Journal articles on the topic 'South Australian politics'

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1

WALKER, R. B. "Catherine Helen Spence and South Australian Politics." Australian Journal of Politics & History 15, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1969.tb00938.x.

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Cornelius, Karen, and Aidan Cornelius-Bell. "Systemic racism, a prime minister, and the remote Australian school system." Radical Teacher 122 (April 28, 2022): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2022.935.

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Remote Australian schools face complex contextual issues due to systemic and enduring disadvantage. The structures and systems put in place to support and provide advantage for Indigenous Australians continually fail to meet their mark due to colonial structures, policies and inability to understand remote contextual demands. In South Australia, the context of this paper, systemic disadvantage disproportionately affects Indigenous people. This article explores the contemporary colonial landscape of a remote school context, provides background on the colonial institutions which shape the interactions and services provided to people in remote Australian areas, and provides two empirical examples of the contemporary, structural, and harmful influence of policy and political figures in a remote school. By examining the politics of being a school leader, the policy background for remote Australian schools, and the unique challenges of position both in policy and physical terms, we show how contemporary racism structures and conditions the lives of young people in remote contexts today.
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3

Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.

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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
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4

McManus, Phil. "The Potential and Limits of Progressive Neopluralism: A Comparative Study of Forest Politics in Coastal British Columbia and South East New South Wales during the 1990s." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 34, no. 5 (May 2002): 845–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a3429.

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During the 1990s the management of forests in British Columbia (Canada) and New South Wales (Australia) underwent many changes. For most of the decade the governments in both of these political jurisdictions were more socially and environmentally aware than their immediate predecessors. They were, however, far short of what many environmental and social activists desired. The New Democratic Party in British Columbia, led to government by Mike Harcourt, and the Australian Labor Party in New South Wales led by Bob Carr, may both be described as ‘centre-left/light-green’ in their political persuasions. This paper develops the regulation approach to explore the achievements, the potential and the limitations of these governments in the area of forest politics. It is argued that these governments implicitly adopted a progressive neopluralist approach to forest politics and attempted to manage environmental conflict by securing the agreement of many diverse interest groups. The experience of these two governments raises questions about the potential and limitations not just of the particular governments, but of a progressive neopluralist political strategy to achieve sustainable forest management.
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Silverstein, Ben. "In Apartheid’s Shadow: Australian Race Politics and South Africa, 1945–1975." Australian Historical Studies 51, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2020.1746993.

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6

Shelton, G. L., R. Catley, and A. D. Schmulow. "Trading politics for the politics of trade: South African and Australian relations in the New Millenium." Journal of Australian Studies 24, no. 66 (January 2000): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050009387611.

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7

Stockwell, Stephen. "The Lure of Independence." Cultural Studies Review 11, no. 2 (October 25, 2013): 218–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v11i2.3673.

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8

Bonnell, Andrew G. "Transnational Socialists? German Social Democrats in Australia before 1914." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000284.

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Emigration from the German states was a mass phenomenon in the “long” nineteenth century. Much of this migration was of course labour migration, and German workers were very much on the move during the nineteenth century: in addition to the traditional Wanderschaft (travels) of journeymen, the century saw increasing internal migration within and between German-speaking lands, migration from rural areas to cities, and the participation of working people in emigration to destinations outside Europe. Over five million Germans left the German states from 1820 to 1914, with a large majority choosing the United States as their destination, especially in the earliest waves of migration. By comparison with the mass migration to North America, the flow of German migrants to the British colonies in Australia (which federated to form a single Commonwealth in 1901) was a relative trickle, but the numbers were still significant in the Australian context, with Germans counted as the second-largest national group among European settlers after the “British-born” (which included the Irish) in the nineteenth century, albeit a long way behind the British. After the influx of Old Lutheran religious dissidents from Prussia to South Australia in the late 1830s, there was a wave of German emigrants in the 1840s and 1850s, driven by the “push” factor of agrarian and economic crisis in the German states in the 1840s followed by the attraction of the Australian gold rushes and other opportunities, such as land-ownership incentives. While the majority of German settlers were economic migrants, this latter period also saw the arrival in the Australian colonies of a few “Forty-Eighters,” radicals and liberals who had been active in the political upheavals of 1848–9, some of whom became active in politics and the press in Australia. The 1891 census counted over 45,000 German-born residents in the Australian colonies.
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9

Trethewey, Lynne. "Reforming the age‐grade structure in South Australian schools: History and politics 1945–1991." Melbourne Studies in Education 35, no. 1 (January 1994): 114–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17508489409556271.

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10

KATTAN, Victor. "Decolonizing the International Court of Justice: The Experience of Judge Sir Muhammad Zafrulla Khan in theSouth West AfricaCases." Asian Journal of International Law 5, no. 2 (September 9, 2014): 310–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251314000125.

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This paper revisits the controversy of Judge Sir Muhammad Zafrulla Khan's recusal from theSouth West Africacases using new information from the National Archives in Australia, India, South Africa, and the United Kingdom, including an unpublished manuscript written by the Australian judge and the Court's President Sir Percy Spender. Sir Percy's manuscript, which addresses the “recusal” controversy and the 1966 Decision, raises uncomfortable questions about the politics of international law within the Court in the 1960s. In many ways, Judge Zafrulla's struggle with Sir Percy at the ICJ can be analogized to the struggle of non-European peoples to self-determination. The internal “legal” struggle within the Court paralleled the larger “political” struggle outside the Court. Zafrulla would win the struggle, however, when as President of the Court during the 1971 Advisory Opinion onNamibiahe would contribute to decolonization, a possibility he foresaw when he was forced to recuse himself.
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11

Kersten, Carool. "Islam in History and Politics." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 126–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i1.1499.

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This collection of essays consists primarily of the output of Australia’s firstmajor conference on SouthAsian Islam, held in 1996.Most of the contributionsto this somewhat delayed volume, then, were written by scholars working in the Australian and New Zealand academe. Editor Asim Roy has triedto close the intervening decade with an at times polemical introductionfocusing on the Islamophobia that has been rising steadily since the conferencewas held.The book opens with Francis Robinson’s conference keynote address. Aprofessor at Royal Holloway in London and former president of the RoyalAsiatic Society, Robinson is one of the most prominent scholars on (early)modern Islam in South Asia. His presentation discusses the shift from an“other-worldly” to a “this-world Islam” and the consequences that thisinward turn had for the individual Muslim’s sense of responsibility. As theulama lost their monopoly on the interpretation of Islam in this process,reformists and modernists – and Muslim women in particular – were allthrown back on their own devices for re-evaluating the role of religion inwhat had become, to a large extent, a disenchanted world ...
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Taylor, Greg. "The Three Queenslands." University of Queensland Law Journal 39, no. 1 (March 28, 2020): 33–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.38127/uqlj.v39i1.3889.

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From 1890 to 1892, Sir Samuel Griffith, as Premier of Queensland, promoted a scheme under which Queensland would itself have been divided into a federation of initially three provinces — North, Central and South Queensland — and then two provinces, North and South Queensland. This startling idea would certainly have changed the map of Australia, probably permanently. At least at some points, the idea was expressed that each province would enter the Australian federation as a separate State and the Queensland federal government would simply be dissolved upon federation. The Bill to divide Queensland into a federation of two provinces passed the lower House of State Parliament but was defeated in the nominee Legislative Council. It then fell victim to the change of government consequent upon Griffith’s appointment as Chief Justice of Queensland, to the urgent problems presented by the economic depression, and even, from the conservative point of view, to the rise of labour in politics. Little has been known about this nearly successful plan until now. This article attempts to close that gap.
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Mackinlay, Elizabeth, and Martin Nakata. "Editorial." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 43, no. 1 (August 2014): iii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jie.2014.1.

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We are very proud to present this timely and significant Special Issue of The Australian Journal of Indigenous Education, guest edited by Katelyn Barney (The University of Queensland), Cindy Shannon (The University of Queensland) and Martin Nakata (The University of New South Wales). This collection of articles focuses on the activities of the Australian Indigenous Studies Learning and Teaching Network, an initiative funded by the Office for Teaching and Learning. The Australian Indigenous Studies Learning and Teaching Network was formed to bring leaders and early career academics in the field together to build relationships, debate and discuss central issues, and explore and share teaching and learning strategies in the discipline at tertiary level. These discussions at once untangle and re-entangle the processes, pedagogies and politics at play when Indigenous Studies becomes defined as a discipline.
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14

Featherstone, W. E., M. S. Filmer, S. J. Claessens, M. Kuhn, C. Hirt, and J. F. Kirby. "Regional geoid-model-based vertical datums – some Australian perspectives." Journal of Geodetic Science 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 370–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10156-012-0006-6.

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AbstractThis article summarises some considerations surrounding a geoid-model-based vertical datum that have to be thought through before its implementation and adoption. Our examples are based on many Australian and some South-East Asian experiences, but these probably also apply elsewhere. The key considerations comprise data quality and availability, politics, and difficulties that users may encounter when adopting quite a different approach to height determination. We advocate some form of new vertical datum to replace the Australian Height Datum, but the exact type (whether using levelling or geoid, or some combination of both) still needs to be decided. We are not specifically opposed to the adoption of a geoid model as the vertical datum, but it is possibly more challenging than appears initially, and may even deter some users that are already well served by levelling-based vertical datums.
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15

Forbes, Allan. "A Historical Perspective on WRESAT, the First Satellite Launched from Australian Soil." Australian Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 6, no. 1 (March 30, 2018): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/ajtde.v6n1.144.

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Just over fifty years ago, on 29 November 1967 at 2:19 pm (local time), a small scientific satellite named the Weapons Research Establishment SATellite (WRESAT) was launched from Woomera, South Australia. It had been designed and constructed by engineers, scientists and technicians from the Weapons Research Establishment, Salisbury, South Australia; it had a payload of scientific instruments put together by the Physics Department at Adelaide University; and it was sent into orbit at the sharp end of a modified Redstone rocket, a gift from the United States. All of this was achieved in less than 12 months; and it made Australia the third country in the world to launch a satellite into space from its own territory, after the USSR and the USA. This paper is the author's personal account of his part in the project, where he was involved first with the satellite's telemetry system and then with a temporary extension to Oodnadatta of Woomera's flight safety system. The paper goes on to describe events following the successful launch, and the celebration of the 50th anniversary in 2017. Finally, there is a discussion of the politics and technologies behind WRESAT.
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Forbes, Allan. "A Historical Perspective on WRESAT, the First Satellite Launched from Australian Soil." Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 6, no. 1 (March 30, 2018): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/jtde.v6n1.144.

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Just over fifty years ago, on 29 November 1967 at 2:19 pm (local time), a small scientific satellite named the Weapons Research Establishment SATellite (WRESAT) was launched from Woomera, South Australia. It had been designed and constructed by engineers, scientists and technicians from the Weapons Research Establishment, Salisbury, South Australia; it had a payload of scientific instruments put together by the Physics Department at Adelaide University; and it was sent into orbit at the sharp end of a modified Redstone rocket, a gift from the United States. All of this was achieved in less than 12 months; and it made Australia the third country in the world to launch a satellite into space from its own territory, after the USSR and the USA. This paper is the author's personal account of his part in the project, where he was involved first with the satellite's telemetry system and then with a temporary extension to Oodnadatta of Woomera's flight safety system. The paper goes on to describe events following the successful launch, and the celebration of the 50th anniversary in 2017. Finally, there is a discussion of the politics and technologies behind WRESAT.
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17

Evans, Raymond. "From Deserts the Marchers Come: Confessions of a Peripatetic Historian." Queensland Review 14, no. 01 (January 2007): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005857.

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The whole country was trapped in a lie … We were the only truthtellers, as far as we could see. It seldom occurred to us to be afraid. We were sheathed in the fact of our position. It was partly our naiveté which allowed us to leap into this position of freedom, the freedom of absolute right action. I wish I had said that. But it was written in 1988 by Casey Hayden, a female civil rights worker with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, or ‘Snick’, in the American South of the mid-1960s, remembering that horrific/heroic time of bombings and burnings. In Brisbane, a distant metropolis on the historical bypass, it was nothing as bad as that. No one was murdered — not right then anyway, though there would also be threats, beatings, bombing and arson attacks (and the odd trashing) of leftist personnel, headquarters and bookshops. There would be moments to be afraid. But there is a purer applicability in Hayden's words to the local experience. For there was indeed a whole country trapped in the lie of Vietnam, of ‘White Australia’, of Aboriginal segregative gulags, of the biological fixity of men's and women's uneven positionings, of the sanctity of an intense moral and political censorship, tighter here than just about anywhere in the West: a place where Anzac ruled, sport and politics never mixed and the yawning gulf between Australian values and Australian practices was rarely noticed. A whole traffic-snarl of lies and deception really, and we were the only truth-tellers as far as we could see.
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18

Tur, Simone Ulalka, Faye Rosas Blanch, and Christopher Wilson. "Developing a Collaborative Approach to Standpoint in Indigenous Australian Research." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 39, S1 (2010): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/s1326011100001149.

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AbstractThe notion of Indigenous epistemologies and “ways of knowing” continues to be undervalued within various academic disciplines, particularly those who continue to draw upon “scientific” approaches that colonise Indigenous peoples today. This paper will examine the politics of contested knowledge from the perspective of three Indigenous researchers who work within Yunggorendi First Nations Centre for Higher Education and Research at Flinders University in South Australia. In particular, the authors outline a collective process that has emerged from conversations regarding their research projects and responding to what Ladson-Billings and Donnor (2008, p. 371) refer to as the “call”. In developing an Indigenous standpoint specific to their own disciplines and their research context, the authors demonstrate how these collective conversations between each other and their communities in which they work have informed their research practices and provided a common framework which underpins their research methodologies.
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Toussaint, Sandy. "Practicing Anthropology in Australia: An Introduction." Practicing Anthropology 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 2–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.23.1.07107g644p706g16.

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Applied anthropology in Australia is an increasingly sought after and diverse field of social inquiry and research application. There are several reasons for this interest, including substantial anthropological involvement in the land claims process during the past three decades. Such a process has resulted in anthropologists working for Indigenous groups and land councils, documenting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander interests in land and sea, negotiating resource development agreements, undertaking ethnographic site surveys, presenting evidence in court. A number of contributions to this special edition of Practicing Anthropology provide details of these practical applications of anthropology in Australian settings. Nicolas Peterson describes some of the historial background to the introduction of land rights legislation in the Northern Territory, and Jim Birckhead discusses cultural heritage issues in national parks in New South Wales. Birckhead and Toussaint also raise concerns about anthropological practice and the ethics and politics of representation, including with reference to the relationship between gender and culture.
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Boyne, Kerry. "The legend of the ‘gentlemen of the flashing blade’: The canecutter in the Australian imagination." Australasian Journal of Popular Culture 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajpc_00050_1.

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The ‘gentlemen of the flashing blade’ laboured in an occupation that no longer exists in Australia: canecutting. It was a hard job done by hard men, and its iconic figure – the canecutter – survives as a Queensland legend, so extensively romanticized in the popular culture of the time as to constitute a subgenre characterized by subject matter and motifs particular to the pre-mechanization sugar country culture. Yet, it may seem like the only canecutters immortalized in the arts are Summer of the Seventeenth Doll’s Roo and Barney. To show the breadth and diversity of this subgenre, and the legend of the canecutter and sugar country culture, this article reviews a selection of novels, memoirs, plays, short stories, cartoons, verse, song, film, television, radio and children’s books. These works address the racial, cultural and industrial politics of the sugar industry and its influence on the economic and social development of Queensland. The parts played by the nineteenth-century communities of indentured South Sea Islanders and the European immigrants who followed are represented along with those of the itinerant Anglos. These works depict, and celebrate, a colourful, often brutal, part of Queensland’s past and an Australian icon comparable with the swaggie or the shearer.
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Macioti, P. G., Eurydice Aroney, Calum Bennachie, Anne E. Fehrenbacher, Calogero Giametta, Heidi Hoefinger, Nicola Mai, and Jennifer Musto. "Framing the Mother Tac: The Racialised, Sexualised and Gendered Politics of Modern Slavery in Australia." Social Sciences 9, no. 11 (October 28, 2020): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9110192.

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Centred on the slavery trial “Crown vs. Rungnapha Kanbut” heard in Sydney, New South Wales, between 10 April and 15 May 2019, this article seeks to frame the figure of the “Mother Tac” or the “mother of contract”, also called “mama tac” or “mae tac”—a term used amongst Thai migrants to describe a woman who hosts, collects debts from, and organises work for Thai migrant sex workers in their destination country. It proposes that this largely unexplored figure has come to assume a disproportionate role in the “modern slavery” approach to human trafficking, with its emphasis on absolute victims and individual offenders. The harms suffered by Kanbut’s victims are put into context by referring to existing literature on women accused of trafficking; interviews with Thai migrant sex workers, including Kanbut’s primary victim, and with members from the Australian Federal Police Human Trafficking Unit; and ethnographic field notes. The article unveils how constructions of both victim and offender, as well as definitions of slavery, are racialised, gendered, and sexualised and rely on the victims’ subjective accounts of bounded exploitation. By documenting these and other limitations involved in a criminal justice approach, the authors reveal its shortfalls. For instance, while harsh sentences are meant as a deterrence to others, the complex and structural roots of migrant labour exploitation remain unaffected. This research finds that improved legal migration pathways, the decriminalisation of the sex industry, and improved access to information and support for migrant sex workers are key to reducing heavier forms of labour exploitation, including human trafficking, in the Australian sex industry.
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22

Taylor, Brendan. "Is Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy an illusion?" International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz228.

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Abstract Australia has been among the most prominent advocates of the increasingly popular Indo-Pacific concept. This article argues that Canberra's enthusiasm for the concept stems from its appeal to the two dominant traditions of Australian foreign policy—a ‘dependent ally’ tradition and a ‘middle power’ approach. While these two traditions are typically seen as being in tension, the Indo-Pacific concept provides a rare point of convergence between them. The article begins by outlining the appeal of the Indo-Pacific concept to each of these traditions. Using a case-study of recent Australian policy toward the South China Sea disputes, however, the article then demonstrates that Australia has in practice implemented its stated Indo-Pacific strategy far less consistently than its very vocal support would appear to suggest. This disjuncture is attributed to the growing influence of a third, generally understudied, ‘pragmatic’ Australian foreign policy tradition. Because Australia has been such a prominent champion of the Indo-Pacific concept, the article concludes that this divergence between the rhetoric and the reality of Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy threatens to have a negative impact on the concept's broader international appeal and sustainability, particularly among Australia's south-east Asian neighbours.
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Revello Lami, Martina. "A Conversation with Lynn Meskell." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 6 (February 11, 2022): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/vol6isspp245.

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Lynn Meskell is PIK Professor of Anthropology in the School of Arts and Sciences, Professor in the Graduate Program in Historic Preservation, and curator in the Middle East and Asia sections at the Penn Museum. She is currently A.D. White Professor-at-Large at Cornell University (2019–2025). She holds Honorary Professorships at Oxford University and Liverpool University in the UK and the University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa. Over the past twenty years she has been awarded grants and fellowships including those from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the National Science Foundation, the Australian Research Council, the American Academy in Rome, the School of American Research, Oxford University and Cambridge University. She is the founding editor of the Journal of Social Archaeology. Meskell has broad theoretical interests including socio-politics, archaeological ethics, global heritage, materiality, as well as feminist and postcolonial theory. Her earlier research examined natural and cultural heritage in South Africa, the archaeology of figurines and burial in Neolithic Turkey and daily life in New Kingdom Egypt.
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Lehmann, Caitlyn. "Editorial." Children Australia 42, no. 4 (November 29, 2017): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2017.44.

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Among the plethora of minor parties fielding candidates in Australia's 2016 federal election was a relative newcomer called Sustainable Australia. Formed in 2010 and campaigning with the slogan ‘Better, not bigger’, the party's policy centrepiece calls for Australia to slow its population growth through a combination of lower immigration, changes to family payments, and the withdrawal of government agencies from proactive population growth strategies (Sustainable Australia, n.d.). At a global level, the party also calls for Australia to increase foreign aid with a focus on supporting women's health, reproductive rights and education. Like most minor parties, its candidates polled poorly, attracting too few votes to secure seats in the Senate. But in the ensuing months, the South Australian branch of The Greens broke from the national party platform by proposing the aim of stabilising South Australia's population within a generation (The Greens SA, 2017). Just this August, Australian business entrepreneur Dick Smith launched a ‘Fair Go’ manifesto, similarly calling for reductions in Australia's population growth to address rising economic inequality and a “decline in living standards” (Dick Smith Fair Go Group, 2017).
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Kenefick, William. "Confronting White Labourism: Socialism, Syndicalism, and the Role of the Scottish Radical Left in South Africa before 1914." International Review of Social History 55, no. 1 (April 2010): 29–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859009990617.

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SummaryDominated by the ideas of the “communist school”, the early history of the socialist and revolutionary syndicalist movement in South Africa has (until relatively recently) been largely overlooked by labour historians. From this approach emerged the view that the dominant voice of white workers in South Africa was British, and to a lesser extent Australian, and that their blend of class and racial consciousness resulted in the widespread support for the common ideology of white labourism. Indeed, support for this system of industrial and racial segregation was prevalent across the British Empire, was widely supported by the imperial working class, and in South Africa was never seriously challenged or confronted before 1914. Over recent years, however, South African labour historians have made efforts to rethink their national labour history by examining the early labour movement and the ideology of white labourism in a global context. This article adopts a similar approach and argues that the politics of white labourism was not uniformly embraced by the imperial working class, and that in South Africa there was a vocal and active non-racialist movement which sought to confront racism and segregation, dispute the operation of the “colour bar”, and challenge the white protectionist policies of the labour and trade-union movement. In conclusion, it will be argued that the campaign to confront white labourism was disproportionately influenced by radical left Scottish migrants who adhered firmly to the colour-blind principles of international socialism and revolutionary syndicalism.
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Ellinghaus, Katherine. "Strategies of Elimination: “Exempted” Aborigines, “Competent” Indians, and Twentieth-Century Assimilation Policies in Australia and the United States." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 2 (June 11, 2008): 202–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018229ar.

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Abstract Despite their different politics, populations and histories, there are some striking similarities between the indigenous assimilation policies enacted by the United States and Australia. These parallels reveal much about the harsh practicalities behind the rhetoric of humanitarian uplift, civilization and cultural assimilation that existed in these settler nations. This article compares legislation which provided assimilative pathways to Aborigines and Native Americans whom white officials perceived to be acculturated. Some Aboriginal people were offered certificates of “exemption” which freed them from the legal restrictions on Aboriginal people’s movement, place of abode, ability to purchase alcohol, and other controls. Similarly, Native Americans could be awarded a fee patent which declared them “competent.” This patent discontinued government guardianship over them and allowed them to sell, deed, and pay taxes on their lands. I scrutinize the Board that was sent to Oklahoma to examine the Cheyenne and Arapaho for competency in January and February 1917, and the New South Wales Aborigines’ Welfare Board, which combined the awarding of exemption certificates with their efforts to assimilate Koori people into Australian society in the 1940s and 1950s. These case studies reveal that people of mixed white/indigenous descent were more likely to be declared competent or exempt. Thus, hand in hand with efforts to culturally assimilate Aborigines and Native Americans came attempts to reduce the size of indigenous populations and their landholdings by releasing people of mixed descent from government control, and no longer officially recognizing their indigenous identity.
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Sumner, C. J. "Taking Account of the Victim in Sentencing in South Australia." International Review of Victimology 3, no. 1-2 (January 1994): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975809400300208.

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South Australia's practical measures to give effect to the spirit and letter of the 1985 UN Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power have meant changes to legislation and to legal procedures. This extract from a previously given Paper on these changes concentrates on the principles of Anglo-Australian law adopted by Courts in Australia in sentencing offenders, and in particular deals with the relevance of the victim in sentencing.
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Monteath, Peter. "Globalising German Anthropology: Erhard Eylmann in Australia." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000247.

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The German presence in nineteenth-century South Australia is associated primarily with the immigration of Prussian Lutherans escaping religious persecution in their homeland. Their settlement in the fledgling British colony aided its early, stuttering development; in the longer term it also fitted neatly South Australia's perception of itself as a “paradise of dissent.” These Germans took their religion seriously, none more so than the Lutheran missionaries who committed themselves to bringing the Gospel to the indigenous people of the Adelaide plains and, eventually, much further afield as well. In reality, however, the story of the German contribution to the history of this British colony extended far beyond these pious Lutherans. Among those who followed in their wake, whether as settlers or travellers, were Germans of many different backgrounds, who made their way to the Antipodes for a multitude of reasons. In South Australia as much as anywhere, globalising Germany was a multi-facetted project.The intellectual gamut of Germans in South Australia is nowhere more evident than in the realm of anthropology. The missionaries were not alone in displaying a keen interest in the Australian Aborigines. Anthropologists steeped in the empirical tradition that came to dominate the nascent discipline at the end of the nineteenth century also turned their attention to Australia. Indeed, in Germany and elsewhere, Australia occupied a special position in international discourse. The American anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan had observed in 1880 that Australian aboriginal societies “now represent the condition of mankind in savagery better than it is elsewhere represented on the earth—a condition now rapidly passing away.”
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Wake, Caroline. "Headphone Verbatim Theatre: Methods, Histories, Genres, Theories." New Theatre Quarterly 29, no. 4 (November 2013): 321–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x13000651.

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Created in an American rehearsal room, exported to an English workshop, and developed in Australia, among other places, ‘headphone verbatim theatre’ – also called ‘recorded delivery’ – is a truly global genre. In this article Caroline Wake focuses on the work of two pioneering practitioners, Briton Alecky Blythe and Australian Roslyn Oades, in order to trace the form's history as well as its methods, genres, and theories. In doing so, she considers how audio technology has evolved over the past decade and how the display or disguise of headphones has affected both the production and reception of the form. She identifies three dominant genres of headphone verbatim theatre (the social crisis play, the social justice play, and the social portrait play, as well as three main performance modes – the epic, the naturalistic, and the mixed. The epic has been the most successful thus far, but the naturalistic and mixed modes are, in turn, begetting new ones. Finally, she suggests that in the same way that headphones have rejuvenated verbatim theatre, they might also reinvigorate the discourse on it by offering the opportunity to go beyond the politics of voice and visibility and to turn, instead, to listening. Caroline Wake is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the Centre for Modernism Studies in Australia at the University of New South Wales. Her research examines cultural responses to and representations of refugees and asylum-seekers as well as the role of testimony in law, performance, and visual culture. Her work has previously appeared in journals such as Text & Performance Quarterly, Modern Drama, and History & Memory. She is the co-editor, with Bryoni Trezise, of Visions and Revisions: Performance, Memory, Trauma (Museum Tusculanum Press, 2013).
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Cross, David, and Cameron Bishop. "A pleasant coach journey across the political frontier: Public art and suburban dissensus." Art & the Public Sphere 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00013_1.

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‘Six Moments in Kingston Town’ was an art project developed by the Public Art Commission in May 2019 that sought to collectively speak to the diverse cultures and shared histories of the City of Kingston, south of Melbourne. A series of leading Australian artists were commissioned to work with local community groups to develop projects that spoke to the complex, rich and interwoven social fabrics of this region, concentrating on the period of the mid-1970s to early 1980s. Using as key case studies events such as the election of Moorabbin’s first female councillor in 1976, a selection of nationally famous political protests in 1982, and the disappearance of aviator Fred Valentich who flew out from Moorabbin airport in 1978 never to be seen again, the project sought to highlight hidden or obscured historical moments that impacted well beyond the Kingston region. This text examines how curatorial practice via the commissioning of a series of iterative, place-specific, temporary projects can serve to nurture resilient communities while showcasing adventurous, challenging contemporary art. In picking up on local gestures, materials and events that clearly resonate with our contemporary milieu, we bring into question art’s repeated teleology ‐ one that eschews resistance in favour of its own disappearance into a kind of utopic consensus, where politics, art, culture and the economy fuse into a life of communal accord. In this article, we argue that the making of public artworks as dissensus serves to resist the collapse of art into life and, therefore, the danger that, with the disappearance of art, politics is doomed as well. As the article progresses, we pick up on a number of theoretical threads that present the works as ruptures in our conventional approaches to these sites and their histories.
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Griffiths, Tom. "How many trees make a forest? Cultural debates about vegetation change in Australia." Australian Journal of Botany 50, no. 4 (2002): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/bt01046.

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Environmental history, as it has emerged in recent years, is most distinctive in the way it illustrates a serious engagement between the disciplines of ecology and history. This article begins with an exploration of the lineage and promise of environmental history, particularly in the Australian setting. It then analyses a number of the cultural debates about vegetation change in Australia—about clearing, open landscapes, scrub encroachment and burning practices—and draws attention to the way that morals, politics and aesthetics shaped environmental perception and still do. Clearing was the dominant discourse in the history of landscape change and a legislative requirement for secure settlement. At the same time, criticism of clearing and its effects represented an early conservationist sensibility, but the heroic pioneering labour of clearing, the political imperatives associated with it and the escalating ecological legacy it generated, have sometimes made us forget how open was much of the Australian landscape when Europeans first arrived. The morality of clearing—the arguments for and against—focused the minds of settlers on the trees and the loss of them, while the aesthetics of pastoralism attracted their eyes to the grasslands and made them rejoice in the curious legacy of 'open' landscapes. In the early nineteenth century, the most common usage of the word 'forest' was to describe land fit to graze: 'according to the local distinction, the grass is the discriminating character [of forest land] and not the Trees'. At the same time, pastoralists were unwilling to recognise the role of Aboriginal people in creating such open landscapes and this reticence to acknowledge the Aboriginality of the pastoral economy persists today. This in turn affected the way settlers perceived the new forests that appeared after European invasion. The fate of the vegetation Europeans found has understandably been so much the focus of science and history—its removal, replacement, utilisation, modification and conservation—that 'new forests' easily escape scholarly attention; and being new, they seem far less valuable and threatened. They have generally been perceived as a nuisance, as enclosing and encroaching, as 'scrub', as 'woody weeds'. The politics of understanding regrowth are related not only to the issues of clearing and density, but especially to the culture of burning in Aboriginal and settler society and its implications for management and biodiversity. If the coming together of ecology and history best defines the new 'environmental history', then the most illuminating confluences are those where each discipline helps the other to identify what constitutes a unique 'event', both ecologically and historically. The article therefore finishes with examples of events in two landscapes—the long drought of the 1890s in western New South Wales and the Black Friday bushfires of 1939 in the mountain ash forests of Victoria—to illustrate how each emerges as an intriguing artefact of nature and history, a cultural exaggeration of a natural rhythm. Even as we discover the ecological depth of each apparently 'natural' event, we are reminded of its historical specificity.
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Skead, Natalie, Tamara Tulich, Sarah Murray, and Hilde Tubex. "Reforming proceeds of crime legislation: Political reality or pipedream?" Alternative Law Journal 44, no. 3 (March 6, 2019): 176–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x19831100.

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In recent decades, Australian states and territories have introduced a raft of legislation aimed at stripping those involved in criminal activity of their ill-gotten gains. However, in doing so, this far-reaching legislation has the potential to undermine legal principles and protections. We recently completed a study into proceeds of crime legislation in Western Australia, New South Wales and Queensland. From our findings it is clear that Western Australia’s legislation is the most far-reaching and potentially the most inequitable. In this article, we provide a critique of Western Australia's legislation informed by our research, and identify pressing areas for reform.
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Lencznarowicz, Jan. "“The Coming Event!”." Politeja 16, no. 4(61) (December 31, 2019): 463–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.61.25.

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John Dunmore Lang’s Vision for an Independent Australia John Dunmore Lang, the Scottish Presbyterian clergyman who settled in Sydney in 1823, until his death in 1878 played an important role in the religious, political and cultural life of New South Wales and helped to create two new colonies: Victoria and Queensland. His writings as much as his political and educational activities significantly contributed to the rise of early Australian nationalism. Lang envisaged a great future of a federal Australian republic – the United Provinces of Australia. Drawing on Lang’s books, pamphlets and his articles and speeches published in the colonial and metropolitan press, this paper analyses the religious, ideological, political and economic ideas that led him to present and espouse the cause of the future America of the Southern Hemisphere.The focus is on the fundamental political and social principles on which Lang wanted to establish the independent Australian nation. The paper also discusses planned political institutions, as well as expected or desired social and economic
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Birch, Philip. "Abuse by the Powerful? Exploring the role of media narratives and political discourse in the immigration-crime nexus." Abuse: An International Impact Journal 2, no. 1 (April 6, 2021): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.37576/abuse.2021.018.

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This paper considers the role of media narratives and political discourse in the immigration-crime nexus by exploring, as a case study, the recent experience of the South Sudanese community in Australia. Over recent years this cohort of relatively new arrivals have been subjected to a raft of negative media coverage and political commentary. This paper deliberates on the narrative of this African community group and their subsequent portrayal, and considers if it is both legitimate and accurate. At a time when many Australians see the benefits of immigration, this paper examines the role the media and politics plays in undermining this community sentiment, reflecting a level of abuse by the most powerful in society towards the some of the least powerful.
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FIELKE, SIMON J., and DOUGLAS K. BARDSLEY. "A Brief Political History of South Australian Agriculture." Rural History 26, no. 1 (March 9, 2015): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095679331400017x.

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Abstract:This paper aims to explain why South Australian agricultural land use is focused on continually increasing productivity, when the majority of produce is exported, at the long-term expense of agriculturally-based communities and the environment. A historical analysis of literature relevant to the agricultural development of South Australia is used chronologically to report aspects of the industry that continue to cause concerns in the present day. The historically dominant capitalist socio-economic system and ‘anthropocentric’ world views of farmers, politicians, and key stakeholders have resulted in detrimental social, environmental and political outcomes. Although recognition of the environmental impacts of agricultural land use has increased dramatically since the 1980s, conventional productivist, export oriented farming still dominates the South Australian landscape. A combination of market oriented initiatives and concerned producers are, however, contributing to increasing the recognition of the environmental and social outcomes of agricultural practice and it is argued here that South Australia has the opportunity to value multifunctional land use more explicitly via innovative policy.
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Atkinson, Joel. "Development Assistance and Geopolitics in Australia-China-Taiwan Relations." International Studies Review 16, no. 2 (October 19, 2015): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01602001.

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The development assistance programs of Australia, China and Taiwan impact each other’s geopolitical interests in the South Pacific region. This “aid triangle” has recently undergone a significant transformation. Previously, the interests of Australia and China aligned in competing against Taiwan for political influence in the region. However, since 2008, China-Taiwan relations have warmed and their aid contest in the South Pacific has been largely put on hold. This has ameliorated Taiwan’s conflict with Australia, and the two countries have increased their development assistance cooperation. However, China’s role in undermining Australia’s policy towards Fiji, and the global deterioration in China’s relations with a US coalition (including Australia), have potentially increased the competitive aspects of the Sino-Australian side of the triangle.
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37

Martin, Toby. "Dougie Young and political resistance in early Aboriginal country music." Popular Music 38, no. 03 (October 2019): 538–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143019000291.

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AbstractCountry music has a reputation for being the music of the American white working-class South and being closely aligned with conservative politics. However, country music has also been played by non-white minorities and has been a vivid way of expressing progressive political views. In the hands of the Indigenous peoples of Australia, country music has often given voice to a form of life-writing that critiques colonial power. The songs of Dougie Young, dating from the late 1950s, provide one of the earliest and most expressive examples of this use of country music. Young's songs were a type of social-realist satire and to be fully understood should be placed within the broader socio-political context of 1950s and 1960s Australia. Young's legacy was also important for Aboriginal musicians in the 1990s and the accompanying reassessment of Australia's colonial past. Country music has provided particular opportunities for minority and Indigenous groups seeking to use popular culture to tell their stories. This use of country music provides a new dimension to more conventional understandings of its political role.
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Leverenz, Peter. "Australian studies in the South Australia certificate of education." Journal of Australian Studies 15, no. 29 (June 1991): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059109387051.

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Harder, Sirko. "STATUTES OF LIMITATION BETWEEN CLASSIFICATION AND RENVOI—AUSTRALIAN AND SOUTH AFRICAN APPROACHES COMPARED." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 60, no. 3 (July 2011): 659–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589311000261.

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AbstractThis article compares the ways in which Australian and South African courts have approached issues of classification and renvoi where a defendant argues that the action is time-barred. There are two differences in approach. First, Australian courts classify all statutes of limitation as substantive, whereas South African courts distinguish between right-extinguishing statutes (substantive) and merely remedy-barring statutes (procedural). Second, the High Court of Australia has used renvoi in the context of the limitation of actions whereas South African courts have yet to decide on whether to use renvoi. This article assesses the impact of those differences in various situations.
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Bulbeck, Chilla. "The ‘white worrier’ in South Australia." Journal of Sociology 40, no. 4 (December 2004): 341–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783304048379.

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In his analysis of ‘paranoid nationalism’, Hage (2003: xii, 2) coins the figure of the ‘white worrier’ to identify how white Australians marginalized by the inequalities of economic rationalism and globalization displace their anxieties onto even weaker ‘others’, Aboriginal people and migrants, particularly refugees. Hage’s ideas are applied to the discourses used by young South Australians when they discuss Australian multiculturalism, immigration and reconciliation. Hage’s suggestion that white worrying is the response of the white working class male to his economic and ideological marginalization is only partially supported in this sample of young people. While those from non-English speaking and Indigenous backgrounds are much less likely to be ‘paranoid nationalists’, fear and loathing of the other are expressed across the socio-economic spectrum of young ‘white’ Australians, with exposure to a university education, either on the part of respondents or their parents, being the main antidote to hostile attitudes to the ‘other’.
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Holmes, John. "Coast versus Inland: Two Different Queenslands?" Queensland Review 1, no. 1 (June 1994): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600000465.

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The statement that ‘Queensland is different’ is entrenched within the folklore of Australian political and social commentary. The case is not persuasive, certainly no more so than the case that Tasmania or South Australia or any other state is ‘different’. Those who have pursued the argument have focused selectively on the modicum of differences reasonably to be expected among the peoples, institutions and socio-political processes and preoccupations of six ‘sovereign’ states.
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42

Ryan, Robin, Jasmin Williams, and Alison Simpson. "From the ground up: growing an Australian Aboriginal cultural festival into a live musical community." Arts and the Market 11, no. 2 (August 16, 2021): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aam-09-2020-0038.

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PurposeThe purpose is to review the formation, event management, performance development and consumption of South East Australia’s inaugural 2018 Giiyong Festival with emphasis on the sociocultural imaginary and political positionings of its shared theatre of arts.Design/methodology/approachA trialogue between a musicologist, festival director and Indigenous stakeholder accrues qualitative ethnographic findings for discussion and analysis of the organic growth and productive functioning of the festival.FindingsAs an unprecedented moment of large-scale unity between First and non-First Nations Peoples in South East Australia, Giiyong Festival elevated the value of Indigenous business, culture and society in the regional marketplace. The performing arts, coupled with linguistic and visual idioms, worked to invigorate the Yuin cultural landscape.Research limitations/implicationsAdditional research was curtailed as COVID-19 shutdowns forced the cancellation of Giiyong Festival (2020). Opportunities for regional Indigenous arts to subsist as a source for live cultural expression are scoped.Practical implicationsMusic and dance are renewable cultural resources, and when performed live within festival contexts they work to sustain Indigenous identities. When aligned with Indigenous knowledge and languages, they impart central agency to First Nations Peoples in Australia.Social implicationsThe marketing of First Nations arts contributes broadly to high political stakes surrounding the overdue Constitutional Recognition of Australia's Indigenous Peoples.Originality/valueThe inclusive voices of a festival director and Indigenous manager augment a scholarly study of SE Australia's first large Aboriginal cultural festival that supplements pre-existing findings on Northern Australian festivals.
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Tung, Aaron. "Exploring the Thai and Malaysian decommissioning landscapes – identifying opportunities and challenges for Australia." APPEA Journal 62, no. 1 (May 13, 2022): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj21021.

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Due to their various economic, environmental and socio-political impacts, oil and gas decommissioning activities attract a wide array of stakeholders, including joint-venture partners, contractors, governments, environmental non-for-profit organisations, academic institutions, recreational anglers and many others. As the first wave of oil and gas decommissioning activities dawns upon the Asia-Pacific region, stakeholder impacts have begun to take shape in the form of regulatory disputes, scope changes, schedule delays and safety incidents. As part of a wider research to enhance project managers’ understanding of stakeholder impacts on oil and gas decommissioning projects in Australia, the South-East Asian landscape was explored in order to identify and highlight any challenges and opportunities that could be relevant to supporting the development of the Australian oil and gas decommissioning industry. The study finds that while nations in South-East Asia are of close proximity to each other and can easily rely on one another for resource sharing, Australia appears to be geographically isolated 'down under'. In addition, Australia currently has various legislative and regulatory barriers that limit access to readily available oil and gas decommissioning yards, facilities and resources across South-East Asia. This article will review these opportunities and challenges to recommend possible ways forward for the Australian oil and gas decommissioning industry.
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Whitehead, Kay, Belinda MacGill, and Sam Schulz. "Honouring Nancy Barnes, nee Brumbie (1927–2012), South Australia’s first qualified Aboriginal Kindergarten Director." Australasian Journal of Early Childhood 46, no. 3 (March 26, 2021): 204–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1836939121997990.

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To date, the work of Aboriginal early childhood educators in the mid-twentieth century has not been widely acknowledged. Nancy Barnes, nee Brumbie (1927–2012), exemplifies the strength and tenacity of Aboriginal Australians who had to negotiate their lives and work in white institutions and a society which denied them fundamental human rights. Nancy graduated from the Adelaide Kindergarten Training College in December 1956 as the first qualified Aboriginal kindergarten director in South Australia. Following on, she was the foundation director of Ida Standley Preschool in Alice Springs (1959–1962) then the first ‘regional director’ in the Kindergarten Union of South Australia. Based on traditional archival research and analysis of public documents and Barnes’ autobiography, the article begins with her childhood and youth as a domestic servant and then explores her career, political activism, experiences of racism and lifelong commitment to addressing inequalities between Aboriginal and white Australians through education.
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Chitimira, Howard. "A Comparative Synopsis of the Enforcement of Market Abuse Prohibition in Australia and South Africa." African Journal of Legal Studies 9, no. 1 (June 29, 2016): 46–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342068.

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In Australia, the market abuse prohibition is generally well accepted by the investing and non-investing public as well as by the government. This co-operative and co-ordinated approach on the part of all the relevant stakeholders has to date given rise to an increased awareness and commendable combating of market abuse activities in the Australian corporations, companies and securities markets. It is against this background that this article seeks to explore the general enforcement approaches that are employed to combat market abuse (insider trading and market manipulation) activity in Australia. In relation to this, the role of selected enforcement authorities and possible enforcement methods which may be learnt from the Australian experience will be isolated where necessary for consideration in the South African market abuse regulatory framework.
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Przygoda, Miroslaw. "The Role and Importance of Australia in the South Pacific Region." International Journal of Operations Management 1, no. 3 (2021): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijom.2757-0509.2020.13.4005.

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Australia is a country comprising the mainland of the Australian continent and the island of Tasmania. The country also includes numerous smaller islands in the Pacific and Indian Ocean. Australia is the sixth-largest country in the world by total area. It also has the world’s 12th-largest economy and fifth-highest per capita income. On 1 January 1901, a federation of six separate British self-governing states was formed after a decade of planning, consultation and voting. This established the Commonwealth of Australia as a dominion of the British Empire. In 1931 the status of the dominions was made equal to that of Great Britain, which is considered the symbolic date of Australia gaining full independence. Before World War II and in the course of it, the Commonwealth of Australia was closely tied to the government in London. However, the fall of the British Empire in the Asia Pacific made Australian authorities rethink their existence in the new reality. In the late 80s, Australia’s formal ties with London were further loosened, as planned. Since that time the role and significance of the continent has been growing. A vibrant economy and favourable location drive the country’s growing importance, which the government in Canberra strongly focuses on. Economic success and effective policies have made Australia become one of the crucial elements of sustainable balance in the South Pacific region. However, the country’s political and economic influence goes far beyond its borders. Australia’s importance to and influence on neighbouring countries is clearly visible across East and Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean basin, and the Antarctic. Therefore it is worth to take a closer look at the drivers of the huge success of this unique country and its inhabitants.
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Jackson, Stephen James. "“Not in the business of indoctrination”: religious education in South Australian public schools, 1968–1980." History of Education Review 49, no. 2 (October 16, 2020): 249–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-01-2020-0006.

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PurposeThis paper explores religious education (RE) in South Australia from 1968–1980. It focuses especially on the collapse of the RE settlement from 1968–1972 and the controversial legislation and subsequent curricula emerging from changes to the Education Act in 1972.Design/methodology/approachThis paper draws upon archival materials, published sources from the South Australian Institute of Teachers, the South Australian Education Department and the Religious Education Project Team, as well as an interview with Malcolm McArthur, one of the most influential figures in the controversy.FindingsFollowing the collapse of religious instruction from 1968–1972, the Minister of Education quickly passed legislation regarding a new course of religious education. A major controversy subsequently broke out over the appropriateness and design of a new programme of religious education. Educators attempted to design an educationally sound programme of RE that would avoid the problem of indoctrination. Ultimately, a new programme was created that satisfied neither proponents nor opponents of religion in state schools, and General Religious Teaching gradually faded from South Australian classrooms by 1980.Originality/valueThe article engages with broader debates on the nature of secularity in Australian history. In particular, it complicates the political-institutional approach developed by Damon Mayrl by stressing the agency and significance of elite educational and religious actors in the creation of new secular settlements. It also provides a useful addition to an older South Australian historiography by utilising newly available sources on the topic.
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Liddell, Max, and Chris Goddard. "Protecting children or political priorities?: The role of governments at Woomera." Children Australia 27, no. 3 (2002): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200005174.

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In March 2002 the authors notified all the children living in the Woomera Detention Centre to South Australia's child protection system, in an effort to ensure that the well-being of those children was protected. An investigation was conducted; serious problems at Woomera were identified; and the relevant South Australian Minister asked the Federal Minister for Immigration for ‘new guidelines’ for the centre. Then silence descended.In this article, the authors detail the reasons for their notifications and outline the events which followed. The Federal Government criticised the report of the investigation by SA child protection workers, and there is no indication of any action taken on it. In explaining the ensuing silence the authors refer to their understanding of the contents of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Federal and South Australian Governments. This memorandum, it is believed, ensures no further information about Woomera will be revealed. Further, the memorandum appears to leave the Federal Government with total responsibility for follow-up action. The South Australian Government seems to have surrendered its responsibility in this regard. Given the lack of action, the authors question whether both levels of government could be in breach of South Australia's Children's Protection Act 1993.
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Light, Edwina M., Michael D. Robertson, Philip Boyce, Terry Carney, Alan Rosen, Michelle Cleary, Glenn E. Hunt, Nick O'Connor, Christopher J. Ryan, and Ian H. Kerridge. "How shortcomings in the mental health system affect the use of involuntary community treatment orders." Australian Health Review 41, no. 3 (2017): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah16074.

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Objective The aim of the present study was to examine stakeholder perspectives on how the operation of the mental health system affects the use of involuntary community treatment orders (CTOs). Methods A qualitative study was performed, consisting of semi-structured interviews about CTO experiences with 38 purposively selected participants in New South Wales (NSW), Australia. Participants included mental health consumers (n = 5), carers (n = 6), clinicians (n = 15) and members of the Mental Health Review Tribunal of NSW (n = 12). Data were analysed using established qualitative methodologies. Results Analysis of participant accounts about CTOs and their role within the mental health system identified two key themes, namely that: (1) CTOs are used to increase access to services; and (2) CTOs cannot remedy non-existent or inadequate services. Conclusion The findings of the present study indicate that deficiencies in health service structures and resourcing are a significant factor in CTO use. This raises questions about policy accountability for mental health services (both voluntary and involuntary), as well as about the usefulness of CTOs, justifications for CTO use and the legal criteria regulating CTO implementation. What is known about this topic? Following the deinstitutionalisation of psychiatric services over recent decades, community settings are increasingly the focus for the delivery of mental health services to people living with severe and persistent mental illnesses. The rates of use of involuntary treatment in Australian community settings (under CTOs) vary between state and territory jurisdictions and are high by world standards; however, the reasons for variation in rates of CTO use are not well understood. What does this paper add? This paper provides an empirical basis for a link between the politics of mental health and the uptake and usefulness of CTOs. What are the implications for practitioners? This paper makes explicit the real-world demands on the mental health system and how service deficiencies are a significant determinant in the use of CTOs. Practitioners and policy makers need to be candid about system limitations and how they factor in clinical and legal justifications for using involuntary treatment. The results of the present study provide data to support advocacy to improve policy accountability and resourcing of community mental health services.
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Boomgaard, Peter, Denys Lombard, Gary Brana-Shute, David I. Kertzer, G. W. J. Drewes, Chantal Vuldy, Ch F. Fraassen, et al. "Book Reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 146, no. 1 (1990): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003234.

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- Peter Boomgaard, Denys Lombard, Marchands et hommes d’affaires asiatiques dans l’Ocean Indien et la Mer de Chine 13e - 20e siècles, Paris: Éditions de l’École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales. 1988. 375 pp., Jean Aubin (eds.) - Gary Brana-Shute, David I. Kertzer, Ritual, politics and power, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988. xi, 235 pp. - G.W.J. Drewes, Chantal Vuldy, Pekalongan; Batik et Islam dans une ville du Nord de Java. Paris: École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 1987, Études insulindiennes/Archipel 8. 311 pp. - Ch.F. van Fraassen, Hubert Jacobs, The Jesuit Makasar documents (1615-1682), edited and annotated by Hubert Jacobs SJ, Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu volume 134, Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1988, xxiv + 36* + 285 pp. - M. Hekker, Penelope Graham, Iban shamanism: An analysis of the ethnographic literature, Canberra: Occasional paper of the department of Anthropology, The Australian National University, 1987. x + 174 pp. - Huub de Jonge, Jennifer Alexander, Trade, traders, and trading in rural Java, Asian studies association of Australia, Southeast Asia publications series, No. 15. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1987, 223 and xvi pp., plates, tables, figs and maps. - Peter J. M. Nas, Ben F. van Leerdam, Henri Maclaine Pont: Architect tussen twee werelden; Over de perikelen rond het ontstaan van de gebouwen van een hogeschool, het ‘Instituut Teknologi Bandung’, Delft: Delftse Universitaire Pers, 1988, 90 pp. - P.J.M. Nas, B. Hauser-Schäublin, Bauen und Wohnen, 1987. Basel: Birkhauser Verlag. Mensch, Kultur, Umwelt 2.84 pages, - Peter Pels, Göran Aijmer, Symbolic textures; Studies in cultural meaning, Göteborg: Gothenburg studies in social Anthropology 10, 1987. - Robert Ross, Ido H. Enklaar, Life and work of Dr. J.Th. van der Kemp, 1747-1811: Missionary pioneer and protagonist of racial equality in South Africa, Cape Town/Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema, 1988, xi + 234 pp. - A. Teeuw, Jack Goody, The interface between the written and the oral, Cambridge etc.: Cambridge University Press, 1987. [Studies in literacy, family, culture and the state.] xxi + 328 pp. - Willem Ijzereef, Martin Rössler, Die soziale Realität des rituals. Kontinuität und Wandel bei den Makassar von Gowa (Süd-Sulawesi/Indonesien), Kölner Ethnologische studien, Band 14. Berlijn: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1987. 405 pp.
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