia and Asian countries. As more and more Australian companies are forming joint ventures in Asian developing countries, it is important to investigate the performance of these joint ventures. This research project aims at the Australian IJV in Asia. After the analysis of existing joint venture problems, four areas of joint venture management - joint venture formation, joint venture partnership and negotiation, joint venture organisational management and joint venture project management have been identified as the research concentration. Industry interviews and a questionnaire survey has been used to collect data. Research findings are further developed into a theoretical model for Australian IJV management.
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Purba, Mandala Sukarto. "Towards regionalism through the Asean-China free trade area: prospects and challenges." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7530_1183461471.

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The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.

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Fenton, Damien Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "SEATO and the defence of Southeast Asia 1955-1965." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/39436.

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Despite the role played by the South East Treaty Organisation (SEATO) in the defence of Western interests in that region during the Cold War, there has to date been no scholarly attempt to examine the development and performance of the organisation as a military alliance. This thesis is thus the first attempt to do so and as such seeks to take advantage of the recent release of much SEATO-related official material into the public domain by Western governments. This material throws new light upon SEATO???s aims and achievements, particularly in regard to the first ten years of its existence. Because SEATO was eventually rendered irrelevant by the events of the Second Indochina War (1965-1975) a popular perception has arisen that it was always a ???Paper Tiger??? lacking in substance, and thus easily dismissed. This thesis challenges this assumption by examining SEATO???s development in the decade before that conflict. The thesis analyses SEATO???s place in the wider Cold War and finds that it was part of a rational and consistent response within the broader Western strategy of containment to deter, and if need be, defeat, the threat of communist aggression. That threat was a very real one for Southeast Asia in the aftermath of the First Indochina War and one that was initially perceived in terms of the conventional military balance of power. This focus dominated SEATO???s strategic concepts and early contingency planning and rightly so, as an examination of the strength and development of the PLA and PAVN during this period demonstrates. SEATO developed a dedicated military apparatus, principally the Military Planning Office (MPO), that proved itself to be perfectly capable of providing the level of co-ordination and planning needed to produce a credible SEATO deterrent in this regard. SEATO enjoyed less success with its attempts to respond to the emergence of a significant communist insurgent threat, first in Laos then in South Vietnam, but the alliance did nonetheless recognise this threat and the failure of SEATO in this regard was one of political will rather than military doctrine. Indeed this thesis confirms that it was the increasingly disparate political agendas of a number of SEATO???s members that ultimately paralysed its ability to act and thus ensured its failure to meet its aims, at least insofar as the so-called ???Protocol States??? were concerned. But this failure should not be allowed to completely overshadow SEATO???s earlier achievements in providing a modicum of Western-backed stability and security to the region from 1955-1965.
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Roberts, Christopher B. Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "ASEAN's Security Community Project : Challenges and Opportunities in the Pursuit of Comprehensive Integration." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40261.

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In October 2003, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) proposed the establishment of a security, economic and socio-cultural community by the year 2020. Given that initiators of the ASEAN proposal were informed by the scholarly literature on the concept of a 'security community', this dissertation develops and then tests the concept in relation to the ASEAN states. Here, the concept of a 'security community' is understood as 'a transnational grouping of two or more states whose sovereignty is increasingly amalgamated and whose people maintain dependable expectations of peaceful change'. The application of the 'security community framework' developed in this study is necessary to provide a conceptual basis for critically assessing the major factors that could potentially impede ASEAN's evolution towards a security community. For the purpose of such an assessment, the study provides a detailed investigation of the most significant historical issues and contemporary security challenges that inform the nature of inter-state relations in Southeast Asia. As a complement to this approach, the dissertation incorporates the analysis of data obtained from extensive fieldwork in all ten of the ASEAN states involving over 100 in-depth interviews and two survey designs (one at the elite level and another at the communal level) involving 919 participants. While the survey work, especially at the communal level, is best considered a pilot study and the results are therefore to be considered as indicative, the research nevertheless represents the first empirical assessment of regional perceptions of trust, intra-mural relations, security, economic integration, and liberalisation and of a broad range of other factors relevant to the analysis. The interview data has also been invaluable in uncovering previously unpublished information and in contextualising the analysis. Despite a considerable strengthening of the region's security architecture since ASEAN's formation, the ten chapters in the study reveal that the Association has a long way to travel before it will satisfy the defining criteria of a security community. The region lacks a common sense of community and consequently the level of trust between the Southeast Asian states remains problematic. The political elite continue to engage in episodes of competitive behaviour, have been unable to resolve territorial disputes, and thus the continued potential for armed conflict undermines the prospect for 'dependable expectations of peaceful change'. Therefore, ASEAN's evolution towards the status of a security community, if it proceeds further, will likely occur over the course of many decades rather than by ASEAN's current goal of 2015.
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Riddle, Clayton L. "The problem of the Philippines for U.S. Southeast Asian security policy." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111582.

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Since the end of World War II, the Philippines has shared a unique relationship with the U.S.; it has been a relationship based on unequal mutual interests but it has, nevertheless, been beneficial to both sides. For the Philippines, the importance of the U.S. stems from several factors: the U.S. has been a major trading partner, a main source of foreign investment, a strong military ally, origin of a large part of her political tradition, and cultural model for many of her people. For the U.S., the importance of the Philippines has been the strategic location for military bases, a source of primary goods for the U.S. economy, and a military and political ally in a region noted for its historical background of domestic unrest and hostile foreign relations. Specifically, U.S. policy towards the Philippine Islands since 1945 has been mainly concerned with three issues: removal of the vestiges of American sovereignty, economic rehabilitation and stability, and defence against external aggression. After nearly fifty years of colonial-style rule, the U.S. assisted the Philippines in making the transition from a colony to an independent state, and in 1946 the islands received the status of an independent republic. The U.S. maintained close relations, however, and even agreed to assist in the restoration of the national economy coming as a result of the war and three years of Japanese occupation. Defence agreements with the Philippines were signed permitting the continuation of American military bases and guaranteeing the defence of the Philippines from outside aggression. The U.S. also gave large amounts of military aid and assisted the fledgling Philippine government in resisting the Huk rebellion. In recent years, however, a long smouldering rift has ignited U.S. and Filipino policy makers over the dependency and lack of a national identity the Filipino people feel they have incurred as a direct result of the relationship with the U.S. One of the major conflicts has been over the degree of American presence in the Philippines as manifested by the U.S. military bases. Another has concerned economic development and the amount of economic aid and investment promised by the U.S. A third and more recent conflict has been over U.S. support for the now deposed despot Philippine ruler, Ferdinand Marcos, before his ouster from government in 1986. Throughout the post-war alliance, the extent of U.S. security and economic interests in the Philippines dictated to a large degree U.S. policy towards the Filipino government. As a result, U.S. concern for its own interests, in the minds of some Filipinos, took precedence over the best interests of the Filipinos as a whole. They point out that even when it was clear that President Marcos was suffocating the democratic ideal, the U.S. actually increased aid to the Marcos regime. This was done to assure U.S. interests remained intact, at the expense of the Filipino people living under the Marco government. In the transition to the Aquino government, the Filipino people have not forgotten U.S. support for Marcos, who brought suppression and authoritarianism to the Philippines.Consequently, in the early post-war years of the U.S.-Philippine relationship, there was enough mutuality of interests between the two countries, in spite of the economic disagreements, that the Philippine government could still be counted upon to support U.S. objectives and policy in Southeast Asia. In more current times, however, the growing Filipino resentment of ties with the U.S., coupled with the recent political developments within the Philippines, namely the ousting of President Marcos and the continuing domestic unrest under the Aquino government, has cast a shadow over future U.S. relations with the Philippines. This, in turn, has cast U.S. strategic security interests in relation to the Philippines and Southeast Asia in an uncertain light as well. The purpose of this study, therefore, will be to examine how American policy towards the Philippines has affected U.S. security interests in the past, both in Southeast Asia and in the Philippines, and what the future holds for U.S. security interests in the region, especially in regard to the continuing unrest in the Philippine domestic political scene. I will pursue essentially three primary questions in the course of the study: 1) exactly what were the factors that influenced and/or enhanced security relations between the Philippines and the U.S. during the immediate post-war period, and, more specifically, what this relationship entailed in relation to U.S. defence and strategic doctrine; 2) what internal and external factors within both countries upset this previously harmonious relationship; and 3) what the shift in U.S. support from Marcos to Aquino, and also the political shift in the Philippines itself from dictatorship to factionalized "democratic" rule under Aquino, means for U.S. security interests both in the Philippines and the surrounding region. The first chapter will begin with a brief historical overview of the U.S.-Philippine alliance beginning with the U.S. acquisition of the Philippines from Spain in 1898. Vestiges of the great-power rivalry played a determinant role in U.S.-Philippine relations, as did the indigenous situation with the Philippines itself, and these factors will continue to influence future relations. Therefore, a clear understanding of the treaties and defence agreements between the two countries, and the place of the Philippines in U.S. defence doctrine in a historical perspective will allow for a clearer contrast with the current political relationship. The second chapter will deal specifically with U.S.-Philippine security relations during the Marcos regime. Sovereignty and jurisdiction over the U.S military bases first became a major point of conflict under Marcos and remains a prominent issue in the Aquino government. During Marcos’s tenure as President, internal factors within the Philippines such as the domestic political turmoil involving the communist rebellion and the disintegration of centralized political authority affected the U.S.-Philippine security relationship. External factors such as U.S. trade and investment in the Philippines and new relations with other countries, most notably the Soviet Union, have also affected this relationship and have set in motion feelings and demands concerning the U.S. presence in the Philippines that have carried over to the Aquino government. The third chapter will discuss current U.S. and Philippine security interests. These security interests include the naval and air installations on the Philippine Islands themselves (as well as the upcoming lease re-negotiations), the stability of Southeast Asia and U.S. defence agreements, the ASEAN countries and their security concerns, and the containment of a growing Soviet presence in the region, especially in light of the Soviet military bases in Vietnam. The concluding chapter will deal with the consequences of past U.S. policies and how those will influence future relations, especially the upcoming military base lease negotiations. It will assess the U.S. position in the Philippines, in the light of its past relationship, in an attempt to determine the implications for future U.S. strategic interests. I will also attempt to discern, based on the past U.S.-Philippine relationship, whether the current and future relationship will remain beneficial to U.S. security interests, or, conversely, if the Philippines in its current state of political and domestic unrest, poses a "Central American Dilemma" for U.S. policy decisions.
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Books on the topic "Southeast Asia Foreign relations Australia"

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Australia in Southeast Asia: Regionalisation and democracy. Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS, 1998.

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Selochan, Viberto. New directions and new thinking in Australia-Southeast Asia relations. Nathan, Qld: Griffith University, Division of Asian and International Studies, Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations, 1992.

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Walton, David. Australia, Japan and Southeast Asia: Early post-war initiatives in regional diplomacy. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publishers, 2011.

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Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, ed. ASEAN, India, Australia: Towards closer engagement in a new Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009.

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Johannes, Greg. An isolated debating society: Australia in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific. Canberra: Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1992.

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Institute of Southeast Asian Studies and Ajia Keizai Kenkyūjo (Japan), eds. Australia's foreign economic policy and ASEAN. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2010.

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1928-, Dunn James, ed. East Timor: A rough passage to independence. 3rd ed. [Double Bay, N.S.W., Australia]: Longueville Books, 2003.

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Cotton, James. East Timor, Australia and regional order: Intervention and its aftermath in Southeast Asia. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004.

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Ron, Edwards, and Skully Michael T, eds. ASEAN business, trade, and development. Singapore: B-H Asia, 1996.

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East Timor, Australia and regional order: Intervention and its aftermath in Southeast Asia. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Southeast Asia Foreign relations Australia"

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Rangsimaporn, Paradorn. "Southeast Asia in Central Asia’s Foreign Relations." In Central Asia and Southeast Asia, 27–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10112-0_2.

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Patience, Allan. "‘Fear and Greed’? Australia Relations with China." In Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 183–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_6.

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Kruarattikan, Sitthiphon. "Studies of Chinese politics and foreign relations in Thailand." In Researching China in Southeast Asia, 91–102. New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429427039-7.

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Er, Lam Peng. "Japanese Relations with Southeast Asia in an Era of Turbulence." In Japanese Foreign Policy Today, 251–65. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62529-1_14.

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McMahon, Robert J. "Nationalism and Regionalism in an Era of Globalization: US Relations with South and Southeast Asia, 1975-2000." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 440–54. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch24.

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"IV. Vietnam and Southeast Asia." In Vietnam's Foreign Relations, 49–66. ISEAS Publishing, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814377867-005.

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Gungwu, Wang. "Ming foreign relations: Southeast Asia." In The Cambridge History of China, 301–32. Cambridge University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521243339.008.

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Peng, Lam. "Japan’s rivalry with China in Southeast Asia." In Japan's Foreign Relations in Asia, 158–72. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315165936-12.

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"Japan in the foreign relations of the ASEAN states." In Japan's Relations with Southeast Asia, 102–21. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203101551-14.

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"Iran's Foreign Policy Posture Towards Asia." In Economic Relations between West Asia and Southeast Asia, 228–40. ISEAS Publishing, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814376907-027.

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Conference papers on the topic "Southeast Asia Foreign relations Australia"

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Giang, Do Truong. "A preliminary survey of Chinese ceramics in Champa archaeological sites | Khảo sát sơ bộ về đồ gốm sứ Trung Quốc tại các địa điểm khảo cổ học Champa." In The SEAMEO SPAFA International Conference on Southeast Asian Archaeology and Fine Arts (SPAFACON2021). SEAMEO SPAFA, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26721/spafa.pqcnu8815a-12.

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Abstract:
The Champa Kingdom was recognized popularly as a typical maritime polity in premodern Southeast Asia. Thanks to its strategic location between the Chinese market and Southeast Asia and South Asia, the Champa coast became a frequent destination of foreign traders and merchant ships for centuries. Ceramics was among the essential commodities in trade between Champa and international traders. This article relies on archaeological records and field surveys at Champa sites in central Vietnam to provide an overview of the distribution of Chinese ceramics in central Vietnam from the 7th to 10th centuries. Based on this primary data set, the author will discuss the trade and diplomatic relations between Champa and China and their implication to Champa’s state development. Vương quốc Champa được ghi nhận như một vương quốc biển điển hình ở Đông Nam Á thời kỳ cổ trung đại. Nhờ vị trí chiến lược giữa thị trường Trung Quốc với các nước Đông Nam Á và Nam Á, bờ biển Champa trở thành điểm đến thường xuyên của các thương nhân và tàu buôn nước ngoài trong nhiều thế kỷ. Gốm sứ là một trong những mặt hàng thiết yếu trong giao thương giữa Champa và các thương nhân quốc tế. Bài viết này dựa trên các dữ liệu khảo cổ học và kết quả khảo sát thực địa tại các địa điểm khảo cổ học Champa ở miền Trung Việt Nam để cung cấp một cái nhìn mang tính tổng thể về sự phân bố của đồ gốm sứ Trung Quốc ở miền Trung Việt Nam từ thế kỷ thứ 7 đến thế kỷ thứ 10. Dựa trên bộ dữ liệu cơ bản này, tác giả sẽ thảo luận về quan hệ bang giao và thương mại giữa Champa với Trung Quốc thời Đường và ý nghĩa của mối quan hệ này đối với sự phát triển nhà nước của Champa.
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