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1
Nkabinde, Buyani, Lawrence Mpele Lekhanya, and Nirmala Dorasamy. "The Rural Immigration Effects on Urban Service Delivery in South Africa (SA)." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 6(J) (December 22, 2018): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i6(j).2589.
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The current socio-economic and political problems of South Africa are rooted in the colonial apartheid era as scholars and researchers suggest through extensive research. However, there have been high levels of service delivery protests related to the government performance on the issues of service delivery to the local communities’ countrywide. Governments departments appear to be lacking much required knowledge and understanding of external factors associated with rural to urban migration such social-economic factors and other various relevant challenges, hence, local authorities are struggling to meet up with demands caused by the ever-increasing number of urban populations, which affects services delivery performance. The study was quantitative approach and used 5 Likert scale questionnaires which were distributed in the selected areas of eThekwini city. A total of 100 with 25 respondents per area, chosen areas include emhlabeni, emalandeni, ezimeleni and silver city. Whereas, qualitative aspects of the study were secondary data through extensive literature review, the study has found that indeed rural to urban migration has a negative impact on service delivery the study argue that service delivery, rural to urban migration, public participation need to be part of the government agenda holistically to improve service delivery and capacity of local authorities. This study recommends proactive urban planning and community involvement through public participation channels. The generalization of the findings of this study should be done with care.
2
Nkabinde, Buyani, Lawrence Mpele Lekhanya, and Nirmala Dorasamy. "The Rural Immigration Effects on Urban Service Delivery in South Africa (SA)." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 6 (December 22, 2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i6.2589.
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The current socio-economic and political problems of South Africa are rooted in the colonial apartheid era as scholars and researchers suggest through extensive research. However, there have been high levels of service delivery protests related to the government performance on the issues of service delivery to the local communities’ countrywide. Governments departments appear to be lacking much required knowledge and understanding of external factors associated with rural to urban migration such social-economic factors and other various relevant challenges, hence, local authorities are struggling to meet up with demands caused by the ever-increasing number of urban populations, which affects services delivery performance. The study was quantitative approach and used 5 Likert scale questionnaires which were distributed in the selected areas of eThekwini city. A total of 100 with 25 respondents per area, chosen areas include emhlabeni, emalandeni, ezimeleni and silver city. Whereas, qualitative aspects of the study were secondary data through extensive literature review, the study has found that indeed rural to urban migration has a negative impact on service delivery the study argue that service delivery, rural to urban migration, public participation need to be part of the government agenda holistically to improve service delivery and capacity of local authorities. This study recommends proactive urban planning and community involvement through public participation channels. The generalization of the findings of this study should be done with care.
3
Molebatsi, Natalia, and T. Tu Huynh. "Our World through Our Words: the People and Their Stories through Our Ancestors’ Voices." African and Asian Studies 19, no. 1-2 (April 21, 2020): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341447.
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Abstract The article aims to give local texture to people’s, specifically Chinese, mobilities in a South African context. Through a retelling of a grandmother’s stories to her granddaughter, we argue that they offer a vision of the world that Black and Chinese South Africans inhabited during apartheid – they disrupted the world built by the all-white government. During the apartheid period, people were forced to see the world in black and white terms, not to mention powerful and powerless. It is this reality of the past that an ancestor’s oral accounts about how her people met and interacted with people from other shores, who had different stories than hers, are important. In this article, one of the authors recalls and further reimagines these stories about people who came from afar to make their own living in South Africa, cross paths with the locals, and leave their own marks. The article also highlights the significance of “Mo-China,” the Chinese fafi gambling game in supplementing Black and Chinese South African urban livelihoods during apartheid. The article concludes by pointing out that these stories, crossing and informing worlds, are prohibited knowledge that requires new attention which debates on the Chinese presence in African contexts have neglected thus far.
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Kibble, Steve, and Ray Bush. "Reform of Apartheid and Continued Destabilisation in Southern Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 2 (June 1986): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00006856.
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Continuous pressure against the South African Government has led to what previously seemed unthinkable: the reform of apartheid. Strikes from 1973 onwards, the Soweto revolt in 1976, the increasing resistance from school and consumer boycotts, the strengthening black trade-union movement and mass political organisations, and the unceasing campaign by the African National Congress, have led the State President, P. W. Botha, to declare in early 1986 that apartheid in its present form cannot be maintained, despite strong reactions from sections of Afrikaner interests. Many of the structures thought essential to racial segregation are to go: the pass laws controlling the movement of African men and women, the fiction that the ‘Bantustans’ are ’independent’ or ‘national’ states, and that urban blacks are citizens of other countries. There is even the promise of political representation for Africans. These measures appear to mark the end of Botha's attempt to create a divided black working class — some with residence rights in white-only areas, and others, notably unskilled migrants, without. The specific shape of the more racially-integrated South Africa which Botha promises remains unclear. It is not surprising in a recession that the President appears to have recognised the inappropriateness and disproportionate cost which maintaining structures of black recruitment to white employers has on the state's exchequer — not including the cost of policing influx control.
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Rajak, Dinah. "PLATINUM CITY AND THE NEW SOUTH AFRICAN DREAM." Africa 82, no. 2 (May 2012): 252–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972012000046.
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ABSTRACTMuch has been written about the persistence of economic apartheid, inscribed in the geography of South Africa's cities, producing spatial configurations that are reminiscent of the old order of segregation while simultaneously embodying the particular inequities and divisions of the new neo-liberal order (Turok 2001; Harrison 2006). Through an ethnographic study of Rustenburg, the urban hub of South Africa's platinum belt (once labelled the ‘fastest growing city in Africa’ after Cairo), I explore how the failure of urban integration maps onto the failure of the promise of market inclusion. What is particular about mid-range towns such as Rustenburg is that the opportunities of ‘empowerment through enterprise’ are seen, or believed, to be all the more attainable than in large cities. Here the extended supply chains of the mining industry and the expanding secondary economy appear to offer limitless possibilities to share in the boons of the platinum boom. Yet as this account shows, the disjuncture and friction between corporate authority and local government have given rise to increasing fragmentation and exclusion, as only a very few are able to grasp the long-anticipated rewards of the new South African dream.
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Bähre, Erik. "A TRICKLE-UP ECONOMY: MUTUALITY, FREEDOM AND VIOLENCE IN CAPE TOWN'S TAXI ASSOCIATIONS." Africa 84, no. 4 (October 22, 2014): 576–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201400045x.
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ABSTRACTMutuality is at the heart of the continued violence and inequality in South Africa. This historical and anthropological analysis of Cape Town's taxi associations reveals how mutuality has become strongly connected with violence and economic marginalization. The breakdown of apartheid led to new mutualities along the rural–urban divide, which resulted in taxi wars between ‘urban insiders’ and ‘rural outsiders’. After liberation from apartheid, mutuality within Cape Town's taxi associations became a central issue in government policy and commercial interests, which contributed to taxi associations becoming mafia-like organizations. This analysis reveals that taxi owners today find themselves in a trickle-up economy characterized by: violent and shifting mutualities; the embrace of illegality and informality as being vital to doing business; and strong economic intervention by the state.
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Mokoena, B. T., and J. P. Sebola. "A MULTI CRITERIA DECISION URBAN DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK FOR LAND EXPROPRIATION IN SOUTH AFRICA: A STRATEGIC APPROACH." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLIII-B4-2020 (August 25, 2020): 399–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xliii-b4-2020-399-2020.
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Abstract. The land question in South Africa has been a long-standing issue for more than 360 years. Consequent to unjust legislation such as The Natives Land Act No.27 of 1913 to this day, there is a racial imbalance in the distribution of land ownership in South Africa. Coupled with the socio-economic and spatial segregative mandates of the apartheid-government to enrich the white minority, such unjust legislation fostered mass-land dispossessions and displacements of black people relocating them to peripheral areas known as ‘Bantu stands’ where they were further ethnically grouped in remote from socio-economic opportunities. The preceding has resulted in the impoverishment of the black people as they no longer had land – their primary source of livelihood. The limited access to land by black people remains true in post-apartheid South Africa.Since the dawn of democracy, limited access to urban land has coursed challenges for housing development. Spatial transformation towards socio-economic integration has also become problematic as large areas of strategically located land remain locked in the hands of the minorities. Thus, to realise the mandates of South Africa’s democratic government – equal access to land and opportunities, this land needs to be acquired, particularly for the previously disadvantaged, poor, and landless.As cities move towards being smart, this research will demonstrate the use of Evidence Based Planning (EBP) in order to assist Local Government to foster scientific decision making methods. The use of the Multi-Criteria Decision Analysis (MCDA), Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) and Geographic Information System (GIS) as a method to develop a Strategic Urban Development Decision Framework (SSUDDF) as a Planning Support System (PSS) that will be used to investigate the best suitable land for possible expropriation. Various criteria such as proximity to road connectivity, proximity to current and future economic activity, proximity to public transport routes, dolomitic land, priority areas and proximity to city centres are some of the criteria selected for the research. The Strategic Spatial Urban Development Decision Framework (SSUDDF) enabled us to stream line significant criteria and processes that where specific to strategic urban development in the Benoni town situated in the City of Ekurhuleni using critical spatial policy and strategic objectives of the city.
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Fieuw, Walter, and Diana Mitlin. "What the experiences of South Africa’s mass housing programme teach us about the contribution of civil society to policy and programme reform." Environment and Urbanization 30, no. 1 (November 24, 2017): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956247817735768.
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Experiences of apartheid in South Africa have resulted in the association of shelter with citizenship, adding significance to the concept of “home”. This paper reviews experiences with grassroots efforts to make the government’s housing policy and programme more effective in addressing the needs of the urban poor. The experiences offer lessons relevant within and beyond South Africa. First, collaboration between state and civil society has been possible and has added substantively to the effectiveness of state programming. But, with a multiplicity of government agencies, the context is difficult. Housing construction has been constrained by delayed subsidy payments, and by a professionalization that limits opportunities for low-income residents. Second, community initiatives have had multiple incremental and positive influences on state policy and programmes, but substantive progress requires government adopting a more inclusive policy. Civil society agencies remain ambitious about the potential for securing substantive transformation, but this remains a work in progress.
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Gregory, James J., and Jayne M. Rogerson. "Housing in multiple occupation and studentification in Johannesburg." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 46, no. 46 (December 20, 2019): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bog-2019-0036.
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AbstractResearch concerning studentification is growing in importance. The supply of private student accommodation forms part of the wider urban process of studentification which documents changes in the social, economic and cultural fabric of cities. Although scholarly interest concerning the supply of private student accommodation has enjoyed sustained interest in the global North, only limited work is available surrounding the supply and demand for private student accommodation in global South urban centres. In South Africa there has been growing recognition of the impact of the studentification that has accompanied the massification of tertiary education in the post-apartheid period. Using interviews with key stakeholders, suppliers of student accommodation, as well as focus groups with students, this paper explores the supply of houses in multiple occupation and students’ perspectives on such properties in Johannesburg, South Africa. One distinctive influence upon the studentification process in South Africa is the impact of the national government funding system which was restructured in order to support the tertiary education of students from previously disadvantaged communities.
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Hunter, Mark, and Dorrit Posel. "Here to work: the socioeconomic characteristics of informal dwellers in post-apartheid South Africa." Environment and Urbanization 24, no. 1 (April 2012): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956247811433537.
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Government policy towards informal settlements in south africa reflects a tension between two approaches: recognizing the legitimacy of informal settlements and aggressively removing these so-called “slums”.( 1 ) drawing on nationally representative household survey data and interviews with 25 individuals relocated from an informal settlement to a “transit camp”, this paper argues that more detailed attention should be paid to the changing connection between housing, household formation and work. Whereas cities in the apartheid era were marked by relatively stable industrial labour and racially segregated family housing, today the location and nature of informal dwellings are consistent with two important trends: demographic shifts, including towards smaller more numerous households, and employment shifts, including a move from permanent to casual and from formal to informal work. This study is therefore able to substantiate in more detail a longstanding insistence by informal settlement residents that they live where they do for reasons vital to their everyday survival. The paper also highlights the limitations of relocations not only to urban peripheries but also to other parts of cities, and it underscores the importance of upgrading informal settlements through in situ development.
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Levenson, Zachary. "Precarious welfare states: Urban struggles over housing delivery in post-apartheid South Africa." International Sociology 32, no. 4 (April 4, 2017): 474–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917701586.
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This article demonstrates how popular struggles over housing distribution lead to the transformation of the welfare state. In post-apartheid South Africa, municipal governments distribute free, formal housing to recipients registered on waiting lists. But as formally rational distribution fails to keep pace with growing demand, residents begin to organize mass land occupations. Municipalities respond to these land struggles by either organizing repression, making clientelistic exceptions, or providing transitional housing in temporary relocation areas (TRAs). The growth of TRAs – a direct response to land occupations – signals the institution of a new form of housing distribution alongside the old: substantively rational delivery. This argument engages recent work on the rise of new welfare states in the global South, demonstrating the limits of viewing social expenditure in narrowly quantitative terms. Instead, drawing on 15 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Cape Town, it interrogates the emergence of qualitatively novel logics of distribution.
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Katumba, Samy, Inger Fabris-Rotelli, Alfred Stein, and Serena Coetzee. "A spatial analytical approach towards understanding racial residential segregation in Gauteng province (South Africa)." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-164-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The introduction of apartheid in 1948 resulted in racial residential segregation that has influenced the spatial distribution of the population in South Africa. Apartheid laws, which were mainly based on race, brought about the exclusion of the non-white population from urban areas and the mainstream economy of South Africa, as well as the benefits that come with it. In the early 1990’s, apartheid was abolished and the South African government set to bring about social and spatial justice, address inequalities and promote social cohesion. This also meant doing away with racial residential segregation that had been entrenched into the urban morphology of the country. Despite this, in the post-apartheid era, racial-residential segregation still exists (Parry and Van Eeden 2015).</p><p>Figure 1 shows the density (kernel) distribution of each of the four population groups in Gauteng in 2011: Indian/Asian (IA), white (W), black African (BA) and coloured (C). It is a reflection of the legacy of apartheid town planning which isolated non-whites to the peripheral areas of urban economic centers. Densely populated areas are coloured in red while less populated areas are coloured in green. As it can be seen in the map (Figure 1), the white population group densely occupies areas close to the business centers of the province in places such as Pretoria and northern parts of Johannesburg, while non-whites densely occupy peripheral areas in former townships designated to non-whites, such as Soweto (black African), Mabopane (black African) and Lenasia (Indian/Asians). This observed pattern is more pronounced for black Africans.</p><p>To study the pattern of racial residential segregation in South Africa, non-spatial indices of segregation are widely employed despite their shortcomings. Parry and Van Eeden (2015) are among the few authors who have acknowledged the importance of employing spatial indices of segregation, even though they did not explicitly use one due to the lack of ready to use GIS software. Massey and Denton (1988) define residential segregation as “the degree to which two or more groups live separately from one another, in different parts of the urban environment”, i.e. racial residential segregation manifests itself across space. Hence, in order to assess the extent to which the levels of racial residential segregation have subsided, adequate empirical studies that employ spatial segregation indices on socio-economic data are necessary. The purpose of this research is to study the pattern of racial residential segregation by employing a spatial index of segregation namely the ‘spatial information theory index (H)’ for Gauteng province, the economic hub and most populated province of South Africa.</p><p>Some of the shortcomings of existing non-spatial indices of segregation (and also of some of the spatial ones) include the Modifiable Areal Unit Problem (MAUP) which refers to how such indices are sensitive to the size of the areal units (i.e. administrative or political boundaries) of analysis that might be arbitrarily chosen or might not accurately reflect the actual racial composition of the local neighbourhoods. This introduces possibilities of obtaining inaccurate measures of racial residential segregation and also being unable to compare the results at various scales of analysis (Reardon et al. 2004; Weir-Smith 2016). One of the major challenges that impedes the use of spatial segregation indices is the lack of ready to use software that has implemented spatial segregation indices which have attempted to address the MAUP. To address such a challenge, Hong et al. 2014 implemented a series of spatial equivalences of existing segregation measures in R under the package ‘seg’ based on Reardon et al. (2004)’s formulation of spatial segregation indices. Reardon et al. (2004) emphasise the computation of spatial indices of segregation based on the racial composition of the population as reflected by their immediate local environment instead of relying on arbitrary or fixed administrative boundaries. The ‘spatial information theory index (H)’ as implemented by Reardon et al. (2004) is experimented in this study.</p><p>This study explores existing literature related to racial residential segregation in order to further complement and supplement existing theories on segregation in South Africa by adopting a spatial analytical approach. The authors take advantage of the R implementation of spatial measures of segregation (Hong et al. 2014), namely the spatial information theory index (H), to study the patterns of residential segregation in Gauteng province (South Africa).</p>
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Sapire, Hilary. "Apartheid's ‘Testing Ground’: Urban ‘Native Policy’ and African Politics in Brakpan, South Africa, 1943–1948." Journal of African History 35, no. 1 (March 1994): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025986.
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Although studies of both state ‘urban native’ policy and African life on the Witwatersrand in the 1940s have increased in volume and sophistication over the last decade, these two themes have generally been treated discretely in the literature. While a regional focus has yielded a complex and differentiated picture of urban African politics and culture, studies of the state still tend to miss this complexity by focusing on the ‘view from above’, from the vantage point of central state institutions.This article draws together these two separate historiographical threads to examine state policy from the perspective of local state officials, those individuals most intimately concerned with day-to-day administration of urban African communities in the rapidly industrialising Witwatersrand of the 1940s. Through the narrative of a deep personal antagonism between an African politician in the Witwatersrand location of Brakpan and a white administrator, the article explores the intersection of two microcosms: the world of the Afrikaner intellectual, educated in the tradition of ‘volkekunde’ and thereby claiming expert knowledge of the African, and the real worlds of the Africans the expert claimed to know—themselves shaped by new, radical currents in the changing wartime urban context. Using the Brakpan case study, the article also shows that in contrast to the national government's fumbling indecision in the face of the urban crisis, it was the municipalities which agitated for state control over all Africans, tighter influx and efflux controls and the more efficient distribution of African labour between different economic sectors. In voicing their discontent with state policy and in their policy improvizations, local officials anticipated much in the apartheid order of the 1950s.
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Rogerson, Christian M., and Jayne M. Rogerson. "Historical urban tourism: Developmental challenges in Johannesburg 1920-1950." Urbani izziv Supplement, no. 30 (February 17, 2019): 112–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2019-30-supplement-008.
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Over the past decade there has been considerable growth and maturation of research concerning contemporary urban tourism. Tourism in major cities is not a new phenomenon rather it has existed from the earliest times of civilization following the birth of cities. The historical development of cities as tourist destinations has remained little investigated as urban tourism research is overwhelmingly ‘present-minded’. This paper addresses the neglect of historical studies in urban tourism. Using archival sources an investigation is undertaken of the early development of tourism in Johannesburg, South Africa’s largest city, which evolved from a gold mining camp established in 1886. The analysis focuses on the period from 1920 when the first tourism promotional activities were initiated to 1950 when national government enacted the Group Areas Act which began the radical reshaping of tourism in South Africa under the influence of apartheid legislation. In the formative years of urban tourism in Johannesburg between 1920 and 1950 two key overarching challenges are identified. These are the challenges of identifying and promoting the city’s tourism assets and of the building of a competitive infrastructure for tourism development, most notably in terms of the hotel accommodation sector.
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Powers, Theodore. "Authoritarian Violence, Public Health, and the Necropolitical State: Engaging the South African Response to COVID-19." Open Anthropological Research 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opan-2020-0105.
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Abstract Following COVID-19’s arrival in March 2020, the South African government implemented a restrictive state-led response to the pandemic, limiting infections along with the survival strategies of those at greatest risk of illness. While the country’s aggressive tactics towards the pandemic have been lauded by some, the public health response has taken a violent turn towards the country’s historically marginalized Black urban population. How are we to make sense of the ruling African National Congress’ decision to utilize the South African state’s capacity for violence towards poor and working-class Black urban communities? How can this disease response be contextualized within the broader dynamics of citizenship across South African history? Building on these questions, I analyze South African efforts to control the COVID-19 pandemic alongside the state response to an outbreak of bubonic plague during the colonial era. I propose that the South African state carries within it divergent historical continuities, some of which carry forward the necropolitical modalities of the colonial and apartheid eras and others that redistribute resources to safeguard life.
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Oranje, Mark. "The extractive industries and ’shared, inclusive and sustainable development’ in South Africa." Spatium, no. 29 (2013): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/spat1329001o.
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In the 140-odd years after the first diamond was found in South Africa in 1866, mining catapulted the country from a predominantly agrarian society into a modern industrial nation. For the biggest part of this period, mining drove and human development followed. This ?order of importance? was largely the result of the huge wealth and influence of the mining houses, the (perceived) importance of the sector for the development of the country, and the broader skewed power dynamics of colonial and apartheid rule. Over the last decade, national government enacted new legislation by which it attempted to ensure that mining is made more serviceable to the post-1994 objectives of (1) broad-based societal reconstruction; (2) shared and inclusive growth; and (3) regional and rural development. A key component of this new legislation has been a provision to ensure that mining companies make tangible contributions to regional and rural development and human settlement in ?mining areas?. Recent events, such as widespread strikes, the tragic loss of many lives, and continuing harsh living conditions, have raised, what has been a nagging question since the introduction of the new legislation, i.e.: Has the new legal framework (really) assisted in (1) ensuring that communities in mining areas enjoy a greater of the wealth created by the industry; (2) enhancing regional and rural development in mining areas; and (3) establishing a more symbiotic relationship between mining, regional and rural development planning and human development? In this paper, research in a mining area during the course of 2011 and 2012 is used to explore this question. Use is made of documented evidence and interviews with key role-players in the mining industry, municipal and provincial government, the private sector, traditional leadership structures and communities.
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Bertens, Madelief G. B. C., Stanley Ulijaszek, Sławomir Kozieł, and Maciej Henneberg. "Late childhood and adolescence growth sensitivity to political transition: the case of South African Cape coloured schoolchildren during and post-apartheid." Anthropological Review 75, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10044-012-0002-6.
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Abstract South Africa underwent major social and economic change between 1987 and 1995. The release of Nelson Mandela in February 1990 proclaimed an end to the political system of apartheid, and the first freely elected non-White government in 1994 instigated social and economic reforms aimed at alleviating the consequences of apartheid. This paper aims to examine the impact of these socio-economic and political changes on height, weight and body mass index (BMI) in childhood and late adolescence. An analysis was carried out of longitudinal data of 258 urban and rural South African Cape Coloured schoolchildren (6-18 years old) across the transitional periods from apartheid between 1987 and 1990, to this transition between 1991 and 1993, and finally to post-apartheid between 1994 and 1995. The anthropometric measures were standardized into age independent Z-scores. Analyses of variance with repeated measures were conducted to examine the growth in height, weight and BMI across these periods. The results show a significant main effect of measurement periods on height, weight and BMI Z-scores. Across time, the subjects increased in overall size, height, weight and BMI. For all the anthropometric measures there was a significant interaction effect between measurement period and sex, but none between measurement period and SES. The average increase in height, weight and BMI across time differed significantly for girls and boys, the average z-scores being greater in girls than in boys. For boys, there was little difference in height, weight and BMI Z-scores according to SES, and little increase across periods. Girls were generally taller, heavier with greater BMI than boys, and their scores increased across the time periods. High SES girls were taller, heavier and had higher BMI than low SES girls. Across the measurement periods, BMI and weight somewhat converged between the high and low SES girls. In the discussion these differences reflecting social sex distinctions are addressed.
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Ranslem, Duncan. "‘Temporary’ relocation: spaces of contradiction in South African law." International Journal of Law in the Built Environment 7, no. 1 (April 13, 2015): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlbe-12-2013-0041.
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Purpose – This study aims to examine how temporary relocation areas (TRAs), urban forms that facilitate evictions and forced relocations, have been written into South African legal and governmental structures through contested urban planning and legal regimes. Design/methodology/approach – Proceeding from the macro-scale of TRAs spread across the nation, to the mezzo-scale of the Delft Symphony Way TRA in Cape Town, to the micro-scale of an individual “blikkie” (housing unit) within this camp, the article looks at the form and function of the TRA in urban resettlement practices. Special attention is given to relocation areas’ designation as “temporary” spaces and the consequences of this temporal designation in law and on the ground. Findings – These sites have developed as technologies for negotiating competing demands on the state, and their presence foregrounds some of the deeply rooted contradictions in post-apartheid South Africa. They are places both within and apart from the city, often managed by city officials according to municipal specifications, but located proximally to key urban amenities, utilities services and employment centers. They also place contradictory demands on their residents, for whom making the TRA liveable also legitimates it as a form of housing. Originality/value – This article uncovers several concerns about TRAs, including their inadequacy for long-term settlement, their problematic usage as tools of dispossession and the spatial-material-legal imbrications by which TRAs exist, persist and act back upon both individual lives and policy spheres.
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Parker, Alexandra. "The spatial stereotype: The representation and reception of urban films in Johannesburg." Urban Studies 55, no. 9 (May 9, 2017): 2057–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098017706885.
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Stereotypes are people or things categorised by general characteristics of the group based on a truth that is widely recognised and function to reduce ideas to a simpler form (Dyer, 1993). Not all stereotypes are pejorative but can be a form of othering of people (Bhabha, 1996) and come about through a friction with difference (Jameson, 1995). In Johannesburg, South Africa, there is a conflation of people and space that results in a form of spatial categorisation or stereotyping. Under the apartheid government the city’s spaces were divided by race and ethnicity and are currently shifting towards divisions of class and inequality deepening the fragmented post-apartheid conditions in the city. These spatial categories have been represented in films of Johannesburg and contribute to the construction of the city’s image but also construct images for particular neighbourhoods. In this paper I examine the use of space in film as a narrative device and explore the reception and understanding of Johannesburg’s spaces by its residents to illustrate the construction and reception of spatial stereotypes. The paper discusses three dominant spatial stereotypes of Johannesburg through key films and the reception of these films through quantitative and qualitative interviews conducted with residents in four locations (Chiawelo; CBD; Fordsburg and Melville) in Johannesburg. Stereotypes have negative consequences and these spatial stereotypes reflect the ‘city of extremes’ (Murray, 2011) but their use indicates a process of navigation and negotiation across differences in space and identity in the fragmented city of Johannesburg.
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SHEAR, KEITH. "AT WAR WITH THE PASS LAWS? REFORM AND THE POLICING OF WHITE SUPREMACY IN 1940s SOUTH AFRICA." Historical Journal 56, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000581.
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ABSTRACTThis article analyses a key reformist gesture by General Smuts's Second World War South African government – the May 1942 order suspending enforcement of the pass laws in major cities. Hated by Africans for curbing their mobility, employment opportunities, and urban residence rights, the pass laws were a fundamental instrument of white supremacy. What then did the suspension order signify? Reconstructing debates and divisions within and beyond the state, the article traces the steps leading to the suspension order, and discusses the responses to its implementation resulting in its later withdrawal. The account considers common explanations for the suspension order's genesis: industry's demand for labour, the wartime state's reduced policing capability, and official anxieties about Africans’ loyalty at a time of vulnerability to invasion. Of these, only the last has clear merit. The real puzzle is the relaxation's continuance beyond the emergency situation of 1942. For this, the credit belongs to the momentum of liberal organization and opinion in encouraging advocates of reform within the state to hold their nerve. Only gradually could the opposition Nationalists, the party of apartheid, mobilize whites’ hostility to black urbanization, thereby enhancing the influence of restorationist elements within the state calling for renewed coercion.
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White, Alexandre I. R. "Global Risks, Divergent Pandemics: Contrasting Responses to Bubonic Plague and Smallpox in 1901 Cape Town." Social Science History 42, no. 1 (November 23, 2017): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.41.
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This article explores two simultaneous epidemics that, despite similar pathologies, prompted significantly varying responses from public health actors in 1901 Cape Town: the bubonic plague and smallpox. The Cape Colony responded to the plague with racialized quarantining, forcibly removing all black Africans from certain poor neighborhoods and transferring them to a camp on the outskirts of the city. It was the most significant segregationist act in Cape Town's history to date and foreshadowed the actions of governments in postunification and apartheid South Africa. Conversely, smallpox, though highly contagious and deadly, did not prompt similar aggression. Drawing from archival material, I argue that this differential treatment was the result of a global medical concern for the spread of plague to Europe that imposed external demands upon any region affected by plague that were nonexistent for smallpox. These demands aligned with local ideologies that equated state control with racial discipline to produce the first urban township in South Africa. This article addresses the global processes at work within seemingly localized epidemics and contributes to existing scholarship by exploring the role of medical experts and scientific knowledge in the framing of early pandemic threats.
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von Fintel, Dieter, and Linda Richter. "Intergenerational transfer of health inequalities: exploration of mechanisms in the Birth to Twenty cohort in South Africa." BMJ Global Health 4, no. 5 (September 2019): e001828. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2019-001828.
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South Africa’s history of colonialism and Apartheid contributed to its extreme levels of inequality. Twenty-five years after the transition to democracy, socio-economic and health inequalities continue to rank among the highest in the world. The Birth to Twenty+ study follows a cohort born in urban Johannesburg in 1990 through their early lives and into young adulthood. Also known as ‘Mandela’s Children’, these ‘children of the ‘90s’ were the first generation to be raised in a democratic society, whose elected government implemented policies to achieve greater socio-economic and health equality. Correlating early life outcomes to those of their parents provides a baseline estimate of intergenerational transmission of historical inequality. Analyses of their early life course indicates the potential breakdown in inequality in the first generation. This paper provides an overview of empirical results on intergenerational change in socio-economic status and health during South Africa’s political transition. Access to infrastructural services improved, and poverty reduced following the rapid expansion of unconditional cash transfers mainly to children and pensioners. However, unemployment remained high and job discrimination continued. Inequalities in health follow similar patterns, and progress did not equate to convergence. Some catch-up physical growth occurred—both across groups and over time—but not sufficient to bridge cognitive inequalities. Socio-economic and health inequalities continued as the children of the ‘90s reached young adulthood. Based on knowledge of other transitions, it is likely that these inequalities will only start to break down in later generations, provided social and economic progress holds steady.
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Nduna, Mzikazi, and Grace Khunou. "Editorial: Father Connections." Open Family Studies Journal 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2014): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874922401406010017.
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South Africa celebrated twenty years of democracy in 2014 following more than 100 years of colonization and institutionalized discrimination through Apartheid. A ‘broken’ family structure is one of the pathetic legacies left by political instability in post-colonial and post war countries globally. This phenomenon of broken families is evident in South Africa following the period of discrimination against Black people and the systematic migrant labor system that was sponsored by and for the Apartheid government. The migrant labor system separated fathers from their families and men left their families in the rural communities to work in the burgeoning mines and factories in urban areas. The current democratic State has a responsibility to strengthen broken families through policies and intervention informed by research evidence. There is an emerging body of research on Father Connections in post-war and post-colonial settings. This special issue brings together eight articles on Father Connections in South Africa. The articles present data from diverse but interesting research; for example the piece by Nduna M and Taulela M focuses on the experiences of ‘discovering’ biological fathers for youth who grew up with absent and unknown fathers. The participants that the article draws from are young women from a small town, in Mpumalanga. Through narrative analysis, the article explores how young people deal with finding out who their biological fathers are. In the article by Selebano N and Khunou G, the experiences of young fathers from Soweto are explored. It is illustrated in this article that, there are strong ties between young men’s experiences and the community values, history and culture where they experience fatherhood. The article by Langa M interestingly looks at narratives and meaning makings of young boys who grew up without fathers. Langa looks at how young boys can adopt alternative ideas of what it means to be a man in contexts that would otherwise be assumed to automatically lead to an embrace of hegemonic notions of masculinities. On a similar note the article by Nduna M focuses on experiences of young people who grow up without a father entering into endeavours to find and use their father’s surname. The article looks at how the signifying paternal ancestry is developed and maintained in contexts of father absence, through pursuing an absent father’s surname as the ‘right surname’. The article by Lesch E and Ismail A focuses on the significant question of the father daughter relationship and examines constraining constructions of fatherhood for daughters with a specific focus on the Cape Winelands community in South Africa. In Chauke P and Khunou G‘s contribution on the media’s influence on societal notions of fatherhood in relation to the maintenance system is examined. The article looks at how cases of maintenance are dealt with in print media. Franklin A & Makiwane M’s article provides a significant examination of male attitudes of family and children. This article begins to speak to the transformations of expectations of men in families. This transformation is addressed through a look at racially disaggregated quantitative data. Mthombeni A reviews a book, Good Morning Mr. Mandela by Zelda Le Grange where she examines some of the challenges of fatherhood in South Africa’s past and present.
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Du Plessis, Willemien, and T. E. Scheepers. "House of Traditional Leaders: Role, problems and future." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 3, no. 1 (July 10, 2017): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2000/v3i1a2883.
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A national House of Traditional Leaders and provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders have been established in terms of Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1993. The role of Traditional leaders at provincial and national level in the National House of Traditional Leaders and the Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders has not yet been clearly defined in South Africa.The National and Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders experience various problems that hamper their functioning. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the significant role of the National House of Traditional Leaders and the Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders as Constitutional institutions at national and provincial levels and to make proposals regarding their future role and functioning.It can be expected of Constitutional institutions to function properly and effectively. That is, however, not the case with the National House and the various provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders. In the rural areas are the poorest of the poor. This is a result not only of the former apartheid policy but also of a lack of interest by former governments to invest in rural areas. Attention and investment were focused mostly on the development of urban areas. People in rural areas had no voice. It should be ensured that their comments on legislation are for example taken seriously and are not discarded as a mere formality.The 1996 Constitution gives them this voice, but for the intended institutions to function properly, they must be effective.In this article a brief overview of the recognition of traditional institutions in the 1993 and 1996 Constitutions is given, whereafter the National House and Provinical Houses of Traditional Leaders are discussed with regard to their composition, role and the problems they experience in order to make recommendations with regard to their problems and future role.
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Whitelock, Patricia Ann. "Astronomy in post-apartheid South Africa." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 5, S260 (January 2009): 587–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921311002882.
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AbstractAstronomy was one of the sciences earmarked for major support by South Africa's first democratically elected government in 1994. This was a very remarkable decision for a country with serious challenges in poverty, health and unemployment, but shows something of the long term vision of the new government. In this paper I give one astronomer's perception of the reasons behind the decision and some of its consequences.
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Christopher, A. J. "Urban Segregation in Post-apartheid South Africa." Urban Studies 38, no. 3 (March 2001): 449–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420980120080031.
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Christopher, A. J. "Urban Segregation in Post- apartheid South Africa." Urban Studies 38, no. 3 (March 1, 2001): 449–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420980124291.
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Seekings, Jeremy. "Introduction: Urban Studies in South Africa after Apartheid." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 24, no. 4 (December 2000): 832–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00281.
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Christopher, A. J. "Apartheid and Urban Segregation Levels in South Africa." Urban Studies 27, no. 3 (June 1990): 421–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420989020080361.
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Krotee, March L. "Apartheid and Sport: South Africa Revisited." Sociology of Sport Journal 5, no. 2 (June 1988): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.5.2.125.
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The South African government’s socially based policy of segregation and discrimination, or “apartheid,” has caused tremendous external, as well as internal, pressures to reverse the government’s inhumane treatment of its repressed populace. Until recently none of the pressures have been more forceful than those evoked by the sporting world and the United Nations. Since 1960, these forces have served to isolate South Africa from most international sports competitions, including the Olympic Games. At one juncture, various leanings in apartheid policy seemed to point toward a tilt in attitudinal posture not only in regard to sport but to various related apartheid conduct. Recent events, however, have elucidated a continued dominant posture concerning South Africa’s all-encompassing socially repressive apartheid practice. It appears that, unless the South African government initiates swift and salient apartheid expiration, the perilous game they are playing may get out of hand.
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Sithole, S. L., and Ntsako S. Mathonsi. "Local Governance Service Delivery Issues during Apartheid and Post-apartheid South Africa." Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/apsdpr.v3i3.87.
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The debate on service delivery and governance takes a centre stage across disciplines, schools of thought, countries, and in all platforms where people are able to raise their views othe two subjects. According to scholars and analysts, service delivery and <br />governance are closely related, and in many forms of government, service delivery occurs at the lower sphere which is the sphere closer to communities. TheSouth African context can serve as an exact scenario of this model. This makes local government to be a very important subject on matters of service delivery. South Africa has an interesting history that makes scholars, analysts, commentaries, and media companies worldwide to always keep a close eye on what happens in the country. This becomes clear from the analysis which makes the country to be theorised as a colonisation of a special type. It therefore becomes inevitable to consider the antecedents that shaped the manner in which governance and service delivery were mapped out in South Africa. This paper serves as analysis of local government and service delivery both in apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa.
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Blom Hansen, Thomas. "Civics, civility and race in post-apartheid South Africa." Anthropological Theory 18, no. 2-3 (June 2018): 296–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618773663.
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This article explores how, and why, the capacity for civic responsibility and civility of conduct became a central discursive and practical battleground in the colonial world. Nowhere was this more pronounced than in colonial and apartheid South Africa, where the putative benefits of self-government along separate racial lines became a crucial component of apartheid. Starting from a brief conceptual history of civility and colonialism, I argue that the principle of self-government was a central pivot of apartheid. I explore how the celebrated Civics movement that eventually brought apartheid down fostered civic ties and “ethno-civility” in a formerly Indian township in Durban from the 1970s to the 1990s. This legacy of ethno-civility has, however, turned out to be a major obstacle to the forging of relationships across racial boundaries in post-apartheid society. Deploying two ethnographic vignettes from this township, I argue that the ideals of global religious community today have taken the place as a promise of universality of mediation between groups and racial communities that the Civics movement used to occupy during the apartheid era. Yet, religious identities are unable to overcome deeper formations of racial and social difference.
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Adonis, Cyril K. "Generational victimhood in post-apartheid South Africa." International Review of Victimology 24, no. 1 (October 15, 2017): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758017732175.
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In post-apartheid South Africa, insufficient consideration is given to how historical injustices affect current generations and how they could affect future generations. This has implications for issues such as intergenerational justice and equity. Framed within historical trauma theory and the life-course perspective, this paper explores notions of victimhood in post-apartheid Africa. It draws on qualitative interviews conducted with 20 children and grandchildren (10 females and 10 males) of victims of apartheid-era gross human rights violations. The interview data, which were interpretively analysed, yielded a number of salient themes. Participants’ sense of victimhood is anchored in their continuing socio-economic marginalisation deriving from the structural legacy of apartheid, as well as the pervasive racism that continues to bedevil South Africa well into the post-apartheid era. This is compounded by the perceived lack of accountability for historical injustices and the responsibilities that they perceive the government to have towards them. Given this, the paper argues for a reconceptualisation of the notion of victimhood and giving greater consideration to the impact that the structural legacy of apartheid has on the contemporary existential realities of Black South Africans.
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Binns, Tony, and Etienne Nel. "Supporting Local Economic Development in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 17, no. 1 (February 2002): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690940110073800.
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South Africa's apartheid era has left a bitter legacy of retarded economic development. Local Economic Development has been identified by the South African government as a key strategy through which issues of development and, more importantly, poverty alleviation can be addressed by local governments. This paper reviews current Local Economic Development policy in South Africa, before proceeding to an examination and analysis of the impact of the primary government support mechanism designed to promote such development initiatives, namely the Local Economic Development Fund. Whilst such support is of vital importance, far greater levels of intervention will be needed to fully address the massive scale of current local development needs.
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Lemon, Anthony. "Book Review: Urbanization in Post-apartheid South Africa." Urban Studies 28, no. 5 (October 1991): 825–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420989120080991.
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Bell, Michael E., Philip M. Dearborn, and Roland Hunter. "Financing the Post-apartheid City in South Africa." Urban Studies 30, no. 3 (April 1993): 581–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420989320080571.
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MAYLAM, PAUL. "THE RISE AND DECLINE OF URBAN APARTHEID IN SOUTH AFRICA." African Affairs 89, no. 354 (January 1990): 57–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098280.
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Brauns, Melody, and Anne Stanton. "Reforming the health sector in South Africa – Post 1994." Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets and Institutions 5, no. 3 (2015): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/rgcv5i3c2art2.
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This article reviews the efforts of the South African government in recognising development challenges of the post-apartheid era and assesses the approaches employed to bring about economic growth and to address inherited inequalities.
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MacFarlane, Campbell. "Terrorism in South Africa." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000893.
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AbstractThe Republic of South Africa lies at the southern tip of the African continent. The population encompasses a variety of races, ethnic groups, religions, and cultural identities. The country has had a turbulent history from early tribal conflicts, colonialisation, the apartheid period, and postapartheid readjustment.Modern terrorism developed mainly during the apartheid period, both by activities of the state and by the liberation movements that continued to the time of the first democratic elections in 1994, which saw South Africa evolve into a fully representative democratic state with equal rights for all.Since 1994, terrorist acts have been criminal-based, evolving in the Cape Town area to political acts, largely laid at the feet of a predominantly Muslim organisation, People against Gangsterism and Drugs, a vigilant organisation allegedly infiltrated by Muslim fundamentalists. Along with this, has been terrorist activities, mainly bombings by disaffected members of white, right-wing groups.In the apartheid era, a Draconian series of laws was enacted to suppress liberation activities. After 1994, most of these were repealed and new legislation was enacted, particularly after the events of 11 September 2001; this legislation allows the government to act against terrorism within the constraints of a democratic system. Disaster management in South Africa has been largely local authority-based, with input from provincial authorities and Civil Defence. After 1994, attempts were made to improve this situation, and national direction was provided. After 11 September 2001, activity was increased and the Disaster Management Act 2002 was brought into effect. This standardized disaster management system at national, provincial, and local levels, also facilites risk assessment and limitation as well as disaster mitigation.The potential still exists for terrorism, mainly from right wing and Muslim fundamentalist groups, but the new legislation should stimulate disaster management in South Africa to new and improved levels.
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Leonard, Llewellyn. "Mining Corporations, Democratic Meddling, and Environmental Justice in South Africa." Social Sciences 7, no. 12 (December 7, 2018): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7120259.
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During Apartheid, the mining industry operated without restraint and compromised the ecology, the health of mining workers, and local communities. The lines between the mining industry and government was often unclear with the former influencing government decisions to favour uncontrolled operations. Although new post-Apartheid regulations were designed to control negative mining impacts, the mining industry and the state still have a close relationship. Limited academic research has empirically examined how mining corporations influence democracy in South Africa. Through empirical investigation focusing on Dullstroom, Mpumalanga and St. Lucia, KwaZulu-Natal, this paper examines how mining corporations, directly and indirectly, influence democratic processes at the macro state and micro community levels. At the macro level, this includes examining mining companies influencing government decision-making and enforcement to hold mines accountable for non-compliance. At the micro level, the paper examines mining companies influencing democratic processes at the local community level to get mining developments approved. Findings reveal that political connections between the mining industry and government, including collusion between mining corporations and local community leadership, have influenced mining approval and development, whilst excluding local communities from decision-making processes. Industrial manipulation has also influenced government in holding corporations accountable. This has contributed towards not fully addressing citizen concerns over mining development. Democracy in post-Apartheid South Africa, especially for mining development is, therefore, understood in the narrow sense and exposures the realities of the ruling party embracing capitalism. Despite challenges, civil society may provide the avenue for upholding democratic values to counter mining domination and for an enabling political settlement environment.
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Thomas, David P. "Public Transportation in South Africa: Challenges and Opportunities." World Journal of Social Science Research 3, no. 3 (July 20, 2016): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v3n3p352.
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<p><em>This article engages with several important questions regarding the state of public transportation in South Africa. It provides a brief description of the historical legacy of apartheid in relation to public transport, and the challenges this posed to the government after 1994. This is followed by a summary of the changing policy frameworks in the post-apartheid era, and an examination of the current policies, trajectories, and major transportation projects within the country. For example, this includes a more detailed discussion of major infrastructure projects such as the Gautrain and Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) in the form of Rea Vaya. Overall, the article argues that the South African government is struggling to build an inclusive public transportation infrastructure that addresses issues of poverty, access, and inequality. Finally, the article will conclude with a set of recommendations to build a more inclusive transportation policy framework for South Africa. </em></p>
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Hermanson, Judith. "Equalising Housing Opportunities in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Open House International 30, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 60–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ohi-04-2005-b0014.
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Faced with a dearth of affordable housing opportunities, even after the end of Apartheid, residents from Motherwell, South Africa, turned to CHF International for help. CHF provided residents with the technical assistance, organisational support and bridging finance they needed to build their own high-quality homes, through a method that allowed the use of relatively unskilled labour. After helping residents form the Sakhezethu NgoManyano Housing Association and establishing the Assisted Self-Help Model, community members built a total of 395 safe and affordable houses to which they have full title. This model has been transferred throughout South Africa, with thousands of houses built using the concepts for the development of housing and community that it established.
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Alhadeff, Vic. "Journalism during South Africa's apartheid regime." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i2.5924.
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Vic Alhadeff was chief sub-editor of The Cape Times, Cape Town’s daily newspaper, during the apartheid era. It was a staunchly anti-apartheid newspaper, and the government had enacted a draconian system of laws to govern and restrict what media could say. The effect was that anti-apartheid activists such as Mandela were not 'merely’ imprisoned, they were also banned, as was the African National Congress. Under the law, it was illegal to quote a banned person or organisation. This meant if there was to be an anti-apartheid rally in the city – and we reported it – it could be construed as promoting the aims of a banned organisation. As chief sub-editor, I had to navigate this minefield. In addition, most English-language newspapers were anti-apartheid and had a resident police spy on staff (one of our senior journalists); on a number of occasions I would receive a call from the Magistrate’s Office after the newspaper had gone to print at midnight, putting an injunction on a story. We would have to call back the trucks and dump the 100,000 copies of the newspaper and reprint. The challenge was to inform readers as what was happening and to speak out against apartheid – without breaking the law.
South Africa had its own Watergate equivalent. The apartheid government understood that English speakers generally were anti-apartheid, so it siphoned 64 million rands from the Defence budget and set up the Information Department. The aim was to purchase media outlets overseas which would be pro-apartheid, and it set up an English-language newspaper in South Africa, to be pro-apartheid. It was called The Citizen – and I was offered a job as deputy editor at double my salary, plus an Audi. (I declined the offer, for the record). Two journalists uncovered the scandal, and brought down the Prime Minister.
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Sachs, Albie. "Towards A Bill of Rights for a Democratic South Africa." Journal of African Law 35, no. 1-2 (1991): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008342.
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All revolutions are impossible until they happen; then they become inevitable. South Africa has for long been trembling between the impossible and the inevitable, and it is in this singularly unstable situation that the question of human rights and the basics of government in post-apartheid society demands attention.No longer is it necessary to spend much time analysing schemes to modernize, reform liberalize, privatize, or even democratize apartheid. Like slavery and colonialism, apartheid is regarded as irremediably bad. There cannot be good apartheid, or degrees of acceptable apartheid. The only questions are how to end the system as rapidly as possible and how to ensure that the new society which replaces it lives up to the ideals of the South African people and the world community. More specifically, at the constitutional level, the issue is no longer whether to have democracy and equal rights, but how fully to achieve these principles and how to ensure that within the overall democratic scheme, the cultural diversity of the country is accommodated and the individual rights of citizens respected.
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Suarez, Rafael. "The U.S. in South Africa." Worldview 28, no. 5 (May 1985): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046179.
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Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, in conflict with both the current South African Government and supporters of violent revolutionary action, is said to offer a nonviolent, multiracial, and liberal-democratic approach to the struggle against apartheid. The controversial Zulu chief, chief minister of the tribal “homeland” of KwaZulu, and leader of the (legal) Inkatha movement in South Africa, was interviewed on February 18 at Occidental College, Los Angeles, during a ten-day tour of the United States. Rafael Suarez, Jr., is a Los Angeles-based correspondent for Cable News Network, through whose courtesy this interview has been made available to Worldview.
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Norling, Johannes. "Family planning and fertility in South Africa under apartheid." European Review of Economic History 23, no. 3 (August 2, 2018): 365–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hey016.
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Abstract During the apartheid era, all South Africans were formally classified as white, African, colored, or Asian. Starting in 1970, the government directly provided free family planning services to residents of townships and white-owned farms. Relative to African residents of other regions of the country, the share of African women that gave birth in these townships and white-owned farms declined by nearly one-third during the 1970s. Deferral of childbearing into the 1980s partially explains the decline, but lifetime fertility fell by one child per woman.
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Yamauchi, Futoshi. "School quality, clustering and government subsidy in post-apartheid South Africa." Economics of Education Review 30, no. 1 (February 2011): 146–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econedurev.2010.08.002.
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Gbadegesin, Job, Michael Pienaar, and Lochner Marais. "Housing, planning and urban health: Historical and current perspectives from South Africa." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 48, no. 48 (June 23, 2020): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bog-2020-0011.
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AbstractGlobally, policymakers often describe informal settlements and slums in terms of health problems. In this paper we trace the way housing and planning have been linked to health concerns in the history of South Africa and we assess post-apartheid literature on the topic. We note that researchers continue to rely on a biomedical understanding of the relationship between housing, planning and health although, we argue, the links between them are tenuous. We propose the capabilities approach as a way to understand this relationship. Reframing the relationship between housing, planning and health within the capabilities approach may improve the current understanding of this link.AimThis paper discusses the historical links between housing, planning and health in South Africa, assesses post-apartheid policy, and reviews post-apartheid literature on the relationship between housing, planning and health.Results and conclusionsWe find it is assumed that the link between housing, planning and health is a biomedical concern and not a social concern. We argue that scholars thinking about this relationship should consider the opportunities embedded in the capabilities approach to understand health outside the biomedical frame.
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Thomson, Alex. "Incomplete Engagement: Reagan's South Africa policy Revisited." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020863.
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Events in Southern Africa during the early 1990s have re-opened a debate over the effectiveness of the Reagan Administration's policy of ‘Constructive Engagement’. This was a controversy that had previously been laid to rest with the US Congress passing its Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act in October 1986, since the ensuing punitive sanctions imposed by the enactment of this legislation scuttled Ronald Reagan's strategy of using friendly persuasion to encourage the South African Government away from its practice of apartheid. Yet, with hindsight, it may appear that the President's method of drawing the Pretoria regime into the international community, through offering recognition and encouragement in exchange for reform, has been triumphantly vindicated. After all, has not the African National Congress (ANC) come to power via a democratic process, thereby avoiding a bloodbath on the scale that so many had predicted?
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Brauns, Melody, and Anne Stanton. "Governance of the public health sector during Apartheid: The case of South Africa." Journal of Governance and Regulation 5, no. 1 (2016): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v5_i1_p3.
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The healthcare system that the African National Congress (ANC) government inherited in 1994 can hardly be described as functional. Indeed the new government had inherited a combination of deliberate official policy, discriminatory legislation and at times blatant neglect. This paper presents an overview of the evolution of the healthcare system in South Africa. The structures set up under apartheid had implications for provision of public healthcare to South Africans and reveals how governance structures, systems and processes set up during apartheid had implications for the provision of public healthcare to South Africans.