Relevant bibliographies by topics / South Australian politics

Academic literature on the topic 'South Australian politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "South Australian politics"

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WALKER, R. B. "Catherine Helen Spence and South Australian Politics." Australian Journal of Politics & History 15, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1969.tb00938.x.

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Cornelius, Karen, and Aidan Cornelius-Bell. "Systemic racism, a prime minister, and the remote Australian school system." Radical Teacher 122 (April 28, 2022): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2022.935.

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Remote Australian schools face complex contextual issues due to systemic and enduring disadvantage. The structures and systems put in place to support and provide advantage for Indigenous Australians continually fail to meet their mark due to colonial structures, policies and inability to understand remote contextual demands. In South Australia, the context of this paper, systemic disadvantage disproportionately affects Indigenous people. This article explores the contemporary colonial landscape of a remote school context, provides background on the colonial institutions which shape the interactions and services provided to people in remote Australian areas, and provides two empirical examples of the contemporary, structural, and harmful influence of policy and political figures in a remote school. By examining the politics of being a school leader, the policy background for remote Australian schools, and the unique challenges of position both in policy and physical terms, we show how contemporary racism structures and conditions the lives of young people in remote contexts today.
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Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.

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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
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McManus, Phil. "The Potential and Limits of Progressive Neopluralism: A Comparative Study of Forest Politics in Coastal British Columbia and South East New South Wales during the 1990s." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 34, no. 5 (May 2002): 845–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a3429.

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During the 1990s the management of forests in British Columbia (Canada) and New South Wales (Australia) underwent many changes. For most of the decade the governments in both of these political jurisdictions were more socially and environmentally aware than their immediate predecessors. They were, however, far short of what many environmental and social activists desired. The New Democratic Party in British Columbia, led to government by Mike Harcourt, and the Australian Labor Party in New South Wales led by Bob Carr, may both be described as ‘centre-left/light-green’ in their political persuasions. This paper develops the regulation approach to explore the achievements, the potential and the limitations of these governments in the area of forest politics. It is argued that these governments implicitly adopted a progressive neopluralist approach to forest politics and attempted to manage environmental conflict by securing the agreement of many diverse interest groups. The experience of these two governments raises questions about the potential and limitations not just of the particular governments, but of a progressive neopluralist political strategy to achieve sustainable forest management.
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Silverstein, Ben. "In Apartheid’s Shadow: Australian Race Politics and South Africa, 1945–1975." Australian Historical Studies 51, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2020.1746993.

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Shelton, G. L., R. Catley, and A. D. Schmulow. "Trading politics for the politics of trade: South African and Australian relations in the New Millenium." Journal of Australian Studies 24, no. 66 (January 2000): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050009387611.

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Stockwell, Stephen. "The Lure of Independence." Cultural Studies Review 11, no. 2 (October 25, 2013): 218–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v11i2.3673.

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Bonnell, Andrew G. "Transnational Socialists? German Social Democrats in Australia before 1914." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000284.

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Emigration from the German states was a mass phenomenon in the “long” nineteenth century. Much of this migration was of course labour migration, and German workers were very much on the move during the nineteenth century: in addition to the traditional Wanderschaft (travels) of journeymen, the century saw increasing internal migration within and between German-speaking lands, migration from rural areas to cities, and the participation of working people in emigration to destinations outside Europe. Over five million Germans left the German states from 1820 to 1914, with a large majority choosing the United States as their destination, especially in the earliest waves of migration. By comparison with the mass migration to North America, the flow of German migrants to the British colonies in Australia (which federated to form a single Commonwealth in 1901) was a relative trickle, but the numbers were still significant in the Australian context, with Germans counted as the second-largest national group among European settlers after the “British-born” (which included the Irish) in the nineteenth century, albeit a long way behind the British. After the influx of Old Lutheran religious dissidents from Prussia to South Australia in the late 1830s, there was a wave of German emigrants in the 1840s and 1850s, driven by the “push” factor of agrarian and economic crisis in the German states in the 1840s followed by the attraction of the Australian gold rushes and other opportunities, such as land-ownership incentives. While the majority of German settlers were economic migrants, this latter period also saw the arrival in the Australian colonies of a few “Forty-Eighters,” radicals and liberals who had been active in the political upheavals of 1848–9, some of whom became active in politics and the press in Australia. The 1891 census counted over 45,000 German-born residents in the Australian colonies.
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Trethewey, Lynne. "Reforming the age‐grade structure in South Australian schools: History and politics 1945–1991." Melbourne Studies in Education 35, no. 1 (January 1994): 114–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17508489409556271.

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KATTAN, Victor. "Decolonizing the International Court of Justice: The Experience of Judge Sir Muhammad Zafrulla Khan in theSouth West AfricaCases." Asian Journal of International Law 5, no. 2 (September 9, 2014): 310–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251314000125.

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This paper revisits the controversy of Judge Sir Muhammad Zafrulla Khan's recusal from theSouth West Africacases using new information from the National Archives in Australia, India, South Africa, and the United Kingdom, including an unpublished manuscript written by the Australian judge and the Court's President Sir Percy Spender. Sir Percy's manuscript, which addresses the “recusal” controversy and the 1966 Decision, raises uncomfortable questions about the politics of international law within the Court in the 1960s. In many ways, Judge Zafrulla's struggle with Sir Percy at the ICJ can be analogized to the struggle of non-European peoples to self-determination. The internal “legal” struggle within the Court paralleled the larger “political” struggle outside the Court. Zafrulla would win the struggle, however, when as President of the Court during the 1971 Advisory Opinion onNamibiahe would contribute to decolonization, a possibility he foresaw when he was forced to recuse himself.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "South Australian politics"

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Jose, Jim. "Sexing the subject : the politics of sex education in South Australian State Schools, 1900-1990 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1995. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj828.pdf.

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Halpin, Darren Richard, of Western Sydney Hawkesbury University, Faculty of Environmental Management and Agriculture, and School of Agriculture and Rural Development. "Authenticity and the representative paradox: the political representation of Australian farmers through the NFF family of interest groups." THESIS_FEMA_ARD_Halpin_D.xml, 1999. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/22.

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This thesis examines the political representation of Australian farmers. The NFF family of interest groups is charged with the political representation of farmers in Australia.Given that their state affiliates are the only organisations that farmers can directly join, this study takes the case of the New South Wales Farmers' Association (NSWFA) as its major reference point. A paradox is immediately confronted. On one hand, both the state and commentators refer to the NFF family as an exemplar of a successful modern interest group. However, on the other, the NFF family is being confronted with escalating levels of disillusionment and criticism from its own constituency.Two points of interest are highlighted. Firstly, it is suggested that theoretical frameworks, which assist commentators and researchers to come to the conclusion that the NFF family is 'successful', are not constructed in such a fashion as to throw sufficient light on the paradoxical nature of an existing situation. Secondly, this paradox suggests that the NFF itself must be able to disassociate the contingent relationship between its internal levels of support and external levels of access and influence. These two focal points are explored in this thesis, and the framework used by researchers to understand the actions of Australian farm interest groups are scrutinised. Discussing 'authentic' political representation assists considering the major theme of the 'representative paradox'. It is argued that this paradox is best understood by locating it within a search by farmers for authentic political representation - both through the NFF family and apart from it.
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Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932." Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.

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Hogarth, Jane T. "The politics of World Heritage listing in South Australia /." Title page, table of contents and summary only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ENV/09envH715.pdf.

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Davis, Edward R. "Ethnicity and diversity : politics and the Aboriginal community /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phd2613.pdf.

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Mould, Catherine. "Childbirth, choice and culture : the politics of birth in South Australia /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm9259.pdf.

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Wigman, Albertus. "Childhood and compulsory education in South Australia : a cultural-political analysis." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw659.pdf.

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Fine, Robert. "Labour and politics in South Africa, 1939-1964." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1989. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55901/.

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The core of my dissertation is devoted to a re-interpretation of the history of the liberation movement in South Africa in two critical periods of its development. The first I call in short 'the 1940s' but shall be referring more specifically to the years between 1939 and the rise of apartheid in 1948; the second I call 'the 1950s' but shall refer to the years between the emergence of apartheid and the defeat of the liberation movement in 1964. Both the 1940s and the 1950s were marked by fierce class struggles which brought with them hopes of a new democratic order in South Africa; both closed on the sombre note of defeat for democracy and triumph for the forces of reaction and racism. Motivated by a dissatisfaction with prevailing interpretations, I shall explore what went wrong in these years in order to deepen our understanding of the political culture and social base of the liberation movement. I have focussed on these two historical periods because I see the basic parameters of the contemporary liberation movement as set by the class struggles which occurred within them. My central hypothesis is that, although class relations do not on the whole manifest themselves directly on the surface of the liberation movement, they have nonetheless been the crucial determinants of its pattern of evolution. My introductory chapter will be devoted to a theoretical discussion of the relation between nationalism and socialism in the South Africa liberation movement. It was written after the historical research and its ideas reflect a considerable change of mind which resulted from the research; the ideas expressed within it provide a necessary foundation for understanding what I wish to say through the substantive history. My final section will be an attempt to outline the major lessons which I draw from the history of these class struggles; it focusses on what I see as the unresolved conflict between the two traditions of 'radical liberalism' and 'insurrectionism' which run through the history of the liberation struggle and on defining what I see as the 'absent centre' of this history: social democracy or more accurately the social democratic movement of the working class.
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Lowe, David Michael. "Australia, South East Asia and the Cold War, 1948-54." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283670.

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Park, Sun-Won. "The dynamics of triangular intra-alliance politics : political interventions of the United States and Japan towards South Korea in regime transition 1979-1980." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4369/.

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The focus of this study is the political dynamics of the alliance relations between the United States, Japan and South Korea during the Cold War period. It proposes the concept of "triangular alliance security system" (TASS) as a new theoretical framework for the understanding of intra-alliance politics in Northeast Asia. It identifies the different perspectives on regional relations of the US, Japan and South Korea and it argues that the main operational principle of the US in its dealings with Korea at that time was active intervention to democratise the latter's polity, whilst the Japanese imperative was defensive intervention to preserve stability and the status quo. It also presents a new body of empirical facts concerning the US and Japanese interventions in South Korea's regime transition during 1979 and 1980, utilising primary materials from US, Japanese and South Korean sources and in-depth interviews with diplomatic actors and policy-makers. The empirical findings concerning Japanese intervention in the South Korean regime challenge conventional views of Japanese foreign policy. They suggest a much more active role for Japan in the emergence of the regime of Gen. Chun Doo-hwan, whilst the Carter administration was increasingly preoccupied with the Iran hostage crisis.
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Books on the topic "South Australian politics"

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Invasion to embassy: Land in Aboriginal politics in New South Wales, 1770-1972. Sydney, N.S.W: Sydney University Press, 2008.

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Invasion to embassy: Land in aboriginal politics in New South Wales, 1770-1972. St. Edwards, NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin in association with Black Books, 1996.

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Goodall, Heather. Invasion to embassy: Land in Aboriginal politics in New South Wales, 1770-1972. Sydney, N.S.W: Sydney University Press, 2008.

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Colonial ambition: Foundations of Australian democracy. Carlton, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 2006.

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Dewar, Mickey. 'Snorters, fools, and little 'uns': Sexual politics and territory writing in the South Australian period. Darwin: State Library of the Northern Territory, 1992.

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Betrayal: The underbelly of Australian Labor. Seaforth, N.S.W: Pantera Press, 2010.

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Jennings, Reece. Barnacles and parasites: Independent members of the South Australian Parliament, 1927-1970. Plympton, SA: Nesfield Press, 1992.

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Carr, Bob. Matters of principle: The Labor revival in New South Wales. Melbourne: Australian Fabian Society, 1989.

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Hagan, Jim. A history of the Labor Party in New South Wales, 1891-1991. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire, 1991.

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Sir Henry Parkes: The Australian colossus. North Sydney, NSW: Random House Australia, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "South Australian politics"

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Dilley, Andrew. "The Politics of Finance in Three Australian States: Victoria, New South Wales, and Western Australia, 1901–1914." In Finance, Politics, and Imperialism, 139–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230355835_7.

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Hill, Lisa, Max Douglass, and Ravi Baltutis. "Why Australia Is a Great Place to Start: The Implied Freedom of Political Communication and TIPA Laws." In How and Why to Regulate False Political Advertising in Australia, 45–56. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2123-0_5.

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AbstractIn this chapter we show that the Australian constitutional and jurisprudential approach to political speech, as embodied in the implied freedom of political communication, makes Australia a uniquely congenial setting for TIPA laws and the type of burden they place on political speech. This is reflected in a range of High Court decisions as well as the fact that the Supreme Court of South Australia has upheld the constitutionality of the South Australian TIPA law based on Australian implied freedom of communication jurisprudence. Our exploration of these decisions and their broader context throws light on how such a freedom is supposed to work and is constituted. Notably, the Courts have achieved a balance in the ‘freedom-fairness’ trade-off, and indicated that they consider TIPA laws, in constraining some political speech, as tipping the scales towards ‘fairness’ without at the same time unduly impacting freedom. We end the chapter by summarising our argument so far.
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Hill, Lisa, Max Douglass, and Ravi Baltutis. "South Australia’s Experience." In How and Why to Regulate False Political Advertising in Australia, 111–22. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2123-0_8.

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AbstractBecause it has been in operation for some time, the SA model embodied in s 113 of the Electoral Act 1983 (SA) offers us many useful lessons about the benefits and pitfalls of truth in election advertising laws and what to avoid and pursue in an ideal-type regime. We therefore explore in detail how it has operated and the extent to which it has been successful. We also examine, in detail, its constitutionality in a number of important test cases. To improve its efficacy, we suggest a variety of ways in which it could be strengthened by amending specific elements of the law.
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Hill, Lisa, Max Douglass, and Ravi Baltutis. "Australia’s Experience." In How and Why to Regulate False Political Advertising in Australia, 77–109. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2123-0_7.

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AbstractWe now explore legal experiments in truth in election advertising in the Australian context, including two at the Commonwealth level (later repealed) and one at the state level (we explore South Australia’s experience in Chapters 8 and 9). We also show that some jurisdictions have adopted what we refer to as ‘pseudo’ truth in political advertising laws that appear to perform the same function as those we propose but do not due to the operations of an influential precedent. There is also some discussion of cases where states came close to adopting truth in political advertising legislation but failed to; we examine why.
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Köllner, Patrick. "Australia and New Zealand’s South Pacific Diplomacy: Seeking to Balance China’s Regional Engagement." In Global Political Transitions, 163–85. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7007-7_8.

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Davies, Sara E. "Women at Risk and Their Right to Asylum in Australia." In The Politics of Women and Migration in the Global South, 87–103. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58799-2_6.

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Hyndman-Rizk, Nelia. "Masculinisation or Feminisation? Lebanese Emigration and the Dynamics of Arranged Cousin Marriages in Australia." In The Politics of Women and Migration in the Global South, 71–85. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58799-2_5.

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Ward, Damen. "Imperial Policy, Colonial Government, and Indigenous Testimony in South Australia and New Zealand in the 1840s." In Law and Politics in British Colonial Thought, 229–47. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230114388_13.

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Flint, Carmel, Dailan Pugh, and Daniel Beaver. "The good, the bad and the ugly: science, process and politics in forestry reform and the implications for conservation of forest fauna in north-east New South Wales." In Conservation of Australia's Forest Fauna, 222–55. P.O. Box 20, Mosman NSW 2088: Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.7882/fs.2004.016.

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Hahn, Julia, Nils B. Heyen, and Ralf Lindner. "Tracing Technology Assessment Internationally—TA Activities in 12 Countries Across the Globe." In Technology Assessment in a Globalized World, 17–29. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10617-0_2.

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AbstractThis chapter aims to describe and highlight current and relevant developments of technology assessment (TA) across several countries and attempts to cluster these according to main areas of activity or modes of institutionalization. By tracing current TA or “TA-like” activities in selected countries across the globe, it highlights several developments, initiatives, or methods, which are interesting and relevant for a global perspective on TA. The focus of this chapter is mainly on non-European countries, which are part of the globalTA network. This provides a unique impression of TA-like activities in Australia, Brazil, Chile, China, Czechia, India, Poland, South Africa, South Korea, Slovakia, Russia, and the USA. This provides an overview of the heterogeneity of socio-political systems, modes of institutionalization of TA, and TA practices in the different countries observed. Yet at the same time, a TA core is visible, addressing potentials and risks of emerging technologies, ways of doing responsible research and innovation, issues of trust and acceptance by the public and different stakeholders, science and technology governance, and the like.
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Reports on the topic "South Australian politics"

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Gordoncillo, Mary Joy N., Ronello C. Abila, and Gregorio Torres. The Contributions of STANDZ Initiative to Dog Rabies Elimination in South-East Asia. O.I.E (World Organisation for Animal Health), January 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20506/standz.2789.

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A Grant Agreement between the Government of Australia and the World Organisation for Animal Health (OIE), the Stop Transboundary Animal Diseases and Zoonoses (STANDZ), initiative includes a rabies component with an overarching intended outcome of reducing dog rabies incidence in targeted areas. This initiative envisaged regional rabies activities in South-East Asia as well as specifically designed pilot projects in the Philippines, Myanmar and Cambodia. While remaining anchored to the envisioned outcome, its implementation from 2013 to 2016 also leveraged on the resources made available through the initiative to strategically generate tools, materials and examples that can potentially bridge long-standing gaps on dog rabies elimination in the region. This included developing approaches on rabies communication strategy, risk-based approach for the prioritization of mass dog vaccination, rabies case investigation, post-vaccination monitoring, building capacity through pilot vaccination projects, One Health operationalization at the grass-root level, and reinforcing high-level political support through regional and national rabies strategy development. These are briefly described in this paper and are also further detailed in a series of publications which individually document these approaches for future utility of the countries in the region, or wherever these may be deemed fitting. The STANDZ rabies initiative leaves behind a legacy of materials and mechanisms that can potentially contribute in strategically addressing rabies in the region and in achieving the global vision of eliminating dog-mediated human rabies by 2030.
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