Academic literature on the topic 'South Korea post–war politics'
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Journal articles on the topic "South Korea post–war politics"
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Lai, Christina. "Economic Nationalism in South Korea and Taiwan: Examining Identity Discourse and Threat Perceptions towards Japan after the Second World War (1960s–1970s)." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 5, no. 2 (July 9, 2018): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797018783110.
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South Korea and Taiwan provide fruitful comparisons in political economy. During the Cold War era, they deepened their trade with Japan. However, the top political leaders in those places exhibited different levels of threat perceptions towards Japan. Why did the leaders formulate their discourse towards Japan so differently in the post-Cold War era? The role of nationalism is salient during their economic take-off periods. The motivations behind these developmental strategies and the discourse used to justify such national growth cannot be excluded from the studies of comparative politics and political economy. This article examines the political discourses of two dictators—Park Chung-hee in South Korea and Chiang Kai-shek in Taiwan—and shows how they justified their policies towards Japan while establishing economic nationalism at the same time. It concludes with findings that are relevant to recent development in comparative studies, and it offers policy implications for East Asian security.
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LEE, AIE-RIE. "Culture Shift and Popular Protest in South Korea." Comparative Political Studies 26, no. 1 (April 1993): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093026001003.
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Dramatic changes have taken place in sociopolitical value orientations in South Korea throughout the post-World War II period, primarily as a function of intergenerational change and rising levels of education. This article, by using the 1982 Korea Gallup Poll survey and the value change thesis, investigates the distribution of a number of fundamental social values and analyzes the extent to which these social values are persisting and/or changing and how they are related to South Koreans' political orientations, particularly protest potential. Also introduced and analyzed are two major types of Korean values prevalent in contemporary Korea: authoritarianism-libertarianism, and traditional versus modern morality. It is found that value change plays an important role in enhancing the potential for involvement in protest activities in South Korea.
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Yoon, Jeongran. "“Victory over Communism: South Korean Protestants’ Ideas about Democracy, Development, and Dictatorship, 1953–1961”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 2-3 (September 12, 2017): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02402016.
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This article complicates the traditional narrative of anti-Communist Christians in Korea, examining the history of anti-communism among them in light of their claims to support democracy and development. Changes in Christian thinking in Korea followed the end of formal fighting in the Korean War. The conflict transformed Korea’s post-colonial history into a developmental struggle, pitting communism versus capitalism in a deadly battle. From the mid-1950s, South Korean Protestants saw the struggle as a competition between two systems, not simply one to eradicate the North Korean regime. From this new perspective, they began condemning political injustice and corruption under President Syngman Rhee. The contradictions in the ideas of Christians were partly embodied in their support for the civil uprising that would topple the Rhee regime, but also in their endorsement of Park Chung-hee’s military takeover in 1961. South Korean Protestants assisted the coup’s central leadership and helped a totalitarian regime come to power. This paradoxical aspect within Korean Protestant history is closely tied to the unique characteristics of its anti-communism and how it evolved after the Korean War.
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Zur, Dafna. "Whose War Were We Fighting? Constructing Memory and Managing Trauma in South Korean Children's Fiction." International Research in Children's Literature 2, no. 2 (December 2009): 192–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1755619809000696.
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The Korean War (1950–3) was one of the most traumatic events in the history of the Korean peninsula. Known commonly as the ‘Forgotten War’, it is explained as a civil war that was exacerbated by the Soviet Union and the United States into an arena for the Cold War. Since then, North and South Korea have had to construct their national identities in accordance with the political ideologies that defined them. Consequently, each has told their national birth story – the story of division and war – in historical narratives for children. While a strict anti-communist ideology muted personal experiences of the war that might diverge from the anti-communist rhetoric of the immediate post-war period, contemporary children's literature reveals that the authority that the myth of innocence maintains in children's fiction firmly places the child protagonists in a position to pose tough questions about the nature of the conflict. Hegemonic Korean War narratives are challenged in contemporary fiction through ‘truth-telling’ uses of realism and folktales; at the same time, this paper questions the extent to which contemporary fiction presents its young audience with freedom of interpretation, and asks what implications it has for the relief of trauma.
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Yeo, Yezi. "The good, the bad, and the forgiven: The media spectacle of South Korean male celebrities’ compulsory military service." Media, War & Conflict 10, no. 3 (February 1, 2017): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635217694122.
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For almost 70 years, South Korea has upheld the principle of universal male conscription, and the military has been a potent force in post-war South Korean political, economic, and social development. The role and significance of male conscription and the military establishment in South Korean society have been explored from the perspective of political, social, and gender/post-colonial studies. However, there is a considerable lack of academic research assessing the social meanings behind the highly publicized conduct of male celebrities’ negotiating the issue of their compulsory military service, which has turned increasingly into media spectacles since the mid-1990s. This study attempts to provide an insight into the political and social ramifications of such media events by tracing the military service and male celebrity discourse through several major conscription scandals in the South Korean mass media. By simultaneously policing and exploiting the ‘sacred’ duty to serve, these media scandals reinforce what it means to be a true ‘Korean man’.
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Song, Jiyoung. "The Right to Survival in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2010): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517689.
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AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.
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Vorontsov, A., T. Ponka, and E. Varpahovskis. "MIDDLEPOWERMANSHIP IN KOREAN FOREIGN POLICY." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.1.60.5.
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As a result of the Post-Cold War development, the international relations have shifted from bipolarism to a multipolarism. Once relevant Western-born IR theories lack explanatory power. Current IR witness the growing role of the non-Western states both in regional and international domains. Consequently, there is a growing need for appropriate IR theories that could explain the changing world structure, describe the role of new powers in international politics and define future development. Thus, it is essential to study non-Western research that focuses on conceptualization of ongoing processes from its perspective.The authors analyze the IR theories developed by South Korean scholars. The purpose of this article is to analyze South Korean interpretations of the middlepowermanship that considers the Republic of Korea’s unique regional and global context. South Korean scholars agree on a particular geostrategic location of the state. The geopolitical location, absence of natural resources and limited military power hinder South Korea’s ability to use hard power in regional and international politics. However, South Korea’s economic development and creative approach in foreign policy translate into middle power diplomacy, which includes niche diplomacy, moderating role in relations between greater powers, regional cooperation promotion, and development of the international legal system.The authors conclude that South Korean version of middle power theory is continuously being (re) interpreted and adapted to the country’s foreign policy. South Korea is to be a a bridge between the great powers in the region.
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Kim, Michael. "The Han’gŭl Crisis and Language Standardization: Clashing Orthographic Identities and the Politics of Cultural Construction." Journal of Korean Studies 22, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-4153412.
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Abstract The first attempt at spelling reform in South Korea took place in the early 1950s as the Korean War (1950–53) drew to a close. The subsequent Han’gŭl Crisis is often interpreted as an example of the authoritarianism of President Syngman Rhee (Yi Sŭngman), yet the event also represents a clash of generations between the supporters of the Unified Orthography of 1933 and the previous spelling standard. During the han’gŭl simplification debates, the legacies of Chu Sigyŏng (1876–1914) and Pak Sŭngbin (1880–1943) reemerged as their followers continued a contentious linguistic debate that stretched back into the colonial period. The event ended as a victory for the Unified Orthography of 1933, but several ambiguous questions remain for further investigation. Ultimately, behind the claims of “scientific rationalism” in the current han’gŭl spelling are the forgotten memories of linguistic activism and the difficulties in uniting divergent linguistic practices in post-Liberation Korean society.
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Howson, Richard, and Brian Yecies. "The Role of Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood in the New Korea." Masculinities & Social Change 5, no. 1 (February 21, 2016): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/mcs.2016.1047.
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We argue that during the 1940s Hollywood films had an important role to play in the creation of a postwar South Korean society based on the new global U.S. hegemony. The connections between political and economic change in South Korea and socio-cultural factors have hitherto scarcely been explored and, in this context, we argue that one of the key socio-cultural mechanisms that supported and even drove social change in the immediate post-war period was the Korean film industry and its re-presentation of masculinity. The groundbreaking work of Antonio Gramsci on hegemony is drawn on – in particular, his understanding of the relationship between “commonsense” and “good sense” – as well as Raewyn Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity. The character of Rick in the 1941 Hollywood classic Casablanca is used to illustrate the kind of hegemonic masculinity favoured by the U.S. Occupation authorities in moulding cultural and political attitudes in the new Korea.
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Fleckenstein, Timo, and Soohyun Christine Lee. "Democratization, post-industrialization, and East Asian welfare capitalism: the politics of welfare state reform in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 33, no. 1 (February 2017): 36–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2017.1288158.
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This review article provides an overview of the scholarship on the establishment and reform of East Asian welfare capitalism. The developmental welfare state theory and the related productivist welfare regime approach have dominated the study of welfare states in the region. This essay, however, shows that a growing body of research challenges the dominant literature. We identify two key driving factors of welfare reform in East Asia, namely democratization and post-industrialization; and discuss how these two drivers have undermined the political and functional underpinnings of the post-war equilibrium of the East Asian welfare/production regime. Its unfolding transformation and the new politics of social policy in the region challenge the notion of “East Asian exceptionalism”, and we suggest that recent welfare reforms call for a better integration of the region into the literature of advanced political economies to allow for cross-fertilization between Eastern and Western literatures.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "South Korea post–war politics"
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Wright, Brendan. "Civil war, politicide, and the politics of memory in South Korea, 1948-1961." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59158.
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This thesis explores the history and memory of three incidents of massacres committed by South Korean government forces during the Korean civil war (1948-1953) against alleged "communists"—the Cheju Incident, the National Guidance League Incident, and the Kŏch'ang Incident. These three episodes were part of a broader "politicide" that was organized and facilitated by the nascent South Korean National Security State. Drawing from sources unearthed by the South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the National Committee for the Investigation of the Truth about the Cheju 4.3 Incident, and various bereaved family associations, this dissertation demonstrates that this politicide was rooted in processes of anticommunist ideological consolidation and state building that were predicated upon the obliteration of the "communist" other, in the context of a fratricidal civil war. From 1953 to 1960, in the aftermath of this period of mass violence, survivors and bereaved families were subjected to legal, economic, and social discrimination from the state, which threatened these families with "social death". Most profoundly, state prohibitions on the burial and mourning of "communists" engendered a social crises within these communities. However, some families were granted the right to mourn, and through the construction of mass graves honouring the victims, these families articulated an alternative identity than that imposed by the anticommunist state: one that was rooted in the notion of a unified bereaved subject. In 1960, the authoritarian First Republic collapsed, leading to a brief period of liberation. In this context, victims formed Bereaved Family Associations. Through petitions, advertisements, private and public mourning practices, and the establishment of "truth" committees, the Bereaved Family Associations offered a radical rethinking of the Korean War past. The lynchpin of this strategy was an alternative nationalist narrative in which the alleged "communists" were reconceived as patriotic martyrs for a not-yet-authored unified democratic state. However, in the wake of the military coup of May 16, 1961, these efforts were brutally repressed, as the military junta arrested and tortured the Bereaved Family Associations' leadership, destroyed monuments dedicated the atrocities' victims, and desecrated the mass graves built to honour the spirits of the dead.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Kim, Sungmoon. "A post-confucian civil society liberal collectivism and participatory politics in South Korea /." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/7648.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2007.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Weld, David. "Reconceptualising South Africa's international identity : post-apartheid foreign policy in a post-cold war world." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14274.
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Bibliography: leaves 74-78.With the ending of the apartheid regime and the transition to power of a government of national unity, South Africa is now a legitimate member of the international community. It has joined the Organisation of African Unity, the British Commonwealth, and the Southern African Development Community, and it is busily fostering trade links with Europe, North America, the Far East, and Latin America. Its diplomats have worked to mediate conflicts in Angola and Mozambique, and its president is widely seen as an international statesman and a moral leader of almost unprecedented repute. Yet the new· government continues to operate within South Africa's traditional international paradigm and has not yet developed a unique global role that reflects the country's internal "negotiated revolution". As a result, substantial challenges face efforts to forge a new south African approach to the world. From outside the country, forces unleashed by the fall of communism and the rise of a truly global marketplace mark a volatile and uncertain transition in world history. From the inside, political transition has sparked a redefinition of what it means to be South African, but this has not been reflected in new policies. The Foreign Ministry is widely recognised as a bastion of old-guard stalwarts; the ANC and NP have done little to reconcile their past international experiences; and. the information flow on international political and economic trends has barely improved since April 1994, leaving interest groups and private citizens in the new democracy generally uninformed and therefore unable to help pressure policy. The result is a foreign policy over the past year that has had little vision and few cohesive threads, and has left a score of unresolved issues. The 'new' South Africa's relations with Cuba and China, its policies on illegal immigration, and regional development plans are all issues that require visionary, decisive leadership but for which none has yet been provided. What energy or vision, for example, has South Africa brought to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) since it joined last August? In the global peacekeeping debate, and again with Cuba and China, South Africa has made little effort to recognise more pro-active roles for which it is well equipped. Why is it not asserting itself? Who actually is in charge of its foreign policy? Few thus would deny that a paralysis has settled in on South African foreign policy. A recent analysis in the Weekly Mail lamented, "We are not consistent. We have not formulated clear principles. The formulators of our foreign policy do not consult with the people. The new appointments to our foreign ministry complain of being sidelined. There is no clear break with the past". At the core of this inaction is the fact that policy makers have failed to reconceptualise the way international issues are seen and policy is made. The world has changed and South Africa has changed, both dramatically; yet Cold War debates still divide the policy framework, old style security thinking still dominates higher ranks, and most importantly, the growing inter linkages between domestic and foreign policies in a post-Cold War world have gone largely unheeded. It is thus appropriate to sound a note of urgency: change and uncertainty in the world and dramatic transformation at home combine to make this an inopportune, even dangerous, time to have a directionless foreign policy. The broad purpose· of this paper is to identify the salient external and internal factors that will drive a new South African approach to the world. The first chapter presents a synthesis of dominant global trends, and sets them against the backdrop of major structural changes in international relations. The second chapter discusses change in South Africa in relation to world changes, new state objectives and shifting interest groups, and considers these implications for three major foreign policy areas. The third chapter looks at the policy framework and the ability of policy makers to conceptualise these dual changes and to formulate effective policies. The final chapter offers a 'road map' of policy options towards a true postapartheid, post-Cold War foreign policy.
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Van, Vuuren Ian. "Varieties of neoliberalism within the Post-Cold War period : economic policy in the Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79903.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis describes the development of neoliberalism within the global context and explains how this ideology influenced economic policy formulation in post-apartheid South Africa. Policies from the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) to the New Economic Growth Path (NEGP) are analysed within the timeframe from 1996 to 2011 to determine how and whether neoliberalism had an impact on policy formulation. The development of neoliberal thinking is historicised to illustrate how it became the dominant ideational framework at the world order level. This was a path dependent process which is traced at the social, institutional and ideational levels. The establishment of the Mont Pelerin Society, the development of the post-Second World War economic order and the development and implementation of the Washington Consensus are important aspects of a counter-ideational challenge to Keynesianism which took place over some 25 years. The rationale behind neoliberalism and the implementation of neoliberal policies is strongly motivated by assumptions such as private property rights, deregulation of trade, finance and production and a form of state which facilitates market dominant policies. Neoliberalism strongly came to prominence during the 1970s and 1980s. During this time increased pressure was placed on the South African apartheid government from outside and inside to implement more market-orientated or neoliberal economic policies. It became increasingly evident that South Africa’s isolation to economic globalisation was not sustainable. At the time of the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990, the ANC did not have a clearly formulated economic programme. Neoliberal thinking gradually gained in influence among ANC leaders and policy makers and after the party resoundingly won the 1994 elections, it seemed that neoliberal thinking became well established, albeit with some important variations and distinctive characteristics. The Growth, Employment and Redistribution programme did not fully achieve its primary goals of employment creation and redistribution, although a period of economic growth (2002-2006) did follow the first phase of its implementation. This led to a rethink and reevaluation of economic policy, particularly after the global financial crisis (2007-2009). The first “rethink” led to the adoption of the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA). This shift is regarded by some analysts as an economic transition period from GEAR to a more developmentalist and interventionist policy, but is, in fact, characterised by continuity and is in line with the World Bank’s post-Washington consensus thinking. This period is also characterised by internal tensions within the ANC and the leadership struggle between Jacob Zuma and Thabo Mbeki (the incumbent president and architect of GEAR), Zuma’s victory was regarded as a victory for the left, but was followed by minor concessions and more continuity in policy, notwithstanding the launching of the NEGP in 2011 which spells out some goals for democratising and restructuring the economy. The study concludes that neoliberalism had a unique influence on economic policy formulation in South Africa even though it was not a pure reflection of neoliberal policies. Economic policy formulation in South Africa has undergone constant change and adaptation and reflects the shifting balance of power between the major social forces related to production and finance in the country. At the rhetorical level, policy seems to be moving in the direction of a democratic developmental state and this needs to be viewed within the context of the circumstances which led to the development of the RDP, GEAR and the NEGP.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis beskryf die ontwikkeling van neoliberalisme binne die globale konteks en verduidelik hoe hierdie ideologie ekonomiese beleidformulering in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed het. Ekonomiese beleid vanaf die Herkonstruksie en Ontwikkling-program (HOP), die Groei, Indiensneming en Herverspreiding-program (GIEH) en die Nuwe Ekonomiese Groei-pad (NEGP) word geanaliseer binne die tydsbestek vanaf 1996-2011, ten einde te bepaal hoe en of neoliberalisme ’n impak op beleidsformulering in die land gehad het. Die ontwikkeling van neoliberale denke word histories beskryf ten einde te illustreer hoe dit, op die wêreld-orde vlak, die dominante ideologiese raamwerk vir ekonomiese beleid geword het. Hierdie proses was afhanklik van ’n aantal duidelik lynverwante fases wat nagespoor word op die kontinuum van sosiale, institusionele en idees dimensies. Die vorming van die Mont Pelerin Stigting, die ontwikkeling van die na-oorlogse (WWII) ekonomiese orde en die ontwikkeling en implementering van die Washington-konsensus is belangrike aspekte van die bou van ’n ideologiese alternatief vir Keynesianisme wat oor ongeveer 25 jaar plaasgevind het. Die rasionaal onderliggend aan neoliberalisme en daarmee gepaardgaande beleid word sterk gemotiveer deur die aannames van privaat eiendomsregte, deregulering van handel, finanasies en produksie en ’n staatsvorm wat mark-dominante beleid fasiliteer. Neoliberalisme het tydens die 1970s and 1980s prominent geword. Tydens hierdie periode is van buite en van binne toenemende druk op die apartheid regime geplaas om meer markgeorienteerde en neoliberale beleidsveranderinge te implementeer. Dit is veral tydens die 1980s dat dit al hoe duideliker geword het dat Suid-Afrika se isolasie in ’n ekonomies globaliserende wêreld nie meer haalbaar was nie. Ten tye van die ontbanning van die ANC en die vrylating van Nelson Mandela in 1990, het die ANC nie ’n duidelik geformuleerde ekonomiese program en beleid gehad nie. Teen 1994, het neoliberale denke geleidelik in invloed toegeneem onder ANC leiers en beleidmakers, en na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing, het dit voorgekom asof dit goed gevestig was, met nietemin belangrike plaaslike variasies en onderskeibare kenmerke. Die GIEH, wat as die amptelike vervatting van neoliberale ekonomiese beleid beskou kan word, het nie ten volle sy primêre doelwitte van werkskepping en herverspreiding bereik nie, alhoewel ’n periode van ekonomiese groei (2002-2006) wel gevolg het na die eerste fase van dié beleid se implementering. Dit het tot ’n herbeskouing en herevaluering gelei, veral na die globale finansiële krisies (2007-2009). Die eerste “herformulering” van beleid het gelei tot die aanname van die Versnelde en Gedeelde Groei-inisiatief vir Suid-Afrika (VGGISA). Hierdie ontwikkeling is deur sommige waarnemers beskou as ’n ekonomiese oorgang van GIEH na ’n meer ontwikkelingsgerigte en intervensionistiese staat, maar is, in der waarheid, gekenmerk deur kontinuïteit en was in pas met die post-Washington konsensus beleid van die Wêreld Bank. Hierdie periode is ook noemenswaardig vir interne spanninge binne die ANC en die leierskaps-stryd tussen Jacob Zuma en Thabo Mbeki (die sittende president en argitek van GIEH). Zuma se oorwinning is beskou as ’n oorwinning vir die linksgesindes in die Drieparty Alliansie (ANC, COSATU en SACP), maar is gevolg deur klein toegewings en meer kontinuïteit in ekonomiese beleid. Dit, nieteenstaande die feit dat die NEGP in 2011 lanseer is,met as onderbou die demokratisering en herstrukturering van die ekonomie. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat neoliberalisme ’n unieke invloed op ekonomiese beleidsformulering in Suid-Afrika gehad het, selfs al was dit nie ’n suiwer weerspieëling van hierdie denkrigting nie. Ekonomiese beleidsformulering ondergaan voortdurend verandering en aanpassing en weerspieël veranderinge in magsverskuiwinge tussen die vernaamste sosiale magte verwant aan produksie en finansies in die land. Op die retoriese vlak, skyn dit asof beleid besig is om te verander in die rigting van ’n demokratiese onwikkelings-staat en dit moet gesien word binne die konteks van die omstandighede wat gelei het tot die ontwikkeling van die HOP, GIEH en NEGP.
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Hwang, Junghyun. "Specters of the Cold War in America's century the Korean War and transnational politics of national imaginaries in the 1950s /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3336473.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed December 16, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 206-219).
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Virk, Kudrat. "Developing countries and humanitarian intervention in international society after the Cold War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:60fbdfeb-341c-430c-91c7-5071397a0e47.
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This thesis examines the policies, positions, and perspectives of developing countries on the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention after the Cold War, focusing on the period between 1991 and 2001. In doing so, it questions the role of opposition that conventional wisdom has allotted to them as parochial defenders of sovereignty. Instead, the thesis reveals variation and complexity, which militates against defining the South, or the issues that humanitarian intervention raises, in simplistic either-or terms. Part I draws on insights about ‘sovereignty as what states make of it’ to break the classic pluralism-solidarism impasse that has otherwise stymied the conversation on humanitarian intervention and confined the South as a whole to a ‘black box’ labelled rejectionism. It reconstructs the empirical record of developing countries at large on six cases of military intervention (northern Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Kosovo, and East Timor), revealing variation that defies easy categorization. It also charts a cumulative and dynamic trend within the South towards a grey area between pluralism and solidarism that shows how these were not diametrically opposed positions. Following from that, Part II looks in-depth at India and Argentina. Whereas Argentina accepted the idea of humanitarian intervention, India remained reluctant to countenance it and persistently objected to the development of a new rule in its favour. Part II argues that the level of congruence between the emerging norm and the two countries’ prevailing values, aspirations, and historically constructed ways of thinking played a key role in determining the different levels of acceptance that the idea found with them. Part III delves deeper into the substance of their views. It shows how neither country constructed mutually exclusive choices between pluralism and solidarism, sovereignty and human rights, and intervention and non-intervention. Rather, both exhibited an acute awareness of the dilemmas of protecting human rights in a society of states, and a wariness of yes-no answers. Cumulatively, this thesis thus points away from thinking about the South itself as a given category with clear, shared or pre-determined ideas, and towards a more nuanced and inclusive conversation on humanitarian intervention.
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Katsav, Amit. "South Korea's democratisation process : the international factor." Master's thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/7157.
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Armstrong, Dlynn Faith. "South Korea's foreign policy in the post-Cold War era a middle power perspective /." 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/38277531.html.
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Lin, I.-Chun, and 林怡君. "The Relationship Between China and South Korea in Post-Cold War Era." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/95780188796134602481.
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碩士淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士班
95
China’s diplomatic policies are more flexible after the reform policy.It’s mare care about the development of economic.Because the countries all over the world are devoted to developing their own economic strength, they never ignore the huge market and plentiful resource. In this thesis, choosing China and South Korea as the research object, the main purpose, is to offer a clear direction to prove that the relations between the two countries are closer and closer, and more and more steady, according to the concrete contacts in the political and economical aspect. Because China and South Korea are the regional big countries in North-East Asia, it’s very important that the relations between the two countries could bring the steady factor th the North-East Asia.On anther hand, the South Korea’s experience with China, may offer some examples to Taiwan when associating with China.
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Chung, Jae Won Edward. "Picturing Everyday Life: Politics and Aesthetics of Saenghwal in Postwar South Korea, 1953-1959." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8Z89QVS.
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Following the collapse of the Japanese Empire (1945) and the devastation of the Korean War (1950-1953), the question of how to represent and imagine “everyday life” or “way of life” (saenghwal, 生活) became a focal point of post-colonial and Cold War contestations. For example, President Syngman Rhee’s administration attempted to control the discourse of “New Life” (shinsaenghwal) by linking the spatio-temporality of the everyday to reconstruction and modernization. “Everyday life” was also a concept of strategic interest to the United States, whose postwar hegemonic ambitions in East Asia meant spreading “the truth” about an idealized vision of American way of life through government agencies such as the United States Information Service (USIS). These ideas and representations were designed to interpellate the South Korean people into a particular kind of regulatory relationship with their bodies and minds, their conduct of their day-to-day lives, their vision of themselves within the nation and the “Free World.” “Everyday life” became, in other words, part-and-parcel of Cold War governmentality’s mechanism of subjectification.
Overly privileging these top-down discourses and techniques, however, can foreclose a nuanced understanding of a rich and complex set of negotiations over the meaning of saenghwal underway in both elite intellectual and popular imagination. Through my examination of literature, criticism, reportage, human-interest stories, government bulletins, philosophical essays, photography (artistic, popular, journalistic, archival, exhibition), cartoons, and educational and feature films, I characterize this period broadly in terms of “postwar crisis of modernity.” If “colonial modernity” in Korea had consisted of tensions and collaborations between colonialism, enlightenment, and modernization, then the emergent neocolonial order of the Cold War would give rise to a reconfiguration of this problematic: national division, South Korea’s semi-sovereignty vis-à-vis the U.S. and the denial of decolonization accompanied by the false promise of democratic freedom and American-style prosperity. Negotiations of this crisis can be found across urban and rural space, contesting the representation and dissemination of universalist and developmentalist “everyday life,” which was linked to the postwar restoration of the enlightenment subject. The stakes of these contestations through the framework of saenghwal could be ontological, aesthetic, economic, affective or universalist, and were articulated across popular and intellectual registers.
While works of recent English-language scholarship in modern Korean history have productively explored the question of everyday life during the colonial period and in DPRK after liberation, no work thus far has examined the significance of the relationship between intermediality and saenghwal in the cultural field of ROK in the postwar 1950s. In addition to building on the current trend of scholarship that emphasizes the continuity between colonial and post-colonial cultural formations, my analysis of literature opens up future avenues of research for those interested in understanding literature’s intersection with modes of reportage, photography, and mass visuality. The chapter on the countryside draws from a diverse array of cultural productions to analyze a space that has traditionally been discussed within the limited geopolitical context of U.S. aid and development; no scholar to my knowledge has undertaken medium-specific inquiry to think through ontological and aesthetic negotiations unfolding in the countryside. My chapter on film culture reads the postwar debates around plagiarism/imitation, melodrama/sinp’a, and realism/neorealism through the gendering discourse of “everyday feelings” (saenghwal kamjŏng), and analyzes understudied films of the era with particular attention paid to their exploration of postwar sentiment. Finally, the last chapter intervenes on the wealth of existing scholarship on The Family of Man in visual studies by situating it within a broader formation of the postwar enlightenment subject as a democratic modernizing ideal. By focusing on the affective premise of this ideal, I contribute to the existing scholarship on theories of everyday life, sovereignty, and Cold War culture, which have tended to neglect the role of intermediation and affective interpellation in the governmentality of everyday life.
Books on the topic "South Korea post–war politics"
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International Institute for Strategic Studies. Conference. Asia's international role in the Post-Cold War era: Papers from the 34th annual conference of the IISS held inSeoul, South Korea, 9-12 September 1992. London: Brassey's for The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1993.
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T'allaengjŏn'gi Pukhan ŭi taenam chŏngch'aek ŭi sŏngkyŏk yŏn'gu: Chŏngch'esŏng ŭi chŏngch'i wa kwŏllyŏk chŏngch'i ŭi sangho chagyong ŭl chungsim ŭro = A study of characteristics of the North Korean policy toward South Korea during the post-cold war era: focusing on an interaction between identity politics and power politics. 2nd ed. Sŏul-si: Taehan Ch'ulp'ansa, 2011.
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North and South Korea. London: Wayland, 2011.
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1935-, Kim Samuel S., ed. The North Korean system in the Post-Cold War era. New York: Palgrave, 2001.
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Literature and film in Cold War South Korea: Freedom's frontier. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012.
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Holden, Charles J. In the great maelstrom: Conservatives in post-Civil War South Carolina. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2002.
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Berger, Carl. The Korea knot, a military-political history. New York: Greenwood Press, 1986.
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Carl, Berger. The Korea knot: A military-political history. New York: Greenwood Press, 1986.
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Acharya, Amitav. A new regional order in South-east Asia: ASEAN in the post-Cold war era. London: Brassey's for the International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1993.
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The prosecution of former military leaders in newly democratic nations: The cases of Argentina, Greece, and South Korea. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland & Co., 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "South Korea post–war politics"
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Kim, Dong-Choon. "How Anti-Communism Disrupted Decolonization: South Korea’s State-Building Under US Patronage." In The Palgrave Handbook of Anti-Communist Persecutions, 185–202. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54963-3_8.
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AbstractKorea had been a Japanese colony from 1910 to 1945. Instead of becoming independent and unified, it was divided in the aftermath of World War II. The chapter describes how the American Cold War strategy of anti-communism penetrated the internal politics of South Korea, and distorted, or even prevented, like in other countries the process of decolonization, keeping the colonial apparatus in place. The historical task of reshaping the post-colonial order in East Asia was overshadowed for the US by requirements of its new hegemony and the need to rebuild the region’s capitalist economies. The systematic elimination of former independence activists, including right-wing nationalists in South Korea, by extreme anti-communists who had worked for the Japanese foretold the dominance of anti-communism in politics. The ideology of anti-communism brought South Koreans permanent surveillance, political terror, and mass killing like during colonial subjugation.
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Drake, David. "From Kravchenko to Hungary via Korea." In Intellectuals and Politics in Post-War France, 63–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509634_4.
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Lee, Inyeop. "Legacies of Japanese colonial rule and the Korean War." In Politics in North and South Korea, 11–28. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315627014-2.
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Gray, Kevin. "Plus ça Change? South Korea’s Democratization and the Politics of the Cold War." In The Quality of Democracy in Korea, 239–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63919-2_9.
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Mel, Neloufer de. "Risky Subjects: Militarization in Post-war Sri Lanka." In Women and Politics of Peace: South Asia Narratives on Militarization, Power, and Justice, 137–54. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9789353280239.n7.
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Jung, Hyomin, and Motoki Takahashi. "Quest for Sublation of Economic Development and Poverty Reduction: Dual Features of Japan’s Aid in the Post-Cold War Era and After." In International Development Cooperation of Japan and South Korea, 105–28. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4601-0_5.
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Towle, Ashley. "Randolph Cemetery and the Politics of Death in the Post-Civil War South." In Cultures of Memory in the Nineteenth Century, 145–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37647-5_8.
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Kim, Tae-Young. "Historical Overview of English Learning in South Korea: The U.S. Military Government, Korean War, and Post-War Reconstruction Period." In Historical Development of English Learning Motivation Research, 63–107. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2514-5_3.
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Kim, Su Yun. "Postcolonial Interracial Intimacy." In Imperial Romance, 126–36. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501751882.003.0007.
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This chapter discusses postcolonial intimacy by surveying post-1945 cultural productions on Korean–Japanese intermarriage. It offers a short sketch of the construction of the postcolonial memory of colonial intimacy in South Korean popular culture and analyzes the normalization of Korean patriarchal narratives about Korean–Japanese relationships. It also reviews the “Hyŏnhaet'an” narrative with the movie Hyŏnhaet'an Ŭn algoitta in 1961 and the post-1998 lifting of the ban on Japanese culture in South Korea, particularly the differences between the reception of the Japanese film Hotaru in Japan and Korea. The chapter looks at the 2010s, with the movies Tŏkhye ongju (The last princess), Agassi (The handmaiden), and Pak Yŏl (Anarchist from colony). It recounts the Korean War and the Cold War politics that dominated both North and South for the next few decades and impeded the decolonization process in the Korean Peninsula.
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Peterson, James W. "America and Russia pivot towards Asia: political differences yield to economic rivalry." In Russian-American Relations in the Post-Cold War World. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105783.003.0010.
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Both America and Russia, for different reasons, decided to undertake a policy pivot towards Asia. For President Obama, such a pivot may have represented a needed change from preoccupation with tough issues in the Middle East, Iraq, and Afghanistan. President Putin may have looked East in an effort to get away from constant preoccupation with issues related to Crimea and the eastern edge of Europe. The Asian-Pacific Economic Community (APEC) offered a common forum of communication for both wth other Asian states. However, both powers had different historical reasons for pursuing the overture to Asian states. For the United States, a major defense agreement with South Korea was a result of the Korean War of the 1950s, while its long engagement in the Vietnam War of the 1960s and 70s provided it with additional historical experiences in the region. Russia concerned itself with intensified trade relations and also defined the region to include Central Asian states that had formerly been republics in the Soviet Union. U.S. troops had been a presence in the region for decades, and the multi-state controversy over Chinese actions in the South China Sea also bore in part a defensive component.
Conference papers on the topic "South Korea post–war politics"
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Kim, Wooyeong. "From Reconstruction to Modernization: Cold War Politics and the U.S. Educational Aid Programs in South Korea." In 2022 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1889550.
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