Journal articles on the topic 'South american protests'
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1
Martin, Greg. "A law unto themselves: on the relatively autonomous operation of protest policing during the COVID-19 pandemic." Justice, Power and Resistance 5, no. 1-2 (May 2022): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/swjc7676.
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A central argument of this article is that the exercise of police power in respect of protests is relatively autonomous of judicial pronouncements affirming or upholding rights of free speech and peaceful public assembly. Using mostly Australian examples, but also drawing on UK material and some American references, the article shows how protests have gone ahead regardless of prohibitions on mass gatherings during the COVID-19 pandemic. In New South Wales, courts have sometimes allowed protests to proceed when public health experts have assessed the risk to community transmission of coronavirus to be sufficiently low. Notwithstanding that, as they did prior to the pandemic, police have moved to prevent protests and repress protestors. Accordingly, the article takes issue with the ‘negotiated management’ model of protest policing, which perpetuates a fiction of police-protestor cooperation. Indeed, protest policing has often been conflictual and heavy-handed, even militaristic, which, paradoxically, has sometimes led to potential breaches of COVID-19-safe protocols. The article concludes by highlighting analogies between the COVID-19 crisis and the ‘war on terror’ following 9/11, including the role played by courts in attempting to limit the concentration of executive power, government overreach, and intensification of police powers under a paradigm of security.
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Goluboff, Risa L. "“Won't You Please Help Me Get My Son Home”: Peonage, Patronage, and Protest in the World War II Urban South." Law & Social Inquiry 24, no. 04 (1999): 777–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1999.tb00405.x.
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During World War II, young African Americans from southern cities left their homes for what appeared to be patriotic job opportunities harvesting sugar cane in Florida. When returning workers described peonage and slavery instead, parents worried about their children's safety. After attempting to contact their children directly, the parents appealed to the federal government. Their decision to mobilize the federal government and the strategies they used to do so reveal important aspects of wartime African American protest that historians have previously overlooked. This article focuses on families instead of atomized individuals, revealing the importance of families, neighborhoods, and communities to the emergence of rights consciousness. It also complicates the historiographical dichotomy between rights consciousness and patronage relationships. Patrons served as liaisons with law enforcement agencies and provided links to a law-centered rights consciousness. For many historians, until protest exits the realm of patronage ties, it is not really protest, and once interactions with government themselves become bureaucratized they cease to be protest any longer. The efforts of the peons' families challenge both ends of this narrow category of protest; they both used patronage relations to lodge their protests and also forged rights consciousness within the legal process itself.
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Ho, Ming-sho, and Chen-Shuo Hong. "Challenging New Conservative Regimes in South Korea and Taiwan." Asian Survey 52, no. 4 (July 2012): 643–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.4.643.
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Abstract This article compares anti-American beef politics in South Korea (2008) and Taiwan (2009) to solve the puzzle of why two similar social protests resulted in dissimilar outcomes. Given the highly comparable political contexts of conservative ascendancy, we argue that cultural factors determined the movement trajectories. The presence of anti-Americanism and the centrality of beef in the national diet produced a strong anti-government movement in Korea but not in Taiwan.
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Johansson, Perry. "Resistance and Repetition: The Holocaust in the Art, Propaganda, and Political Discourse of Vietnam War Protests." Cultural History 10, no. 1 (April 2021): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2021.0233.
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The Western European protest movement against the American War in Vietnam stands out as something unique in contemporary history. Here finally, after all the senseless horrors of the twentieth century, reason speaks, demanding an end to Western atrocities against the poor South. But in the rosy fog of humanistic idealism and youthful revolution lies the unanswered question, why did this and not any other conflicts, before or after, render such an intense, widespread reaction? Taking Sweden as a case in point, this article employs the concepts of resistance, trauma, memory, and repetition to explore why the Vietnam movement came into being just as the buried history of the Holocaust resurfaced in a series of well-publicized trials of Nazi war criminals. It suggests that the protests of the radical young Leftists against American “imperialism” and “genocide” were informed by repressed memories of the Holocaust. The Swedish anti-war protests had unique and far-reaching consequences. The ruling Social Democratic Party, in order not to lose these younger Left wing voters to Communism, also engaged actively against the Vietnam War. And, somewhat baffling for a political party often criticized for close ties to Nazi Germany during WWII, its messaging used the same rhetoric as the Far Left, echoing Nazi anti-Semitic propaganda.
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Douglas, Christopher. "“Bodies and Things, Both Putrid and Corrupt”: Miasma and Racial Anxiety in Hawthorne's The Marble Faun." Nathaniel Hawthorne Review 47, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/nathhawtrevi.47.1.0101.
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Abstract As the forces of racial anxiety and pandemic combined in America in 2020 in the BLM protests and COVID-19 outbreak, so too they combine in Nathaniel Hawthorne's The Marble Faun (1860) in the form of antebellum racism and malaria. Written shortly after his European tour, Hawthorne's final novel, which is packed with comments about the poisonous Roman air, features New England artists Hilda and Kenyon who must navigate Italy without becoming degraded, while Italians Miriam and Donatello belong to the corruption that Italy breeds. The pestilence oozing between the lines of this novel is born out of racial transgressions; though different in scope from America's enslavement of Africans, the tension between white, Protestant American culture and Catholic Italy speaks to the same neuroses haunting the American psyche of not only the 1850s but also the twenty-first century. The American characters' separation from the Roman atmosphere mirrors the growing separation between North and South during the runup to the Civil War. Like America, Italy was on the verge of war, although as a force of unification instead of dissolution; yet for both, Hawthorne subverts the open discussion of any political tension to the level of a diseased atmosphere.
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Estévez, Pablo. "LECCIONES DE LA PRIMAVERA ANDINA 2019." Entropia 05, no. 10 (2017): 124–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.52765/entropia.v5i10.347.
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The reflection that we present seeks to contribute to the search for alternatives of the South American social movements. For this we start from the current situation where we mention some of the features of the protests of September, October and November 2019 in Ecuador, Chile and Bolivia, as a point Starting to infer political teaching-learning processes of non-institutional collective subjects. From the method of Sociological Intervention, the researcher synthesizes certain hypotheses, based on his global reading of the conflict processing and the analysis of the self-reflection of various participants in the collective subject. In this way, we try to consider common elements of South American cases that allow us to relate autonomous and particular demands with the central conflicts of the societies studied. Finally, to think about a pedagogy of the social movement, at a critical moment in the progressive cycles, we turn to recover from the philosophy of the liberation of Giulio Girardi and José Luis Rebellato some reflections to promote the formation of“subject-peoples”.
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Fazio, Michele. "Taking Action: Writing To End White Supremacy." Radical Teacher 115 (November 26, 2019): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2019.683.
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The subject of monuments and their historical value in the present, a topic of great debate both politically and culturally in recent years, has brought to the forefront how prevalent white supremacy is in contemporary society. This subject hit close to home for me and my students as the toppling of confederate statues in downtown Durham and Silent Sam on the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill's campus—both results of protests against the rise of white nationalism—occurred just two hours north from our campus, the University of North Carolina-Pembroke. Known as the most diverse campus in the UNC system with nearly 60% of its undergraduate student population identifying as non-White, UNC-P has a rich history steeped in American Indian culture (its school was created by and for American Indians), and it was difficult to ignore how these two local events along with national news coverage of hate crimes and blackface rehashed racial divisions not only in the South, but across the country.
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Zahid, Amena, Noor Fatima, and Zoha Fatima. "US 2020 Elections – Will Biden make America Great again?" Global Foreign Policies Review III, no. I (December 30, 2020): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2020(iii-i).05.
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As America had faced several racial protests and injustices during Trump’s era, Biden took a strong stance on racism in US and stated that racial injustice must be dealt with through broad economic and social programs to support minorities. Donald Trump’s vision of “Making America Great Again” and of capitalizing and fortifying the intrinsic capabilities of America is what sets him apart from the previous Obama regime. Trump’s Strategy in South Asia has been three-fold and its targets are primarily four countries: Afghanistan, India, Pakistan and China. With Biden coming into presidency, there is hope that the United States foreign policy might return to a pre-Trump era and even Republicans are hopeful for a return to the good order. The main issues with which Biden administration will struggle in the coming day will be in convincing the American people once again that global reengagement and multilateralism will help in improving the United States’ standing once again. Many of Biden’s aides are claiming that there is a possibility that America’s approach to problems can be reinvented and there is an effective policy blueprint for Biden’s first 100 days and those beyond which will fix most of what they can.
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Bondarenko, Dmitri M. "Cultural Anthropology in the USA." Anthropos 117, no. 2 (2022): 411–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2022-2-411.
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The outburst of antiracist protests in the USA in 2020 demonstrates how deeply this society’s present-day problems are rooted in its past. From this perspective, a study of the cultural memory of the time of the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, the key moment in the contemporary American nation formation, is especially relevant and important. The cultural frontier between the North and the South that had appeared as an outcome of differences in US history has not disappeared up to now. By example of the complexity and inconsistency of the historical memory of the Civil War, slavery, and its abolition in the USA manifested in their visual representations, the article documents how through collective memory, history does not just invade modernity but is present in it, particularly in the form of memorials, monuments, museum expositions, and therefore determines the nation’s modernity to a large degree.
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Herr, Harry. "Hunter H McGuire– Ignominious Legacy of a Confederate Surgeon." International Journal of Urologic History 2, no. 2 (January 5, 2023): 76–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53101/ijuh.2.2.01052307.
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Objectives National protests in the wake of the murder of George Floyddemanded that Confederate statues be removed from public view as symbols of slavery and racism. A statue still stands in Richmond, Virginia, dedicated to a Confederate surgeon, Hunter Holmes McGuire (1835-1900). The Richmond, Virginia Veterans Administration (VA) Hospital bears his name. Dr. McGuire became a contemproary influential figure in American medicine, and served as the President of the American Medical Association; he was also a racist. A biogaphy of McGuire is hereby compiled to better understand his rise to prominence in the Confederate South. Methods Medical articles, commentaries and speeches authored by Dr. McGuire, bibliographies and contemporary newspaper columns. Results Dr. McGuire served as a surgeon in the Confederacy from 1861-1865 and in that rolewas credited for saving many lives. After the war, he became nationally and internationally known as a compassionate physician, gifted surgeon, teacher and educator. A third of his medical publications were devoted to advancing urologic care. He founded Richmond’sUniversity College of Medicine (which merged with the Medical College of Virginia in 1913) and later became president of the American Medical Association. Dr. McGuire was also a pro-slavery advocate his entire life, was a white supremacist, whose statue still sits behind the Virginia state capital building. Conclusions HunterMcGuire made significant contributions to American medicine, but his unrepentent racism and pro-slavery views and actions have tarnished his legacy.
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Logan, Katie. "“History is Illuminating”: Public memory crises and collectives in Richmond, Virginia." Memory Studies 14, no. 6 (December 2021): 1173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980211054291.
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Amid the Black Lives Matter protests and calls to remove Confederate statuary in Richmond, Virginia, during the summer of 2020, the History Is Illuminating project constructed public signs that replicated the traditional historical markers used throughout the Commonwealth of Virginia. The signs were placed along Richmond’s historic Monument Avenue in conversation with the still-standing Confederate monuments. They challenged the monuments’ representation of public memory by re-introducing narratives about prominent Black Richmonders and informing readers of the Jim Crow legislation that enabled the monuments to be constructed and venerated. This edited and condensed interview with organizers from the project describes the multiple crises of collective memory that public historians confront in the American South, as well as the strategies the History Is Illuminating project used to counter dominant narratives about public memory. Finally, the interview highlights the importance of community action and a multiplicity of public memory projects in order to ensure a democratic approach to collective memory.
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Lovasik, Brendan P., Priya R. Rajdev, Steven C. Kim, Jahnavi K. Srinivasan, Walter L. Ingram, and Blayne A. Sayed. "“The Living Monument”: The Desegregation of Grady Memorial Hospital and the Changing South." American Surgeon 86, no. 3 (March 2020): 213–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000313482008600330.
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Grady Memorial Hospital is a pillar of public medical and surgical care in the Southeast. The evolution of this institution, both in its physical structure as well as its approach to patient care, mirrors the cultural and social changes that have occurred in the American South. Grady Memorial Hospital opened its doors in 1892 built in the heart of Atlanta's black community. With its separate and unequal facilities and services for black and white patients, the concept of “the Gradies” was born. Virtually, every aspect of care at Grady continued to be segregated by race until the mid-20th century. In 1958, the opening of the “New Grady” further cemented this legacy of the separate “Gradies,” with patients segregated by hospital wing. By the 1960s, civil rights activists brought change to Atlanta. The Atlanta Student Movement, with the support of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., led protests outside of Grady, and a series of judicial and legislative rulings integrated medical boards and public hospitals. Eventually, the desegregation of Grady occurred with a quiet memo that belied years of struggle: on June 1, 1965, a memo from hospital superintendent Bill Pinkston read “All phases of the hospital are on a non-racial basis, effective today.” The future of Grady is deeply rooted in its past, and Grady's mission is unchanged from its inception in 1892: “It will nurse the poor and rich alike and will be an asylum for black and white.”
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Klotz, Kelsey A. K. "Dave Brubeck's Southern Strategy." Daedalus 148, no. 2 (April 2019): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01742.
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In January 1960, white jazz pianist Dave Brubeck made headlines for cancelling a twenty-five-date tour of colleges and universities across the American South after twenty-two schools had refused to allow his black bassist, Eugene Wright, to perform. This cancellation became a defining moment in Brubeck's career, forever marking him as an advocate for racial justice. This essay follows Brubeck's engagement with early civil rights–era protests, examining the moments leading up to Brubeck's cancellation of his 1960 tour of the South. In doing so, I uncover new details in Brubeck's steps toward race activism that highlight the ways in which Brubeck leveraged his whiteness to support integration efforts, even as he simultaneously benefited from a system that privileged his voice over the voices of people of color. While Brubeck has been hailed as a civil rights advocate simply for cancelling his 1960 tour, I argue that Brubeck's activism worked on a deeper level, one that inspired him to adopt a new musical and promotional strategy that married commercial interests with political ideology. Brubeck's advocacy relied on his power and privilege within the mainstream music industry to craft albums and marketing approaches that promoted integration in the segregationist South. Ultimately, this period in Brubeck's career is significant because it allows deep consideration of who Brubeck spoke for and above, who listened, and for whom his actions as a civil rights advocate were meaningful.
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Kosek, Joseph Kip. "“Just a Bunch of Agitators”: Kneel-Ins and the Desegregation of Southern Churches." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 23, no. 2 (2013): 232–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2013.23.2.232.
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AbstractCivil rights protests at white churches, dubbed “kneel-ins,” laid bare the racial logic that structured Christianity in the American South. Scholars have investigated segregationist religion, but such studies tend to focus on biblical interpretation rather than religious practice. A series of kneel-ins at Atlanta's First Baptist Church, the largest Southern Baptist church in the Southeast, shows how religious activities and religious spaces became sites of intense racial conflict. Beginning in 1960, then more forcefully in 1963, African American students attempted to integrate First Baptist's sanctuary. When they were alternately barred from entering, shown to a basement auditorium, or carried out bodily, their efforts sparked a wide-ranging debate over racial politics and spiritual authenticity, a debate carried on both inside and outside the church. Segregationists tended to avoid a theological defense of Jim Crow, attacking instead the sincerity and comportment of their unwanted visitors. Yet while many church leaders were opposed to open seating, a vibrant student contingent favored it. Meanwhile, mass media—local, national, and international—shaped interpretations of the crisis and possibilities for resolving it. Roy McClain, the congregation's popular minister, attempted to navigate a middle course but faced criticism from all sides. The conflict came to a head when Ashton Jones, a white minister, was arrested, tried, and imprisoned for protesting outside the church. In the wake of the controversy, the members of First Baptist voted to end segregation in the sanctuary. This action brought formal desegregation—but little meaningful integration—to the congregation.
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Stur, Heather. "“To Do Nothing Would be to Dig Our Own Graves: Student Activism in the Republic of Vietnam”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 26, no. 3 (August 27, 2019): 285–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02603004.
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During the Vietnam War, South Vietnamese students were some of the most vocal activists asserting multiple visions for Vietnam’s future. Students’ attitudes spanned the political spectrum from staunchly anti-Communist to supportive of the National Liberation Front. Like young people throughout the world in the 1960s, students in South Vietnam embodied the spirit of the global Sixties as a hopeful moment in which the possibility of freedom energized those demanding political change. South Vietnam’s university students staged protests, wrote letters, and drew up plans of action that tried to unite the disparate political interests among the nation’s young people as politicians and generals in Saigon attempted to establish a viable national government. South Vietnamese government officials and U.S. advisors paid close attention to student activism hoping to identify and cultivate sources of support for the Saigon regime. While some students were willing to work with Americans, others argued that foreign intervention of any kind was bad for Vietnam. The Saigon government’s repressive tactics for dealing with political protest drove away students who otherwise might have supported it.
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Starnes, John Eric. "Black Flag under a Grey Sky. Forms of Protest in Current Neo-Confederate Prose and Song." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 1 (August 16, 2020): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7587.
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Abstract: While ‘tragic’ protest and protest songs are normally conceived of as originating on the political left of American culture, in recent years protest from the political right, specifically the racist right has flown under the cultural radar of most researchers of American studies. This article strives to explore the ways in which the neo-Confederate movement is currently protesting the state of cultural, political, and social affairs in the contemporary American South. The neo-Confederate movement is one of the oldest forms of ‘conservative’ protest present in the United States, originating out of the defeat of the Confederacy and the civic religion of the ‘Lost Cause’ of the last decades of the 1800s into the first three decades of the 1900s. Since the neo-Confederate movement is both revolutionary and conservative, it is possible to derive some valuable insights into the contemporary reactionary politics of the right by examining a brief sampling of the protest songs, novels and essays of this particular subculture.
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Morgan, Eric J. "The World Is Watching: Polaroid and South Africa." Enterprise & Society 7, no. 3 (September 2006): 520–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700004390.
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This article examines the Polaroid Corporation’s “experiment” in South Africa during the 1970s, which began after African American workers pressured the company to pull its operations out of South Africa in protest of the white minority government’s apartheid policies. It argues that Polaroid’s initiatives, little studied until now, led other American companies to question their presence in South Africa and inspired both student divestment movements at Harvard and other colleges and universities and the efforts of Leon Sullivan, whose 1977 “Sullivan Principles” urged American companies to treat their workers in South Africa as they would treat their counterparts in the United States in an effort to battle racism and apartheid. Despite Polaroid’s efforts, engagement with South Africa and apartheid proved futile, which initiated a larger movement to completely disengage from South Africa.
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Baker, Scott. "Pedagogies of Protest: African American Teachers and the History of the Civil Rights Movement, 1940–1963." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 113, no. 12 (December 2011): 2777–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811111301206.
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Background/Context Although the dominant narrative of the civil rights movement marginalizes the role of black educators, revisionist scholars have shown that a significant number of black teachers encouraged student protest and activism. There has, however, been little analysis of the work of black teachers inside segregated schools in the South. Purpose/Objective This study examines the courses that Southern African American teachers taught, the pedagogies they practiced, and the extracurricular programs they organized. Using Charleston's Burke Industrial School as a lens to illuminate pedagogies of protest that were practiced by activist educators in the South, this study explores how leading black educators created spaces within segregated schools where they bred dissatisfaction with white supremacy. Research Design This historical analysis draws upon archival sources, school board minutes, school newspapers and yearbooks, oral testimony, and autobiographies. Conclusions/Recommendations In Charleston, as elsewhere in the South, activist African American teachers made crucial contributions to the civil rights movement. Fusing an activist version of the African American uplift philosophy with John Dewey's democratic conception of progressive education, exemplary teachers created academic and extracurricular programs that encouraged student protest. Beginning in the 1940s and continuing through the 1960s, students acted on lessons taught in classes and extracurricular clubs, organizing and leading strikes, boycotts, and demonstrations. The pedagogies that leading African American educators practiced, the aspirations they nurtured, and the student activism they encouraged helped make the civil rights movement possible.
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Kim, Byung-Kook. "The U.S.–South Korean Alliance: Anti-American Challenges." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (August 2003): 225–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001351.
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December 2002 shook up South Korea's conservative establishment and its U.S. ally. Five days before the South Korean presidential election, with a quarter of the electorate still remaining undecided, leaders of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and religious activists staged a massive candlelight vigil in front of Seoul's city hall to protest against “unequal” provisions in South Korea's Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with its U.S. ally. The political rally drew some 40,000 protestors from all walks of life. Moreover, it was only one among many climaxes in a long mobilization drive launched by NGOs and “netizens” since June, when a U.S. armored vehicle driven by Sergeant Fernando Nino and Mark Walker ran over two teenage girls during a military exercise in Hyochonli. That month saw some thirty NGOs establish a national umbrella organization to demand the trial of Nino and Walker under South Korean law. Then, in December, the Catholic, Buddhist, and Protestant religious orders joined in to lend their authority to the protestors by collectively calling for the revision of SOFA to give South Korea “primary jurisdiction” over criminal cases. The radicalhanchongryonuniversity students, too, showed up in protest sites to stir up and escalate anti-American sentiments, regularly raiding U.S. military bases in Uijongbu and Yongsan and even breaking into the U.S. Embassy compound in November. But unlike the past, this intrusion of radicalhanchongryonactivists did not drive away presumably conservative middle-class groups from political rallies. On the contrary, the call for a SOFA revision grew louder after the U.S. military court judged Nino and Walker not guilty of negligent homicide.
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Pirie, Gordon H. "Southern African Air Transport After Apartheid." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 341–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010752.
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Aviation in Southern Africa was subject throughout the 1980s to increasingly intense political pressures. As ever, the cause was protests about apartheid. The severe blow that black African countries dealt to South African Airways (S.A.A.), the Republic's state-owned national airline, in the 1960s by withdrawing overflying rights was magnified by similar action from a wider spectrum of non-African governments. In the mid-1980s, Australia and the United States of America, for example, revoked S.A.A.'s landing rights, and forbad airlines registered in their countries from flying to South Africa. Other carriers, such as Air Canada, closed their offices and then terminated representation in South Africa.
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Kausel, Leonie, Anja Boneberger, Mario Calvo, and Katja Radon. "Childhood Asthma and Allergies in Urban, Semiurban, and Rural Residential Sectors in Chile." Scientific World Journal 2013 (2013): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/937935.
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While rural living protects from asthma and allergies in many countries, results are conflicting in Latin America. We studied the prevalence of asthma and asthma symptoms in children from urban, semiurban, and rural sectors in south Chile. A cross-sectional questionnaire study was conducted in semiurban and rural sectors in the province of Valdivia (n=559) using the ISAAC (International Study of Asthma and Allergies in Childhood) questionnaire. Results were compared to prevalence in urban Valdivia (n=3105) by using data from ISAAC III study. Odds ratios (+95% confidence intervals) were calculated. No statistical significant differences were found for asthma ever and eczema symptoms stratified by residential sector, but a gradient could be shown for current asthma and rhinoconjunctivitis symptoms with urban living having highest and rural living having lowest prevalence. Rural living was inversely associated in a statistical significant way with current asthma (OR: 0.4; 95% CI: 0.2–0.9) and rhinoconjunctivitis symptoms (OR: 0.3; 95% CI: 0.2–0.7) in logistic regression analyses. Rural living seems to protect from asthma and respiratory allergies also in Chile, a South American country facing epidemiological transition. These data would be improved by clinical studies of allergic symptoms observed in studied sectors.
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Hunter, T. W. "African-American Women Workers' Protest in the New South." OAH Magazine of History 13, no. 4 (June 1, 1999): 52–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/13.4.52.
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Sanchez, Eladio, and Steve Swenson. "Proteases from South American Snake Venoms Affecting Fibrinolysis." Current Pharmaceutical Analysis 3, no. 2 (May 1, 2007): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/157341207780598968.
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Naicker, Previn, and Yasien Sayed. "Non-B HIV-1 subtypes in sub-Saharan Africa: impact of subtype on protease inhibitor efficacy." Biological Chemistry 395, no. 10 (October 1, 2014): 1151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hsz-2014-0162.
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Abstract In 2012, 25 million people [71% of global human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection] were estimated to be living with HIV in sub-Saharan Africa. Of these, approximately 1.6 million were new infections and 1.2 million deaths occurred. South Africa alone accounted for 31% of HIV/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) deaths in sub-Saharan Africa. This disturbing statistic indicates that South Africa remains the epicenter of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, compounded by the fact that only 36% of HIV-positive patients in South Africa have access to antiretroviral (ARV) treatment. Drug resistance mutations have emerged, and current ARVs show reduced efficacy against non-B subtypes. In addition, several recent studies have shown an increased prevalence of non-B African HIV strains in the Americas and Europe. Therefore, the use of ARVs in a non-B HIV-1 subtype context requires further investigation. HIV-1 subtype C protease, found largely in sub-Saharan Africa, has been under-investigated when compared with the subtype B protease, which predominates in North America and Europe. This review, therefore, focuses on HIV-1 proteases from B and C subtypes.
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Edwards, Margaret E. "Understanding Presidential Failure in South America." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 2 (2015): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00270.x.
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AbstractThis article examines the issue of presidential failure in South America by evaluating the multiple factors that create risk of resignation, removal, or impeachment of presidents. The study draws on various economic variables that have not been thoroughly investigated in the past and uses survival analysis to identify what factors are influential. In performing this testing, the importance of variables such as civil protest, executive wrongdoing, and specific measures of economic hardship—inflation and prolonged recession—becomes clear. Majority legislative support also remains significant, supporting early arguments about the influence of presidential institutions. This investigation provides a unique perspective on presidential survival while evaluating the importance of previously excluded variables in a comprehensive manner.
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Pucheta, Mauro. "The Mercosur Socio-Labour Declaration: The Development of a Common Regional Framework in the Global South." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 37, Issue 4 (December 1, 2021): 325–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2021016.
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The Socio-Labour Declaration is the legal instrument that protects fundamental labour rights within Mercosur and its Member States legal orders. Its 2015 revision enhanced quantitively and qualitatively the rights enshrined therein. Relying upon recent literature on Latin American regional integration, this article considers the complex institutional and legal framework in which the Declaration has been adopted and implemented. It examines how the intergovernmental character of Mercosur has shaped the legal content of the Socio-Labour Declaration. The institutional context of the Declaration requires the active cooperation and intervention of both regional and national actors. This article explores how Mercosur bodies have taken advantage of the flexible institutional framework to implement the Declaration through regional plans and policies. It also analyses the contrasting enforcement roles of the national executive and legislative powers, characterized by their timidity, and the judicial activism that is essential to consider the Declaration as a justiciable instrument. The article concludes that the Socio-Labour Declaration is a crucial instrument in protecting workers’ rights in this trade bloc, and that the 2015 revision introduced substantial improvements that may provide the legal basis for future judgments, and regional and national labour laws reforms. Mercosur, Socio-Labour Declaration, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay, Venezuela, Regional Integration, Labour Rights, Regional Trade Blocs, Latin America, Global South
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Park, B. C. Ben, and David Lester. "Protest Suicide among Korean Students and Laborers: A Study of Suicide Notes." Psychological Reports 105, no. 3 (December 2009): 917–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.105.3.917-920.
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Suicide notes from two groups of protest suicides in South Korea during the period 1975–2003 were compared: suicide notes from students ( n = 16) and suicide notes from workers ( n = 15). The students appeared to be acting upon abstract ideals, including the oppression of the masses by the government and the American forces in Korea, and they typically urged the reunification of Korea. The workers were acting upon more local concerns, such as the oppression of their union by the government and the companies and the policies of their specific companies.
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Peal, David. "The Politics of Populism: Germany and the American South in the 1890s." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (April 1989): 340–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015851.
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A Populist newspaper in North Carolina commented in 1890 that agrarian unrest was common just about everywhere, in “high tariff and low tariff” countries as well as in “monarchies, empires, and republics.” Historians of this discontent have neglected the international dimension of protest that was so striking at the time. The countries that produced the most vigorous agrarian movements, Germany and the United States, have been especially well protected from the scrutiny of comparison. One reason for this neglect is that scholars in both countries emphasize their nations' peculiarities and capacity to make their own histories. The most influential study of American Populism, for instance, is still John D. Hicks' The Populist Revolt (1931). Hicks ascribed the movement to the closure of the frontier, the “safety valve” once thought to be the special feature of American history. Most scholars today reject the “Turner thesis,” but continue to see populism as uniquely democratic. Just as American Populists have been celebrated as “good guys,” German agrarian leaders have been demonized. The marked anti-Semitic aspect of agrarian movements in the 1890s has led historians to link them more or less directly to national socialism, the arguably unique “outcome” of German history. Whatever the sources of this exceptionalism, the constrained view has distorted the understanding of a crucial historical conjuncture.
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Wang, Sean H. "Walking in Memphis: revisiting the street politics of Ms Jacqueline Smith." cultural geographies 24, no. 4 (April 6, 2017): 611–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474017702509.
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This piece revisits the street politics of Ms Jacqueline Smith and her two-plus decades of protest outside the former Lorraine Motel, where civil rights leader Rev Dr Martin Luther King, Jr, was assassinated. Now the National Civil Rights Museum, the Motel is part of a growing heritage tourism industry in the American South, where landscapes of civil rights memorialization are often contested publicly and exist alongside other landscapes of racism. More recently, projects like the Museum have become central to urban redevelopment schemes and vehicles of gentrification. This piece introduces Ms Smith’s protest in relation to such themes in cultural geography, followed by the reproduction of a blog post documenting the author’s encounter with Ms Smith in June 2015. It urges cultural geographers to engage with Ms Smith’s street politics in their writings on landscape and their teachings in the classroom.
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Feldman, Glenn. "Labour repression in the American South: corporation, state, and race in Alabama's coal fields, 1917–1921." Historical Journal 37, no. 2 (June 1994): 343–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016502.
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ABSTRACTThis article is a case study of labour strife in the Alabama coal fields from 1917 to 1921. It speaks to the broader issue of labour repression in the American South by examining the patterns of repression in one industry and in one state. Several revisionist works have been written recently refuting the alleged distinctiveness of the South on the labour issue. This article supplies evidence for a surprising degree of labour militancy; the type of militancy that has been used to buttress revisionist interpretations of the similarity of southern labour to that of other American regions. In this study, however, labour militancy is understood more as a function of the desperation of southern workers confronted with distinctive issues and degrees of racial acrimony, communal antipathy toward labour, and the advantageous position of southern coal operators vis-a-vis their northern counterparts. In the face of overwhelming odds of governmental, business, press, religious, communal, and legal opposition, Alabama coal miners mounted a militant, prolonged, and biracial protest against what have been described as the worst conditions in the United States at that time.
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Danielson, Leilah C. "“In My Extremity I Turned to Gandhi”: American Pacifists, Christianity, and Gandhian Nonviolence, 1915–1941." Church History 72, no. 2 (June 2003): 361–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700099881.
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American pacifists first heard of Mohandas Gandhi and his struggles in South Africa and India after World War I. Although they admired his opposition to violence, they were ambivalent about non-violent resistance as a method of social change. As heirs to the Social Gospel, they feared that boycotts and civil disobedience lacked the spirit of love and goodwill that made social redemption possible. Moreover, American pacifists viewed Gandhi through their own cultural lens, a view that was often distorted by Orientalist ideas about Asia and Asians. It was only in the 1930s, when Reinhold Niebuhr and other Christian realists charged that pacifism was impotent in the face of social injustice, that they began to reassess Gandhian nonviolence. By the 1940s, they were using nonviolent direct action to protest racial discrimination and segregation, violations of civil liberties, and the nuclear arms race.
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Hausmann, Stephen R. "Erasing Indian Country: Urban Native Space and the 1972 Rapid City Flood." Western Historical Quarterly 52, no. 3 (June 12, 2021): 305–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whab076.
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Abstract In June 1972, a flood tore through Rapid City, South Dakota and the surrounding Black Hills, killing at least 238 people, a disproportionate number of them Native people. Many whose lives and homes were destroyed lived in neighborhoods perilously close to the banks of Rapid Creek, including the vestiges of a Native neighborhood known as Osh Kosh Camp. This article asks why those people lived in that place at that time. I argue that White Americans racialized certain spaces, including urban spaces, under the conceptual framework of Indian Country as part of the process of settler colonialism. As a result, the American project of racializing western spaces attempted to erase Native people from Rapid City and its history. Despite this, Native people continued to live and work in the city throughout the twentieth century. After the flood, Native people had less access to recovery funding despite bearing a disproportionate cost from the disaster, and city officials did not take the needs of the city’s Native community into account when planning for Rapid City’s recovery. Despite the goals of White settlers, the attempt at erasing Indian Country failed. The Flood and its aftermath helped galvaniized Native protest and resistance in the Black Hills.
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Schulze, Emilie. "Copland and Communism: Mystery and Mayhem." Musical Offerings 13, no. 1 (2022): 23–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15385/jmo.2022.13.1.3.
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In the midst of the second Red Scare, Aaron Copland, an American composer, came under fire for his communist tendencies. Between the 1930s and 1950s, he joined the left-leaning populist Popular Front, composed a protest song, wrote Lincoln Portrait and Fanfare for the Common Man, traveled to South America, spoke at the Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace, and donated to communist leaning organizations such as the American-Soviet Musical Society. Due to Copland’s personal communist leanings, Eisenhower’s Inaugural Concert Committee censored a performance of Copland’s Lincoln Portrait in 1953. HUAC (The House Committee on Un-American Activities) brought Copland to the committee and questioned him on his communist connections. Copland clearly denied any and all communist activities or affiliations. This raised the questions: what impact did the contemporary political climate have on Copland’s music? What actual ties did he have to communism? Does it matter? To answer these questions, I examined the primary sources in the Copland Collection at the Library of Congress, during the fall of 2019. In addition to selected secondary sources, I focused on the relevant letters, hearing records, and other materials contained in Box 427: the box on HUAC. In addition to the Performing Arts Reading Room Aaron Copland Collection, I utilized the Folklife Collection and their resources on Aaron Copland. I will conclude there is significant external evidence Copland associated with communists, but since Copland himself continuously denied the identity, it is difficult to conclude whether Copland was or was not in fact a communist. It is much easier to conclude that Copland was, at the very least, politically left-leaning, although his political beliefs held a secondary role to the musical style in his compositions.
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Welker, Frido, Matthew J. Collins, Jessica A. Thomas, Marc Wadsley, Selina Brace, Enrico Cappellini, Samuel T. Turvey, et al. "Ancient proteins resolve the evolutionary history of Darwin’s South American ungulates." Nature 522, no. 7554 (March 18, 2015): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature14249.
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Hossain, Arif. "Peace, Conflict and Resolution (Good vs. Evil)." Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 4, no. 1 (March 26, 2013): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i1.14264.
Full textAbstract:
The immense structural inequalities of the global social /political economy can no longer be contained through consensual mechanisms of state control. The ruling classes have lost legitimacy; we are witnessing a breakdown of ruling-class hegemony on a world scale. There is good and evil among mankind; thus it necessitates the conflict between the good and evil on Earth. We are in for a period of major conflicts and great upheavals. It's generally regarded that Mencius (c.371- c.289 B.C) a student of Confucianism developed his entire philosophy from two basic propositions: the first, that Man's original nature is good; and the second, that Man's original nature becomes evil when his wishes are not fulfilled. What is good and what is evil? Philosophers of all ages have thought over this question. Each reckoned that he had solved the question once and for all, yet within a few years the problem would re-emerge with new dimensions. Repeated acts of corruption and evil action makes a man corrupt and takes away a man from his original nature. Still now majority of the people of the world give compliance to corruption because of social pressures, economic pressures, cultural pressures and political pressures. The conflict between good and evil is ancient on earth and is prevalent to this day. May be the final confrontation between the descendants of Cain and Abel is at our doorsteps. During the 2nd World War America with its European allies went into world wide military campaign to defeat Germany, Italy and Japan. When the Second World War ended in 1945 the United States of America came out as victorious. America was the first country to detonate atomic bomb in another country. During that period Russia fell into competition with America in politically colonizing countries after countries. With the fall of Communism Russia terminated its desire wanting to be the champion of the oppressed of the world. The situation in Russia continues to deteriorate, a country which until only a few years ago was a superpower. Russians are deeply disillusioned today with the new politicians in Russia, who they says "promise everything and give nothing." The Russians still strongly oppose a world order dominated by the United States. If anyone looks at or investigates the situations in other countries it can be seen that at present almost all countries of the world are similar or same in the forms of structures of corruption and evil. The Worldwide control of humanitys economic, social and political activities is under the helm of US corporate and military power. The US has established its control over 191 governments which are members of the United Nations. The last head of state of the former Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev on December 2012, at a conference on the future of the Middle East and the Black Sea region in the Turkish city of Istanbul, has warned the US of an imminent Soviet-like collapse if Washington persists with its hegemonic policies. Mass public protest occurred against US hegemony are mainly from Muslim countries of South East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, North Africa and Africa. The latest mass protests erupted in September 2012 when the divine Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was insulted by America and Israel. There were strong mass protests by people from Indonesia to Morocco and in the European countries by mostly immigrants and Australia were there are Muslim populations. This worldwide protest had occurred while the rise of the masses is ongoing against corrupt rulers in West Asia and North Africa. The masses of the people are thirsty and desperate for justice, dignity, economic welfare and human rights. Most major religions have their own sources of information on the Last Age of Mankind or the End of Times, which often include fateful battles between the forces of good and evil and cataclysmic natural disasters. Humans are evolving to a final stage of their evolution towards a 'New Age that is to come which the corrupt does not understand. At present times a final battle of good versus evil on Earth will ensue. The World powers (leaders) and their entourages who are really detached from the masses have organized to keep aloft the present world order that degenerates the masses in corruption, keeps the people in unhappiness, and deprives the masses from economic well being, education and keeps promoting wars and conflicts to support corruption and evil. We are at the ?End of Times?. The Promised Messiah will come to set right what is wrong, no doubt. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i1.14264 Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 2013; 4(1):9-19
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Hossain, Arif. "Peace, Conflict and Resolution (Good vs. Evil) Part 2." Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 4, no. 2 (September 9, 2013): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i2.16372.
Full textAbstract:
The immense structural inequalities of the global social /political economy can no longer be contained through consensual mechanisms of state control. The ruling classes have lost legitimacy; we are witnessing a breakdown of ruling-class hegemony on a world scale. There is good and evil among mankind; thus it necessitates the conflict between the good and evil on Earth. We are in for a period of major conflicts and great upheavals. It's generally regarded that Mencius (c.371-c.289 B.C) a student of Confucianism developed his entire philosophy from two basic propositions: the first, that Man's original nature is good; and the second, that Man's original nature becomes evil when his wishes are not fulfilled. What is good and what is evil? Philosophers of all ages have thought over this question. Each reckoned that he had solved the question once and for all, yet within a few years the problem would re-emerge with new dimensions. Repeated acts of corruption and evil action makes a man corrupt and takes away a man from his original nature. Still now majority of the people of the world give compliance to corruption because of social pressures, economic pressures, cultural pressures and political pressures. The conflict between good and evil is ancient on earth and is prevalent to this day. May be the final confrontation between the descendants of Cain and Abel is at our doorsteps. During the 2nd World War America with its European allies went into world wide military campaign to defeat Germany, Italy and Japan. When the Second World War ended in 1945 the United States of America came out as victorious. America was the first country to detonate atomic bomb in another country. During that period Russia fell into competition with America in politically colonizing countries after countries. With the fall of Communism Russia terminated its desire wanting to be the champion of the oppressed of the world. The situation in Russia continues to deteriorate, a country which until only a few years ago was a superpower. Russians are deeply disillusioned today with the new politicians in Russia, who they says "promise everything and give nothing." The Russians still strongly oppose a world order dominated by the United States. If anyone looks at or investigates the situations in other countries it can be seen that at present almost all countries of the world are similar or same in the forms of structures of corruption and evil. The Worldwide control of humanitys economic, social and political activities is under the helm of US corporate and military power. The US has established its control over 191 governments which are members of the United Nations. The last head of state of the former Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev on December 2012, at a conference on the future of the Middle East and the Black Sea region in the Turkish city of Istanbul, has warned the US of an imminent Soviet-like collapse if Washington persists with its hegemonic policies. Mass public protest occurred against US hegemony are mainly from Muslim countries of South East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, North Africa and Africa. The latest mass protests erupted in September 2012 when the divine Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was insulted by America and Israel. There were strong mass protests by people from Indonesia to Morocco and in the European countries by mostly immigrants and Australia were there are Muslim populations. This worldwide protest had occurred while the rise of the masses is ongoing against corrupt rulers in West Asia and North Africa. The masses of the people are thirsty and desperate for justice, dignity, economic welfare and human rights. Most major religions have their own sources of information on the Last Age of Mankind or the End of Times, which often include fateful battles between the forces of good and evil and cataclysmic natural disasters. Humans are evolving to a final stage of their evolution towards a ?New Age that is to come which the corrupt does not understand. At present times a final battle of good versus evil on Earth will ensue. The World powers (leaders) and their entourages who are really detached from the masses have organized to keep aloft the present world order that degenerates the masses in corruption, keeps the people in unhappiness, and deprives the masses from economic well being, education and keeps promoting wars and conflicts to support corruption and evil. We are at the ?End of Times?. The Promised Messiah will come to set right what is wrong, no doubt. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i2.16372 Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 2013; 4(2) 9-21
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Kruger, Loren. "Acting Africa." Theatre Research International 21, no. 2 (1996): 132–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300014711.
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I begin with two images of African actors. The first, from Asinamali by the South African playwright Mbongeni Ngema (1985; Plate 23), shows a group pose drawn directly from protest theatre—angry men in prison khaki, with fists clenched, bodies tensed in readiness and, one can assume, voices raised against the invisible but all too palpable forces of apartheid. The second, from the centenary celebrations of the American Board Mission in South Africa (1935; Plate 24), portrays the ‘smelling-out of a fraudulent umthakathi’ (which can be translated as diviner or trickster), which were followed, on this occasion, by other scenes portraying the civilizing influence of European settlers. While the first offers an image of African agency and modernity in the face of oppression, the second, with its apparently un-mediated reconstruction of pre-colonial ritual and, in its teleological juxtaposition of ‘tribal’ and ‘civilized’ custom, seems to respond to the quite different terms set by a long history of displays, along the lines of the Savage South Africa Show (1900), in which the authenticity of the Africans on stage was derived not from their agency but by their incorporation into the representation of colonial authority.
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Ferreira, Daiane, Taís Cristina Unfer, Hélio Carlos Rocha, Luiz Carlos Kreutz, Gessi Koakoski, and Leonardo José Gil Barcellos. "Antioxidant activity of bee products added to water in tebuconazole-exposed fish." Neotropical Ichthyology 10, no. 1 (2012): 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1679-62252012000100021.
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An experiment was conducted to evaluate the potential of honey, propolis, and bee pollen for the reversal of lipid peroxidation induced by tebuconazole (TEB) in South American catfish (Rhamdia quelen), in which the concentration of thiobarbituric acid reactive substances (TBARS), the activity of the antioxidant enzyme glutathione-S-transferase (GST) and the concentrations of non-enzymatic antioxidants, reduced glutathione (GSH), ascorbic acid, and non-protein thiols were assessed. Honey (0.125 g L-1) and bee pollen (0.05 g L-1) added to the water reverse the production of TBARS induced by TEB, while propolis demonstrated a pro-oxidant effect, inducing an increase in TBARS production. The data presented herein suggest that the addition of water to honey and bee pollen potentially protects against the oxidative stress caused by agrichemicals.
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Powers, John M., Nicole N. Haese, Michael Denton, Takeshi Ando, Craig Kreklywich, Kiley Bonin, Cassilyn E. Streblow, et al. "Non-replicating adenovirus based Mayaro virus vaccine elicits protective immune responses and cross protects against other alphaviruses." PLOS Neglected Tropical Diseases 15, no. 4 (April 1, 2021): e0009308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pntd.0009308.
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Mayaro virus (MAYV) is an alphavirus endemic to South and Central America associated with sporadic outbreaks in humans. MAYV infection causes severe joint and muscle pain that can persist for weeks to months. Currently, there are no approved vaccines or therapeutics to prevent MAYV infection or treat the debilitating musculoskeletal inflammatory disease. In the current study, a prophylactic MAYV vaccine expressing the complete viral structural polyprotein was developed based on a non-replicating human adenovirus V (AdV) platform. Vaccination with AdV-MAYV elicited potent neutralizing antibodies that protected WT mice against MAYV challenge by preventing viremia, reducing viral dissemination to tissues and mitigating viral disease. The vaccine also prevented viral-mediated demise in IFN⍺R1-/- mice. Passive transfer of immune serum from vaccinated animals similarly prevented infection and disease in WT mice as well as virus-induced demise of IFN⍺R1-/- mice, indicating that antiviral antibodies are protective. Immunization with AdV-MAYV also generated cross-neutralizing antibodies against two related arthritogenic alphaviruses–chikungunya and Una viruses. These cross-neutralizing antibodies were protective against lethal infection in IFN⍺R1-/- mice following challenge with these heterotypic alphaviruses. These results indicate AdV-MAYV elicits protective immune responses with substantial cross-reactivity and protective efficacy against other arthritogenic alphaviruses. Our findings also highlight the potential for development of a multi-virus targeting vaccine against alphaviruses with endemic and epidemic potential in the Americas.
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Selverstone, Marc J. "Joseph A. Fry.The American South and the Vietnam War: Belligerence, Protest, and Agony in Dixie." American Historical Review 121, no. 3 (June 2016): 993.2–994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.3.993a.
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Rojek, Jillian M., Andrew M. Lee, NgocThao Nguyen, Christina F. Spiropoulou, and Stefan Kunz. "Site 1 Protease Is Required for Proteolytic Processing of the Glycoproteins of the South American Hemorrhagic Fever Viruses Junin, Machupo, and Guanarito." Journal of Virology 82, no. 12 (April 9, 2008): 6045–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/jvi.02392-07.
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ABSTRACT The cellular proprotein convertase site 1 protease (S1P) has been implicated in the proteolytic processing of the glycoproteins (GPs) of Old World arenaviruses. Here we report that S1P is also involved in the processing of the GPs of the genetically more-distant South American hemorrhagic fever viruses Guanarito, Machupo, and Junin. Efficient cleavage of Guanarito virus GP, whose protease recognition sites deviate from the reported S1P consensus sequence, indicates a broader specificity of S1P than anticipated. Lack of GP processing of Junin virus dramatically reduced production of infectious virus and prevented cell-to-cell propagation. Infection of S1P-deficient cells resulted in viral persistence over several weeks without the emergence of escape variants able to use other cellular proteases for GP processing.
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Stanton, Juliet. "Environmental shielding is contrast preservation." Phonology 35, no. 1 (February 2018): 39–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675717000379.
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The term ‘environmental shielding’ has been used to refer to a class of processes in which the phonetic realisation of a nasal stop depends on its vocalic context. In Chiriguano, for example, nasal consonants are realised as such before nasal vowels (/mã/ → [mã]), but acquire an oral release before oral vowels (/ma/ → [mba]). Herbert (1986) claims that shielding protects a contrast between oral and nasal vowels: if Chiriguano /ma/ were realised as [ma], [a] would likely carry some degree of nasal coarticulation, and be less distinct from nasal /ã/. This article provides new arguments for Herbert's position, drawn from a large typological study of South American languages. I argue that environmental shielding is contrast preservation, and that any successful analysis of shielding must make explicit reference to contrast. These results contribute to a growing body of evidence that constraints on contrast are an essential component of phonological theory.
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Biggs, Michael. "Who Joined the Sit-Ins and Why: Southern Black Students in the Early 1960s." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.3.011507x736926w68.
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The wave of sit-ins that swept the American South in 1960 has become a crucial episode in the literature on social movements. To investigate who joined the sit-ins and why, this article analyzes a sample survey of 255 students in Southern black colleges in 1962. The survey includes measures of integration into preexisting social networks and measures of beliefs and sentiments. Most surprisingly, students who attended church frequently were less likely to join the sit-ins, though the presence of activist ministers made protest more likely. Protesters were motivated by strong grievances, for they had an especially negative evaluation of race relations. Yet they were also motivated by optimism about the prospects of success, for they believed that there was no white majority for strict segregation. The analysis underscores the importance of beliefs and sentiments, which cannot easily be reduced to objective measures of social location.
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Fultz, Michael. "African American Teachers in the South, 1890-1940: Powerlessness and the Ironies of Expectations and Protest." History of Education Quarterly 35, no. 4 (1995): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369578.
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Djagalov, Rossen. "Racism, the Highest Stage of Anti-Communism." Slavic Review 80, no. 2 (2021): 290–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.83.
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There are many and different types of racism in contemporary Russia: institutional racism, far-right racism, everyday (bytovoi) racism, and a fourth kind to which this essay will be devoted, the racism of the liberal intelligentsia. Russian liberal media's reaction to the BLM protests of 2020 has offered abundant material for the study of its social base, main tropes, and underlying logic. This article attempts to historicize it, locating its origins in the anti-Soviet pro-western dissidence of the stagnation era and illustrating its workings through some statements made by Joseph Brodsky and his milieu. Furthermore, the article identifies the intersection of two main ideas from which this racism emerges. In the first place, this is Cold-War rejection of real or perceived Soviet alliances with newly decolonized countries of Africa and Asia or with African Americans during the Civil Rights era. In the second place, this is dissident civilizational hierarchies that placed the west at the top and saw the east or the south as a backward space best avoided.
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Reis, Josimar Vieira dos, Mario de Miranda Vilas Boas Ramos Leitão, and Josicleda Domiciano Galvincio. "Willingness to pay for water ecosystem services in a river basin of the in South America largest semi-arid region." Nova Economia 32, no. 1 (April 2022): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-6351/6797.
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Abstract This study presents the result on the Willingness To Pay (WTP) of Ecosystem Services (ES) regulating water a Brazilian watershed. The Brazilian semi-arid region is the largest semi-arid region in South America, this area is ranked as the most populated semi-arid region in the world. 393 questionnaires were applied using the Contingent Valuation Method (CVM). Of the respondents in the basin territory, over (77.9%) expressed a positive WTP for maintaining the (SE) of Water. The payment for the conservation of the (ES) water regulators was R$10.00/month, the quality of water purification seemed to be an important aspect in terms of the value assigned in the payment. On the other hand, the protest votes for non-payment, which were (22.1%), pointed to the payment of too many taxes. The (WTP) for water conservation was defined by environmental interest and the loss of the (SES) provided Caatinga.
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Sefako, Ramotholo. "SAAO small telescopes, capabilities and Challenges." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 10, H16 (August 2012): 751. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921314013337.
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AbstractThe SAAO is at a geographically crucial site in the southern hemisphere between South America and Australasia. SAAO has a long history of involvement in infrared and optical astronomy that dates back almost two hundred years. The observatory expects to continue contributing to astronomical research for many years to come, using its small (0.5m, 0.75m, 1.0m and 1.9m) telescopes and their various instruments (ranging from spectroscopy to polarimetry and high-speed photometry), together with the Southern African Large Telescope (SALT) and other hosted international telescopes. In this paper, I discuss the capabilities and uses of the SAAO small telescopes, and the challenges that threaten astronomical research at the observatory, including light pollution and other emerging threats to the usually dust-free and dark-night-sky site at Sutherland. This is mitigated by the legislation called the Astronomy Geographic Advantage (AGA) Act of 2007 that protects the observatory from these threats.
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Westheider, James. "The American South and the Vietnam War: Belligerence, Protest, and Agony in Dixie by Joseph A. Fry." Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 115, no. 1 (2017): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/khs.2017.0020.
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Kieran, David. "The American South and the Vietnam War: Belligerence, Protest, and Agony in Dixie by Joseph A. Fry." Journal of Southern History 83, no. 1 (2017): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2017.0070.
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Taber, Andrew, Gonzalo Navarro, and Miguel Angel Arribas. "A new park in the Bolivian Gran Chaco – an advance in tropical dry forest conservation and community-based management." Oryx 31, no. 3 (July 1997): 189–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-3008.1997.d01-11.x.
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The Kaa-Iya del Gran Chaco National Park and Integrated Management Area was established in September 1995. At 3.44 million hectares it is one of South America's largest protected areas. The tropical dry forest of the Chaco, which this reserve protects, is Bolivia's most threatened major lowland habitat type. With the creation of this reserve the protected-area coverage of the Gran Chaco increased to 4.7 per cent. With at least 69 species of mammals (the Chiroptera have not yet been surveyed), it is one of the richest Neotropical sites for this taxonomic group. The Kaa-Iya park is being administered by the Izoceño-Guaraní Indian organization, the Capitanía del Alto y Bajo Izozog, and puts community-based conservation into practice. Threats to the park include encroachment by colonists, ranchers and farmers; the Bolivia-Brazil gas pipeline; and hunting.