Books on the topic 'South Red Sea'

Abstract China’s New Red Guards details two worrying trends in contemporary China that point to the revival of Maoism. First, an increasingly popular hard-edged form of nationalism that is reflexively anti-Western has taken root. The second is an unapologetic embrace of extreme authoritarianism that draws inspiration from the Maoist era. China’s assertive stance in the South China Sea and anti-Japanese rhetoric represents the former, and the massive crackdown on liberal thought since Xi Jinping assumed the presidency represents the latter. The result is plain to see: a more authoritarian and more militaristic China. The book goes further than this, though, arguing that what we’re seeing is a full-fledged Maoist revival. The book centers its story around a cast of nationalist intellectuals and activists who have helped unleash a wave of populist enthusiasm and nostalgia for the Great Helmsman’s policies. That, combined with Xi’s quick implementation of a range of authoritarian policies, suggests that the Maoist revival is neither epiphenomenal nor a passing fad. The ramifications, the book suggests, are clear: those in the West who have been predicting waves of democratization and liberalization are living in a dream world, blithely unaware of either the Communist Party’s commitment to authoritarianism or the degree of its residual veneration for the CCP’s founding leaders. In sum, this book demonstrates how ideologies can survive and prosper despite pervasive rumors of their demise.

South Arabian kingdoms based their wealth and power on agriculture and the export of incense and other aromatics so much appreciated in the ancient world. After Aelius Gallus’ campaign against Arabia Felix in 25–24 BC, Roman trade by sea with the region greatly increased compared to the overland caravan routes. This chapter summarizes the political situation in Arabia Felix in those times through the analysis of archaeological, historical, and numismatic evidence and focuses on the harbours and mooring places along the Yemenite and Omani coasts. Italian underwater research at Qanaʾ discovered the ancient anchorage, with ceramics dating between the first and the end of the sixth century AD, with a higher percentage before the fourth century AD. Typological and petrological study suggests the close involvement of the Arabian Peninsula in the web of trade routes that connected the Roman world via the Red Sea with India, and the Persian Gulf.

This book offers an interpretation of the two fragmentary texts of the P. Vindobonensis G 40822, now widely referred to as the Muziris papyrus. Without these two texts, there would be no knowledge of the Indo-Roman trade practices. The book also compares and contrasts the texts of the Muziris papyrus with other documents pertinent to Indo-Mediterranean (or Indo-European) trade in ancient, medieval, and early modern times. These other documents reveal the commercial and political geography of ancient South India; the sailing schedule and the size of the ships plying the South India sea route; the commodities exchanged in the South Indian emporia; and the taxes imposed on the Indian commodities en route from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean. When viewed against the twin backdrops of ancient sources on South Indian trade and of medieval and early modern documents on pepper commerce, the two texts become foundational resources for the history of commercial relationships between South India and the West.

Chapter Abstract: Released at the end of the first cycle of postwar anticommunist noir (1947-1953), Samuel Fuller’s Pickup on South Street (1953) is a canonical Cold War picture; it’s also one of the most overdetermined films made during the McCarthy period, centrally concerned as it is with the atom or hydrogen bomb, sex and violence, treason and espionage, capitalism vs. communism, and the politics of informing. Whereas Pickup on South Street depicts both the police and FBI as crudely utilitarian, indifferent to the human costs of the national-security state apparatus, it simultaneously dramatizes the lives of its small-time hoods and hustlers for whom the threat of the “red menace” is less pressing than the day-to-day, dog-eat-dog grind of trying to remain in the black.

Is International Law International? takes the reader on a sweeping tour of the international legal academy to reveal some of the patterns of difference, dominance, and disruption that belie international law’s claim to universality. Both revealing and challenging, confronting and engaging, this book is a must-read for any international lawyer, particularly in a world of shifting geopolitical power. Pulling back the curtain on the “divisible college of international lawyers,” the author shows how international lawyers in different states, regions, and geopolitical groupings are often subject to differences in their incoming influences and outgoing spheres of influence in ways that affect how they understand and approach international law, including with respect to contemporary controversies like Crimea and the South China Sea. Using case studies and visual representations, the author demonstrates how actors and materials from some states and groups have come to dominate certain transnational flows and forums in ways that make them disproportionately influential in constructing the “international”—a point which holds true for Western actors, materials, and approaches in general, and Anglo-American ones in particular. But these patterns are set for disruption. As the world moves past an era of Western dominance and toward greater multipolarity, it is imperative for international lawyers to understand the perspectives of those coming from diverse backgrounds. By taking readers on a comparative tour of different international law academies and textbooks, the author encourages international lawyers to see the world through others’ eyes—an approach that is pressing in a world of rising nationalism.

Weaving Histories looks at the economic history of South Asia from a fresh perspective, through a detailed study of the handloom industry in colonial South India between 1800 and 1960, drawing out its wider implications for the Indian economy. It employs an unusual array of sources, including paintings and textile samples as well as archival records, to excavate the links between cotton growing, spinning and weaving before the nineteenth century. The rupture and re-configuration of these connections produced a sea-change in the lives of ordinary weavers. Weaving Histories uncovers the impact this transformation had on different kinds of weavers, particulalry those who wove coarse cloth. It unpacks the configuration of forces – social, political and economic – at different levels – local, regional, national and global – that came together to shape this transformation. The book uses this story of the transformation of the handloom industry to throw light on the historical processes at work in creating what has come to be called the ‘informal sector’ in India and more broadly reflect on debates around industrialisation.

This book details how African American women used lessons in basic literacy to crack the foundation of white supremacy and sow seeds for collective action during the civil rights movement. Deanna Gillespie traces the history of the Citizenship Education Program (CEP), a grassroots initiative that taught people to read and write in preparation for literacy tests required for voter registration—a profoundly powerful objective in the Jim Crow South. Born in 1957 as a result of discussions between community activist Esau Jenkins, schoolteacher Septima Clark, and Highlander Folk School director Myles Horton, the CEP became a part of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1961. The teachers, mostly Black women, gathered friends and neighbors in living rooms, churches, beauty salons, and community centers. Through the work of the CEP, literate black men and women were able to gather their own information, determine fair compensation for a day’s work, and register formal complaints. Drawing on teachers’ reports and correspondence, oral history interviews, and papers from a variety of civil rights organizations, Gillespie follows the growth of the CEP from its beginnings in the South Carolina Sea Islands to southeastern Georgia, the Mississippi Delta, and Alabama’s Black Belt. This book retells the story of the civil rights movement from the vantage point of activists who have often been overlooked and makeshift classrooms where local people discussed, organized, and demanded change.

Set against the history of slavery and abolitionism in the Atlantic world, the chapter first considers two essays of 1900 by African American leader W. E. B. Du Bois before addressing ways churches in the United States were often accused of complicity in perpetuating slavery. The chapter assesses the contested status of the ante-bellum black church and the covert worship slaves often needed to take in the South, before turning to the 1830 Southampton Insurrection and the 1831 Great Jamaican Slave Revolt. The focus switches to key texts that drew upon the Bible to oppose slavery, before considering how racial representations in the mid-century offered ambivalent views on racial equality. The chapter then turns to the shifting status of white and black churches during Reconstruction, and the re-entrenchment along racial lines in the late nineteenth century, before broadening out questions of identity and belonging by discussing missionary enterprises to Africa.

The so-called ‘decolonization era’ witnessed a fundamental challenge to (legalized) Western hegemony through a new vision of the institutional environment and political economy of the world. It is during this era, arguably couched between classic European imperialism and a new form of US-led Western hegemony, that fundamental legal debates took place over a new international legal order for a decolonized world. These debates consist in essence of a battle that was fought by diplomats, lawyers and scholars over, in particular, the premises and principles of international law. In a moment of relative weakness of European powers, ‘newly independent states’ and international lawyers from the South fundamentally challenged traditional Western perceptions of international legal structures engaging in fundamental controversies over a new international law. This book argues that international legal structures in many areas of international relations, including international economic law, the use of force, international humanitarian, the law of the sea, and human rights have been transformed during this era. The effect of this transition, however, was enabling the change from classic European imperialism to new forms of US-led Western hegemony. It draws on Koselleck’s Sattelzeit concept—bridging two different forms of global Western dominance—in which fundamental concepts of international law were re-imagined, politicized, and transformed. All aspects of this battle are of vital importance for any future project aiming to address and alter the relationship between international law and fundamental inequalities in this world.

It is with great pleasure to recognise all our partners in the merSETA Viro-Vent Innovation Skills Challenge who contributed to this publication: University of Cape Town, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, University KwaZulu Natal, University of Witwatersrand and National Technologies Implementation Platform. Thank you, Professor Sivarasu, for your leadership of the University of Cape Town for supporting these efforts to find new forms of collaboration that focus on “Skills for localisation” and “Skills for re-industrialisation”. This publication comes at a time when South Africa and the world are still recovering from the devastating effects of the covid-19 pandemic complicated by an emerging war in Ukraine. This is expected to continue disrupting social and economic activities, including education, training, and work. The merSETA and its stakeholders are working tirelessly to ensure that training and other skills development activities continue despite these challenges. This innovation project, among others at the merSETA, utilises existing research and Higher Education Institution (HEI) Infrastructure to stimulate rapid response technology innovation aimed at the development, design and prototype production of a medical device in response not only to the COVID-19 pandemic, but also to an economic sector dominated by imports. To serve the skills development mandate of the merSETA, the project investigates the technology management capabilities or future skills required to accelerate South Africa’s post-covid recovery. The concept of innovation, as vested in this program, is aligned to the merSETA’s strategic intentions, that include: i. Supporting skills for Economic Reconstruction, Recovery and Growth, ii. Supporting skills for the changing world of work, iii. Supporting skills for the growth and sustainability of the green and circular economies and iv. Exploring and supporting the role of the mer-sector in the digital economy, as well as v. Continuing to strengthen the role of the SETA as an intermediary body Making informed sector skills planning decisions is the objective of this program. – that is, to understand those future jobs that would drive the localisation of components in a model that could stimulate expanded manufacturing opportunities through relevant skills supply. The merSETA’s Viro-Vent Innovation Skills Challenge anticipates a contribution towards closing the skills gap through a job generation model. The merSETA remains committed and is looking forward to engaging on how this initiative sees a pipeline of new product innovations expanding the manufacturing sector. We owe it to the citizens of South Africa to find innovative ways of harnessing our young talent into industrial expansion.

On 3 March 1193, in the episcopal palace of Piacenza, in the presence of the bishop of Piacenza and a papal legate (Cardinal Peter of S. Cecilia), Gandolfo, abbot of the Piacentine monastery of S. Sisto, presented a copy of an imperial diploma of the emperor Louis II, dated 4 November 862. The document recorded the donation of the curtes of Guastalla and Luzzara to Louis’ wife, the empress Angilberga, who subsequently left the same lands to the monastery in her will. Abbot Gandolfo stated that the lost original of the imperial diploma had been furnished with a golden seal and three monks of S. Sisto testified on oath that they had read the document and seen and touched the seal. This event marked the beginning of a bitter dispute lasting three decades between the monastery of S. Sisto and the commune of Cremona over possession of Guastalla and Luzzara. Before it was finally resolved in 1227 it attracted the attention of three popes (Innocent III, Honorius III, and Gregory IX), two emperors (Otto IV and Frederick II), three papal legates (including Ugolino da Segni, the future Pope Gregory IX) as well as a large cast of Lombard bishops and abbots employed as papal judges-delegate. It arose principally as a result of Cremona’s attempt to gain control of an area on the south-eastern periphery of its territory or contado. This was not unusual in northern Italy in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries: powerful city communes were everywhere trying to push the boundaries of their political, fiscal, and judicial authority up to, and sometimes beyond, traditionally recognized limits. The Guastalla–Luzzara case is an extremely well-documented instance of this trend: 250 documents relating to it are transcribed together, more or less in sequence, in an early thirteenth-century register of the commune of Cremona known as Codice A. This documentary record reveals in detail the various strategies adopted by the commune of Cremona to achieve its goals and allows the historian to view the dispute against the complicated background of political alliances, power relationships, and war in the Po plain during this period. Moreover, such is the richness of documentation that the case also throws up numerous vivid details of human interest.

De 7 a 12 de setembro de 2018, realizou-se no Instituto de Geografia e Ordenamento do Território da Universidade de Lisboa/IGOT-ULisboa o I Congresso Nós Propomos: Geografia, Educação e Cidadania. Como o título do Congresso rapidamente evidencia, o Congresso decorreu e refletiu a investigação desenvolvida no Projeto Nós Propomos! Cidadania e Inovação na Educação Geográfica, surgido no IGOT-ULisboa, em 2011, e entretanto difundido por outros países. Na realidade, o Projeto Nós Propomos!, para além da sua difusão em Portugal, está hoje presente no Brasil (desde 2014, adquirindo hoje uma assinalável expansão), Espanha (2016), Moçambique (2017), Colômbia (2018), Perú (2018) e México (2018). O Congresso impôs-se, de alguma forma, pela necessidade de partilhar experiências, muito ricas e diversas, desenvolvidas nestes países, e de consolidar a rede daqueles que constroem o Projeto nas suas universidades, escolas e cidades. Nesse sentido, o Congresso surgiu para acolher e potenciar a produção científica em torno do Projeto e uma rede de trabalho construída ao ritmo de sucessivas e localizadas adesões ao Projeto. O Projeto Nós Propomos! é o projeto educativo com origem em Portugal e que mais rapidamente se internacionalizou. No Rio de Janeiro, no Colégio Pedro II, em 2020, teremos o II Congresso. Contudo, o Congresso, ele abriu-se à produção em Geografia e em Educação, ultrapassando o âmbito do Projeto Nós Propomos! Mas há um denominador comum que o leitor encontra neste livro, inspirada no Projeto: a preocupação pela cidadania e, em particular, pela cidadania territorial, entendida como o compromisso de cada um de nós na construção de territórios mais justos e sustentáveis, desse logo à escala local. A produção em Geografia, seja de Geografia Física ou de Geografia Humana, para assumirmos os dois grandes ramos tradicionais, ou a produção em Educação, têm sempre como preocupação comum a promoção de atitudes de cidadania, entre os alunos ou a população, mais em geral. O Projeto Nós Propomos!, ponto de partida do Congresso, desafia os alunos a identificarem problemas da comunidade que sejam relevantes para alunos ou formandos, a realizarem pesquisa documental e trabalho de campo sobre o problema identificado (seja a construção de abrigo para uma paragem de autocarro, a reabilitação de um prédio em ruinas no centro da cidade e que pode ter utilizações sociais variadas, a construção de um museu virtual das produções locais ou uma aplicação para o telemóvel, que informe dos eventos locais), a apresentarem propostas de solução e, finalmente, a partilharem as suas propostas com a comunidade, na perspetiva da sua implementação e discussão. Como refere, no Prefácio, o Sr. Secretário de Estado da Educação, os conteúdos da Geografia são mobilizados para uma intervenção cívica consciente. No Projeto, adota-se uma metodologia simples, passível de ser implementada na generalidade das escolas, e flexível, no respeito pelas circunstâncias concretas de cada escola, de cada comunidade, de cada país. Numa disciplina herdeira tanto de um paradigma universalista, através dos racionalistas do final do século XVIII, como de um paradigma nacionalista, no século XIX, a escala local surge desvalorizada na educação geográfica. A grande rutura do Projeto Nós Propomos! reside, precisamente, em colocar a escala local no centro da disciplina de Geografia e de se assumir, de forma inequívoca, o compromisso da escola na construção de uma comunidade mais harmónica e sustentável. Não é mais aceitável que se aborde (e ainda bem) o mundo, o país e se desvalorize a comunidade que habitamos e que constitui o nosso primeiro espaço de cidadania, ainda que em necessário diálogo com as restantes escalas. Como refere o Sr. Secretário de Estado da Educação no seu Prefácio a este livro, “Nós somos cidadãos do mundo, mas somos os nossos territórios, somos os nossos lugares, somos as relações que se estabelecem localmente”. O carater construtivista do Projeto (através da valorização dos interesses dos alunos), o caráter local do território de estudo e de intervenção, a realização do trabalho de campo, com apelo à auscultação das populações sobre as soluções para os problemas identificados, e a partilha das propostas são as traves-mestras da identidade do Projeto, a que se acrescenta a incorporação da própria designação do Projeto (Nós Propomos!), frequentemente adaptada às línguas dos vários países participantes. O Projeto Nós Propomos! coloca os alunos no centro do processo educativo e este I Congresso Iberoamericano refletiu esta mesma realidade: contou com a participação de cerca de 70 alunos, de Portugal, Espanha (em maior número) e Brasil, num esforço frequentemente hercúleo dos seus docentes, que em muitas comunicações deram testemunho direto das suas experiências. Esta presença e participação de alunos, enquadrados pelos seus pais, constituiu, sem dúvida, uma marca distintiva deste Congresso. Em várias comunicações eles são co-autores, destes que são os seus primeiros textos publicados – e a eles dirigimos uma saudação especial. O livro integra três domínios. O primeiro sobre, o Projeto Nós Propomos!, compreende dois eixos, o primeiro sobre “Experiências Escolares”, com 17 textos; o segundo Eixo, sobre “Perspetivas e Reflexões Teóricas e Metodológicas”, possui 33 capítulos. O domínio seguinte, sobre “Experiências educativas alternativas”, compreende textos não diretamente relacionados com o Projeto Nós Propomos!, mas que vão igualmente ao encontro da procura de propostas inovadoras do ponto de vista pedagógico-didático, compreendendo 17 textos. O Domínio C, sore “Educação e Multidisciplinaridade”, igualmente com 17 capítulos, compreende experiências relacionadas ou não com o Projeto Nós Propomos!, em que a contribuição de várias áreas disciplinares é marcante. A publicação em ebook responde a dois objetivos: a escassez de recursos financeiros para uma publicação em papel de 1000 páginas páginas e, naturalmente, ao esforço de ter a maior divulgação possível na comunidade científica. Para a produção deste livro, muito contribuíram a Comissão Científica do Congresso, presidida pelo Professor Souto González, presidente do Conselho Diretivo do GEOFORUM e professor da Universidade de Valência, e a Comissão Editorial, presidida pelo professor da Universidade de Passo Fundo, Claudionei Lucimar Gengnagel, que desenvolveu um trabalho aturado. Um agradecimento também ao ZOE/Centro de Estudos Geográficos e ao IGOT-ULisboa, editores desta publicação. O penúltimo agradecimento vai para todos os autores que contribuíram para esta obra. O derradeiro agradecimento vai para o leitor, que dá significado à mesma. Estão aqui identificadas e analisadas muitas e diversas práticas de cidadania – ao leitor fica agora a disponibilidade de uma leitura atenta, sempre crítica e, seguramente, proveitosa.

John Wesley founded Methodism as an evangelical renewal movement within the Church of England. That structure encouraged both establishment impulses and Dissenting movements within Methodism in the North American context. In Canada, British missionaries planted a moderate, respectable form of Methodism, comfortable with the establishment. In Ontario, however, Methodism drew from a more democratized, enthusiastic revivalism that set itself apart from the establishment. After a couple of generations, however, these poorer outsiders had moved into the middle class, and Canadian Methodism grew into the largest denomination, with a sense of duty to nurture the social order. Methodism in the United States, however, embodied a paradox representative of a nation founded in a self-conscious act of Dissent against an existing British system. Methodism came to embrace the American cultural centre while simultaneously generating Dissenting movements. After the American Revolution, ordinary Americans challenged deference, hierarchy, patronage, patriarchy, and religious establishments. Methodism adopted this stance in the religious sphere, growing as an enthusiastic, anti-elitist evangelistic campaign that validated the spiritual experiences of ordinary people. Eventually, Methodists began moving towards middle-class respectability and the cultural establishment, particularly in the largest Methodist denomination, the Methodist Episcopal Church (MEC). However, democratized impulses of Dissent kept re-emerging to animate new movements and denominations. Republican Methodists and the Methodist Protestant Church formed in the early republic to protest the hierarchical structures of the MEC. African Americans created the African Methodist Episcopal Church and African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church in response to racism in the MEC. The Wesleyan Methodist Church and the Free Methodists emerged in protest against both slavery and hierarchy. The issue of slavery divided the MEC into northern and southern denominations. The split reflected a battle over which religious vision of slavery would be adopted by the cultural establishment. The denominations remained divided after the Civil War, but neither could gain support among newly freed blacks in the South. Freed from a racialized religious establishment embedded in slavery, former slaves flocked to independent black Methodist and Baptist churches. In the late nineteenth century, Methodism spawned another major evangelical Dissenting movement, the Holiness movement. Although they began with an effort to strengthen Wesleyan practices of sanctification within Methodism, Holiness advocates soon became convinced that most Methodists would not abandon what they viewed as complacency, ostentation, and worldliness. Eventually, Holiness critiques led to conflicts with Methodist officials, and ‘come-outer’ groups forged a score of new Holiness denominations, including the Church of God (Anderson), the Christian Missionary Alliance, and the Church of the Nazarene. Holiness zeal for evangelism and sanctification also spread through the missionary movement, forming networks that would give birth to another powerful, fragmented, democratized movement of world Christianity, Pentecostalism.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.