Dissertations / Theses: 'South Africa; Apartheid; Urban government'

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Enthoven, Adrian. "The limits of local negotiations : politics in Greater Johannesburg, 1989-1998." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324336.

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Baines, Gary Fred. "New Brighton, Port Elizabeth c1903-1953 : a history of an urban African community." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17408.

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Bibliography: pages 266-283.
This thesis explores the history of New Brighton in the context of Port Elizabeth's political economy. This port city was essentially an entrepôt until primary industrialisation commenced after the First World War. Jobs in the footwear and motor assembly plants were the preserve of unskilled white (Afrikaans-speaking) workers recently arrived from the city's hinterland. A relatively stable African population grew in the absence of influx controls, and provided a large pool of unskilled labour. A fairly large Coloured population made it more difficult for Africans to acquire employment and skills. With the spurt in industrial growth from the mid- 1940s, Africans were increasingly employed in the manufacturing sector. But the majority of the African workforce still performed unskilled work at or below the minimum wage. Port Elizabeth's African population was amongst the most fully proletarianised but the poorest in the country. The changing labour needs of Port Elizabeth's employers meant that the powerful commercial-cum- industrial lobby sought to influence the City Council to ignore influx control measures introduced in the 1930s. Instead, routine control of New Brighton residents was dependent on a 'location strategy' which included the issue of registration cards as the key to obtaining houses and beer brewing privileges. The Advisory Board provided a channel for patronage dispensed by the Superintendent and a means of co-opting prominent residents and their supporters. The usual litany of social ills such as grinding poverty, overcrowding and breakdown of family structures led to the growth of a subculture of violence amongst some of the youth from the late 1940s. This fed into the simmering discontent caused by the Council's insistence on rent increases and the heightened political expectations caused by the defiance campaign, which irrupted 'in the 1952 riots. Meanwhile, a realignment of political forces in the local state had changed the balance of power in favour of those groups which advocated a tighter rein on labour regulation and the political activities of local Africans. Pressure from this source and the central state in the aftermath of the riots, was more telling than that of the 'liberal' lobby and business interests on the PECC. The combination of state repression and the Council's hastily introduced curbs on political activities reduced the likelihood of ANC-led resistance to the imposition of passes. In 1953 the Council finally jettisoned its 'liberalism' and introduced influx control measures and labour registration. It applied the full force of the law against New Brighton residents whose reputation for being a law-abiding community had served to vindicate the Council's 'progressive' policies towards Africans in the first place.

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Coetzee, Petrus Johannes van Vuuren. "A Reading of power relations in the transformation of urban planning in the municipalities of the greater Pretoria region (now Tshwane)." Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-10072005-140536.

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Taliep, Mohgamat Phaldie. "Towards a housing policy for post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/78078.

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Mchunu, Koyi. "Claiming space in post-apartheid urban planning in South Africa." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422805.

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Jones, David. "Objecting to apartheid: the history of the end conscription campaign." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1005998.

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It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.

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Pfister, Roger. "Apartheid South Africa's foreign relations with African states, 1961-1994." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632.

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This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.

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Mtimka, Ongama. "The Coega project: creative politicking in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1576.

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This treatise revisits the process of the implementation of the Coega Project and discusses political economic issues which emerge therein locating them in the political economic context of post-1994 South Africa. Based on an in-depth study of the “Coega Story”, and three years of observing the Coega Development Corporation engaging in the political economic space to implement the project, key themes which are relevant in understanding the nature of politics in the country are highlighted and discussed with a view to drawing lessons for future implementers of economic development projects and policy makers. Key discussions in the study include a critical analysis of the symbiotic relationship between politics and development (or broadly the economy) – where emphasis is made about the centrality of politics in implementing economic development projects; the developmental state – where key characteristics of a developmental state are highlighted; the transition from apartheid to democracy and its implications on the nature of political relations post-apartheid; industrial development as a growth strategy and the interplay of social forces in the post- 1994 political economic space. The Coega Project is located within the broader context of the ruling party seeking to advance what is called the second and, perhaps the ultimate task of the liberation struggle, socio-economic liberation. Its strategic fit in that task is discussed critically taking into account paths to industrialisation as they have been observed from Newly Industrialising Countries and South Africa’s attempts at industrialisation before and after 1994.

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Majavu, Phumlani. "Beyond black and white: black solidarity in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1016359.

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Almost 20 years after the white Nationalist government was voted out, some black South Africans believe that black solidarity is still necessary in South Africa. These people argue that since post-apartheid South Africa is still marred with racial injustice, it makes sense for blacks to advocate for black solidarity. Although it is true that black solidarity played an important role in the struggle against apartheid, in this thesis I argue that the struggle against current forms of racial injustice does not necessarily require black solidarity. This is not to deny the prevailing racialized oppression in the post-apartheid era, nor to deny the importance of black solidarity in the past; rather the point I am making is that the current form of racial oppression is somewhat different from the one before 1994. Hence I argue in this thesis that the current form of racial oppression requires us to do certain things differently. Doing things differently means improving upon the strategies of the past. For this to happen, I argue that every human being who believes in and is committed to racial justice ought to be included in the struggle for justice. Change, after all, is brought about when committed human beings work together for liberation and justice.

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Mammon, Nisa. "The urban land question : management and access for the urban poor in post apartheid South Africa." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12446.

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The premise of the thesis is that the developmental use of urban land should be ethical, fair and promote social justice. Using multiple research approaches and mixed methods this thesis examines the urban land question in South Africa and particularly Cape Town where land distribution and ownership are inequitable. The thesis unpacks land redistribution, land tenure reform and land restitution within this context. It is argued that the South African Constitution commits government to protect the property rights of those who currently own property and at the same time redistribute land to those who have been dispossessed and explores what this tension means for urban land redistribution and reform using the freedoms approach developed by Amartya Sen as a conceptual framework and as alternative to the neo-classical model. The main findings of the thesis can be summarized as follows. a) The thesis demonstrates that there is no logical reason why the freedoms approach cannot be extended to include urban land. b) The entitlements and endowments that urban land could bestow on the urban poor are shaped by how the State invests in land through the instruments of land planning and land use management which call for a significant role for the State as custodian of public land to not only make explicit the land asset register under public ownership but also instill trust in the poorer sectors of urban society. c) A two track system of land planning and land use management may be more appropriate in the post apartheid South African city, one stream for market driven land and one for targeted public land programmes that directly address urban poverty provided that the State is able to make strong connections between the philosophical and the technical aspects of land and land use management systems. d) As a two track system is suggested the land use management system requires to be reframed. To facilitate land redistribution and reform in urban areas of South Africa therefore, the thesis suggests that a deliberative and systemic planning approach needs to be adopted that is intervention focused. Only when the State assumes a more critical interventionist role in public land programmes would it be possible to obtain social justice and the principles of the good city in the South African urban context. e) Gaining access to and control over land resources beyond the market is possible but limiting for the majority of the urban poor when land and housing debates are conflated. This conflation results in other land debates being silenced yet these have the potential to offer alternatives to the neo-classical model of land and land use management as well as promote a wider role for public land than just housing.

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Stinson, Andrew Todd. "National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042.

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Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.

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Inglis, Jade L. "Post Apartheid South Africa at the United Nations: Patterns and implications." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1603.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
South Africa has played an essential role as one of the founding members of both the League of Nations and the United Nations (UN), the latter of which came into existence in 1945. However, when the South African government introduced and pursued its policy of Apartheid, the country became a pariah within the international community. In 1994, after twenty years of international isolation, a new democratic government was sworn in and was immediately embraced by the international community. In their quest to further strengthen South Africa’s ongoing transformation from an isolated international pariah to an emerging leader of the developing world, the Mandela and Mbeki administrations adopted foreign policy adaptation strategies. These strategies were designed to adapt South African’s foreign policy to the new realities of the post-apartheid era: restructuring the foreign policy establishment; selfpromotion as the leader of the ‘African Renaissance’; adherence to the foreign policy principle of ‘universality’ and assuming a leadership role in international organizations. The United Nations has became one of the most important forums through which the international community’s rapprochement towards South Africa has manifested itself and has continued to play an important role in post-Apartheid South Africa’s international relations. South Africa’s global status has increased significantly through its participation in numerous UN bodies, agencies and General Assembly sessions. It has thus been argued that South Africa’s participation at the United Nations is driven by its intention to reform the organisation as well as showcase itself as a representative of the developing world and especially Africa, in an attempt to increase its global stature as a moral and African power. In addition to this it ostensibly seeks to profile itself as a multilateral leader. This thesis attempts to explore the nature of South Africa’s involvement and participation within the United Nations in the Post-Apartheid era and what the major consequences have been. It assesses the content and consequences of South African foreign policy rhetoric and institutional participation at the United Nations since the end of apartheid. This is done, first, through an attempt to understand the role of international organisations within the international arena and how they are utilised in furthering foreign policy objectives of states through cooperation (which constitutes the theoretical backdrop to the thesis), and second, through a systematic review of South African behaviour and policy objectives at the United Nations. Amongst others, one of the more important themes emerging from this analysis is that South Africa is combining many of its more recent UN initiatives with its participation in other multilateral partnerships.

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McMichael, Christopher Bryden. "The political significance of popular illegalities in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1640/.

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Oomen, Barbara. "Chiefs in South Africa : law, power & culture in the post-apartheid era /." Oxford [u.a.] : Currey [u.a.], 2005. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0713/2007273880-b.html.

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Goga, Safiyya. "The silencing of race at Rhodes: ritual and anti-politics on a post-apartheid campus." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002988.

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Almost fifteen years after democracy, issues of 'race' still hold daily South African life firmly in its grip. Following calls from foremost South African theorists on 'race', such as Sarah Nuttall, this thesis moves beyond a study of crude 'racism', to the more complex consideration of 'race' as an embedded ideological social formation within the spatial context of Rhodes University. Using analytical concepts such as 'silencing' and 'ritual' the thesis weaves an understanding (1) of how particular powerful representations of institutional history are produced and made dominant, and (2) how seemingly innocuous performances of institutional identity are key to reproducing 'racial' dominance within Rhodes' student life. This ultimately manifests in the production of a deeply 'racialized' commonsensical understanding of the 'most' legitimate and authentic representation and ownership of institutional space. The thesis delves into dominant representations of Rhodes University'S history, considering how these help produce and reproduce 'racial' dominance through, for instance, the production of defining apolitical narratives of 'excellence'. Central to the dominant apolitical institutional history is the production of silences about the past. History, I argue, is less compelling in any revelation of 'what happened' than in illustrating the production of silences used to enable the appropriation of a particular history as the sole relevant history. The 'inheritors of the past', those who are able to lay authoritative and representative claim to it, it is argued, ultimately claim ownership over institutional space. I argue too, that the dominant practices and performances of daily institutional life (re)produce the institutional space as a space of 'racial' dominance. Ritualized performance of the dominant institutional identity produces ownership of institutional space through making some articulations of 'Rhodes identity' more acceptable, legitimate and authentic than others. The dominance of 'drinking culture' in Rhodes student life produces a particular 'racialized' institutional identity as most legitimate. 'Racial' dominance is instituted, consecrated and reproduced through the ritualistic performance of 'drinking culture', which ultimately produces a superior claim of ownership over the institutional space through the reiteration of racial domination that these performances of institutional identity powerfully symbolize.

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Sinclair, Marion Ryan. "The experience of exclusion : strategies of adaptation among immigrants in post-apartheid urban South Africa /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10833.

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Van, Vuuren Ian. "Varieties of neoliberalism within the Post-Cold War period : economic policy in the Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79903.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis describes the development of neoliberalism within the global context and explains how this ideology influenced economic policy formulation in post-apartheid South Africa. Policies from the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) to the New Economic Growth Path (NEGP) are analysed within the timeframe from 1996 to 2011 to determine how and whether neoliberalism had an impact on policy formulation. The development of neoliberal thinking is historicised to illustrate how it became the dominant ideational framework at the world order level. This was a path dependent process which is traced at the social, institutional and ideational levels. The establishment of the Mont Pelerin Society, the development of the post-Second World War economic order and the development and implementation of the Washington Consensus are important aspects of a counter-ideational challenge to Keynesianism which took place over some 25 years. The rationale behind neoliberalism and the implementation of neoliberal policies is strongly motivated by assumptions such as private property rights, deregulation of trade, finance and production and a form of state which facilitates market dominant policies. Neoliberalism strongly came to prominence during the 1970s and 1980s. During this time increased pressure was placed on the South African apartheid government from outside and inside to implement more market-orientated or neoliberal economic policies. It became increasingly evident that South Africa’s isolation to economic globalisation was not sustainable. At the time of the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990, the ANC did not have a clearly formulated economic programme. Neoliberal thinking gradually gained in influence among ANC leaders and policy makers and after the party resoundingly won the 1994 elections, it seemed that neoliberal thinking became well established, albeit with some important variations and distinctive characteristics. The Growth, Employment and Redistribution programme did not fully achieve its primary goals of employment creation and redistribution, although a period of economic growth (2002-2006) did follow the first phase of its implementation. This led to a rethink and reevaluation of economic policy, particularly after the global financial crisis (2007-2009). The first “rethink” led to the adoption of the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA). This shift is regarded by some analysts as an economic transition period from GEAR to a more developmentalist and interventionist policy, but is, in fact, characterised by continuity and is in line with the World Bank’s post-Washington consensus thinking. This period is also characterised by internal tensions within the ANC and the leadership struggle between Jacob Zuma and Thabo Mbeki (the incumbent president and architect of GEAR), Zuma’s victory was regarded as a victory for the left, but was followed by minor concessions and more continuity in policy, notwithstanding the launching of the NEGP in 2011 which spells out some goals for democratising and restructuring the economy. The study concludes that neoliberalism had a unique influence on economic policy formulation in South Africa even though it was not a pure reflection of neoliberal policies. Economic policy formulation in South Africa has undergone constant change and adaptation and reflects the shifting balance of power between the major social forces related to production and finance in the country. At the rhetorical level, policy seems to be moving in the direction of a democratic developmental state and this needs to be viewed within the context of the circumstances which led to the development of the RDP, GEAR and the NEGP.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis beskryf die ontwikkeling van neoliberalisme binne die globale konteks en verduidelik hoe hierdie ideologie ekonomiese beleidformulering in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed het. Ekonomiese beleid vanaf die Herkonstruksie en Ontwikkling-program (HOP), die Groei, Indiensneming en Herverspreiding-program (GIEH) en die Nuwe Ekonomiese Groei-pad (NEGP) word geanaliseer binne die tydsbestek vanaf 1996-2011, ten einde te bepaal hoe en of neoliberalisme ’n impak op beleidsformulering in die land gehad het. Die ontwikkeling van neoliberale denke word histories beskryf ten einde te illustreer hoe dit, op die wêreld-orde vlak, die dominante ideologiese raamwerk vir ekonomiese beleid geword het. Hierdie proses was afhanklik van ’n aantal duidelik lynverwante fases wat nagespoor word op die kontinuum van sosiale, institusionele en idees dimensies. Die vorming van die Mont Pelerin Stigting, die ontwikkeling van die na-oorlogse (WWII) ekonomiese orde en die ontwikkeling en implementering van die Washington-konsensus is belangrike aspekte van die bou van ’n ideologiese alternatief vir Keynesianisme wat oor ongeveer 25 jaar plaasgevind het. Die rasionaal onderliggend aan neoliberalisme en daarmee gepaardgaande beleid word sterk gemotiveer deur die aannames van privaat eiendomsregte, deregulering van handel, finanasies en produksie en ’n staatsvorm wat mark-dominante beleid fasiliteer. Neoliberalisme het tydens die 1970s and 1980s prominent geword. Tydens hierdie periode is van buite en van binne toenemende druk op die apartheid regime geplaas om meer markgeorienteerde en neoliberale beleidsveranderinge te implementeer. Dit is veral tydens die 1980s dat dit al hoe duideliker geword het dat Suid-Afrika se isolasie in ’n ekonomies globaliserende wêreld nie meer haalbaar was nie. Ten tye van die ontbanning van die ANC en die vrylating van Nelson Mandela in 1990, het die ANC nie ’n duidelik geformuleerde ekonomiese program en beleid gehad nie. Teen 1994, het neoliberale denke geleidelik in invloed toegeneem onder ANC leiers en beleidmakers, en na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing, het dit voorgekom asof dit goed gevestig was, met nietemin belangrike plaaslike variasies en onderskeibare kenmerke. Die GIEH, wat as die amptelike vervatting van neoliberale ekonomiese beleid beskou kan word, het nie ten volle sy primêre doelwitte van werkskepping en herverspreiding bereik nie, alhoewel ’n periode van ekonomiese groei (2002-2006) wel gevolg het na die eerste fase van dié beleid se implementering. Dit het tot ’n herbeskouing en herevaluering gelei, veral na die globale finansiële krisies (2007-2009). Die eerste “herformulering” van beleid het gelei tot die aanname van die Versnelde en Gedeelde Groei-inisiatief vir Suid-Afrika (VGGISA). Hierdie ontwikkeling is deur sommige waarnemers beskou as ’n ekonomiese oorgang van GIEH na ’n meer ontwikkelingsgerigte en intervensionistiese staat, maar is, in der waarheid, gekenmerk deur kontinuïteit en was in pas met die post-Washington konsensus beleid van die Wêreld Bank. Hierdie periode is ook noemenswaardig vir interne spanninge binne die ANC en die leierskaps-stryd tussen Jacob Zuma en Thabo Mbeki (die sittende president en argitek van GIEH). Zuma se oorwinning is beskou as ’n oorwinning vir die linksgesindes in die Drieparty Alliansie (ANC, COSATU en SACP), maar is gevolg deur klein toegewings en meer kontinuïteit in ekonomiese beleid. Dit, nieteenstaande die feit dat die NEGP in 2011 lanseer is,met as onderbou die demokratisering en herstrukturering van die ekonomie. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat neoliberalisme ’n unieke invloed op ekonomiese beleidsformulering in Suid-Afrika gehad het, selfs al was dit nie ’n suiwer weerspieëling van hierdie denkrigting nie. Ekonomiese beleidsformulering ondergaan voortdurend verandering en aanpassing en weerspieël veranderinge in magsverskuiwinge tussen die vernaamste sosiale magte verwant aan produksie en finansies in die land. Op die retoriese vlak, skyn dit asof beleid besig is om te verander in die rigting van ’n demokratiese onwikkelings-staat en dit moet gesien word binne die konteks van die omstandighede wat gelei het tot die ontwikkeling van die HOP, GIEH en NEGP.

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Fletcher, Haley Kim. "Conflict, contradiction and crisis: an analysis of the politics of AIDS policy in post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002985.

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Despite the profound impacts of HIV and AIDS on all sectors of South African society, governmental responses to the AIDS epidemic have been inundated with contradiction, conflict and contestation. Though governmental leaders have justified not funding HIV treatment programs because they believe that poverty needs to be dealt with first, social spending has been slashed as part of an adherence to a neo-liberal economic model. Though it would seem that the government would seem to have everything to gain by establishing a cooperative relationship with non-governmental actors regarding the epidemic, the relationship between the government and non-governmental actors has instead been described as nothing short of hostile. Though the government enthusiastically backed Virodene, a supposed treatment for AIDS that turned out to be no more than an industrial solvent, other ‘scientifically backed’ AIDS treatments have been treated with caution and skepticism – to the point where the government even refused to provide funding for programs to prevent mother to child transmission of the virus. And perhaps the most perplexing is that although widely respected for his intellect and cool demeanor, former President Mbeki chose to risk his political career on the AIDS issue by shunning away from the mainstream consensus on the biomedical causes of the epidemic and instead surrounded himself and sought advice from AIDS ‘dissidents’ This thesis will seek explanations for these apparent contradictions. Using Bourdieu’s (1986) typology of capitals, it will build on an argument put forward by Helen Schneider (2002): from the South African government’s perspective, the contestation regarding HIV and AIDS policy and implementation is over symbolic capital, or the right to legitimately hold and exercise political power regarding the epidemic. Though this argument helps explain the conflictual relationship between the government and non-governmental actors regarding the AIDS crisis, in order to understand the perplexing contradictions within the governmental policy response, the political context of policy formation must first be taken into consideration.

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Weld, David. "Reconceptualising South Africa's international identity : post-apartheid foreign policy in a post-cold war world." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14274.

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Bibliography: leaves 74-78.
With the ending of the apartheid regime and the transition to power of a government of national unity, South Africa is now a legitimate member of the international community. It has joined the Organisation of African Unity, the British Commonwealth, and the Southern African Development Community, and it is busily fostering trade links with Europe, North America, the Far East, and Latin America. Its diplomats have worked to mediate conflicts in Angola and Mozambique, and its president is widely seen as an international statesman and a moral leader of almost unprecedented repute. Yet the newÂ· government continues to operate within South Africa's traditional international paradigm and has not yet developed a unique global role that reflects the country's internal "negotiated revolution". As a result, substantial challenges face efforts to forge a new south African approach to the world. From outside the country, forces unleashed by the fall of communism and the rise of a truly global marketplace mark a volatile and uncertain transition in world history. From the inside, political transition has sparked a redefinition of what it means to be South African, but this has not been reflected in new policies. The Foreign Ministry is widely recognised as a bastion of old-guard stalwarts; the ANC and NP have done little to reconcile their past international experiences; and. the information flow on international political and economic trends has barely improved since April 1994, leaving interest groups and private citizens in the new democracy generally uninformed and therefore unable to help pressure policy. The result is a foreign policy over the past year that has had little vision and few cohesive threads, and has left a score of unresolved issues. The 'new' South Africa's relations with Cuba and China, its policies on illegal immigration, and regional development plans are all issues that require visionary, decisive leadership but for which none has yet been provided. What energy or vision, for example, has South Africa brought to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) since it joined last August? In the global peacekeeping debate, and again with Cuba and China, South Africa has made little effort to recognise more pro-active roles for which it is well equipped. Why is it not asserting itself? Who actually is in charge of its foreign policy? Few thus would deny that a paralysis has settled in on South African foreign policy. A recent analysis in the Weekly Mail lamented, "We are not consistent. We have not formulated clear principles. The formulators of our foreign policy do not consult with the people. The new appointments to our foreign ministry complain of being sidelined. There is no clear break with the past". At the core of this inaction is the fact that policy makers have failed to reconceptualise the way international issues are seen and policy is made. The world has changed and South Africa has changed, both dramatically; yet Cold War debates still divide the policy framework, old style security thinking still dominates higher ranks, and most importantly, the growing inter linkages between domestic and foreign policies in a post-Cold War world have gone largely unheeded. It is thus appropriate to sound a note of urgency: change and uncertainty in the world and dramatic transformation at home combine to make this an inopportune, even dangerous, time to have a directionless foreign policy. The broad purposeÂ· of this paper is to identify the salient external and internal factors that will drive a new South African approach to the world. The first chapter presents a synthesis of dominant global trends, and sets them against the backdrop of major structural changes in international relations. The second chapter discusses change in South Africa in relation to world changes, new state objectives and shifting interest groups, and considers these implications for three major foreign policy areas. The third chapter looks at the policy framework and the ability of policy makers to conceptualise these dual changes and to formulate effective policies. The final chapter offers a 'road map' of policy options towards a true postapartheid, post-Cold War foreign policy.

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Lind, Erika. "Housing the nation? : post-apartheid public housing provision in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa /." Uppsala : Dept. of Social and Economic Geography [Kulturgeografiska institutionen], Univ, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3948.

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21

Moodley, Gunasagren. "Critical analysis of the post-apartheid South African Government's discourse on infromation and communication technologies (ICTs), poverty and development." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1298.

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Thesis (PhD (School of Public Management and Planning ))—University of Stellenbosch, 2005.
This study comprises a discursive analysis of the underlying assumptions, rhetorical devices and the latent agendas masked within: (i) the burgeoning international ICT, poverty and development literature; (ii) the policy agendas of the major players in international development; and (iii) the ICT, poverty and development discourse of the post-apartheid South African government. The aim of the study is to move beyond the current enthusiasm for derivative description and technological determinism, and to introduce a deeper, more balanced understanding of the relationship between ICT, poverty and development.

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Greyling, Sean Andrew. "Rhodes University during the segregation and apartheid eras, 1933 to 1990." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002397.

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In 2004 Rhodes University celebrated its centenary. At a Critical Tradition Colloquium opportunity was given to explore the university’s past. In particular, its liberal image was questioned and its role during apartheid brought under scrutiny. This thesis investigates the questions raised at the Colloquium. It aims to cover the whole apartheid era in one coherent narrative by addressing the history of Rhodes during that era and how it handled issues of race and politics. It begins in 1933, when the first black student applied to Rhodes, and ends in 1990, when apartheid was drawing to a close.

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Heimann, Clinton Rossouw. "An exploratory study into improvement districts in South Africa." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-10182007-151358/.

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24

Prinsloo, Estelle Helena. "New ways of understanding: a governmentality analysis of basic education policy in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384.

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Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production

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Cruywagen, Dennis, and Andrew Drysdale. "The Argus: Mandela, the road to freedom." The Argus, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76128.

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Months were spent researching and preparing this four-part series on the dramatic events surrounding NELSON MANDELA, the life-term prisoner who has cast a larger than life shadow on South African politics. Staff writer DENNIS CRUYWAGEN travelled extensively to interview at first hand — or by other means, where necessary — those stalwart ANC veterans who were convicted in the Rivonia Treason Trial and jailed with Mandela. He talked, too, to members of the Mandela family, politicians, lawyers and many others who were close to or knowledgeable about the ANC leader. Official records and other sources on the life and times of Nelson Mandela were also consulted. Compiling the vast amount of information sometimes led to unusual situations. For instance, Mrs Winnie Mandela, always pressed for time, was interviewed — not in her home in Diepkloof, Soweto, as arranged but in a hired car in a Johannesburg traffic jam while following a vehicle driven by her driver. She was late for another appointment. Drawn from various sources this series sets out to reconstruct an overview of 25 years and more of political and personal drama, passion and poignancy.
Supplement to The Argus, Tuesday February 6 1990
Exclusive Part 1

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Oduba, Victor. "Politics of asylum : sovereign considerations in the multilateral and humanitarian practices of refugee protection in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007725.

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Most scholars claim that international human rights norms embodied in formal international declarations and treaties have an important impact on domestic political interests and governmental practices. This reasoning about the impact of global human rights is often applied to the post-apartheid South African immigration and refugee policies. While I acknowledge that the ratification of United Nations Conventions on refugees has altered the traditional sovereignty considerations of South Africa towards asylum seekers, I take issue with the claims that South African refugee and asylum policies are primarily motivated and based on humanitarian considerations. Instead, I argue that these policies are based on sovereign considerations and strategic foreign policy interests. As a result this sovereign interests of South Africa to study has sought to demonstrate that largely explain decisions on the part accept or reject refugees. Although norms diffusion, international advocacy networks, and prestige factors have made a big impact, in practice the refugee policy has continued to reflect South Africa's strategic interests and domestic considerations at all levels. However, I have not argued that South Africa should overlook its national and foreign interests and abide by international human rights norms regardless of the cost of doing so. I have only sought to demonstrate that refugee protection is more when powerful national interests find it conducive to manage the destabilizing refugee flows.

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27

Nodoba, Todani. "The political role of black women journalists in post-apartheid South Africa : Sowetan (1994-1999)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/18112.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Black journalists in South Africa have played a crucial role in exposing the political oppression of black South Africans during the Apartheid era. In this regard the Sowetan newspaper made a great contribution. However, the political role that black women journalists played at the Sowetan has been ignored, before and after 1994. After 1994, political black women journalists at the Sowetan continued to make strides despite the hostile environment that these women journalists worked in. The limitation of beats and assignments, lack of promotions and many other challenges that black women journalists faced during this period made their work environment unfriendly and hostile towards their performance. This study examines the political role made by black women journalists at the Sowetan newspaper from 1994 to 1999. The study shows how the black women journalists brought different perspectives in news at the Sowetan through their manner of reporting and also how they viewed matters within the context of a new democracy in South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Swart joernaliste in Suid-Afrika het ’n onontbeerlike rol gespeel in die onthulling van die politieke onderdrukking van swart Suid-Afrikaners tydens die apartheidsjare. In hierdie verband het die Sowetan-koerant ’n groot bydrae gelewer. Die politieke rol van swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan is egter geïgnoreer, voor en ná 1994. Ná 1994 het politieke swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan steeds opgang gemaak, ten spyte van die vyandige omgewing waarin hierdie vroue gewerk het. Beperkte opdragte en spesialisonderwerpe om te dek, ’n gebrek aan bevordering en die talle ander uitdagings wat swart vrouejoernaliste in hierdie tydperk moes trotseer, het hul werksomgewing onvriendelik en vyandig gemaak met betrekking tot hul werksverrigting. Hierdie studie ondersoek die politieke rol wat vanaf 1994 tot 1999 deur swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan gespeel is. Die studie toon aan hoe die swart vrouejoernaliste ander nuusperspektiewe na die Sowetan gebring het, met die wyse waarop hulle verslag gedoen het en ook waarop hulle aangeleenthede in die breë verband van ’n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika beskou het.

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Dlamini, Thobile G. K. "Dominant and non-dominant group's perceptions of the government-led economic transformation process in South Africa: report." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002472.

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The enormous social, economic, and political government-led societal transformation South Africans have experienced over the past 15 years have brought about numerous societal and identity changes. The aim of the present study was to explore how dominant (White participants) and non-dominant (Black participants) groups experiencing the government-led societal transformation process deal with perceptions of intergroup differences based on Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) and related field research. Social Identity Theory predicts that in the presence of intergroup differences group members irrespective of their status position will apply identity management strategies to either improve or maintain their status position. The relationships between perceptions of intergroup relations and identity management strategies as proposed by Social Identity Theory were tested studying 170 second year Rhodes University psychology students. Sixty participants indicated themselves as Black South Africans (representing non-dominant group) and 110 participants identified themselves as White South Africans (dominant group). The results revealed that dominant and non-dominant groups differ systematically regarding the functional interaction between beliefs about the intergroup situation and identity management strategies. The results of the study indicate too, that ingroup identification differentiates between individual and collective strategies irrespective of the group’s status position.

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Committee, Conference for A. Democratic Future (CDF) Organising. "Conference for a democratic future." African National Congress, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66502.

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This booklet is intended to serve as a report-back to those organisations which were party to the Conference for a Democratic Future (CDF) and to those who were unable to be present. It is also intended to act as a guide to action for 1990 and beyond. The CDF was a historic gathering of the forces for change represented by 4600 delegates from over 2100 organisations. These range form Bantustan parties on the one end of the political spectrum to ultra leftist groups on the other end. But perhaps the most significant presence was from organisations like Five Freedoms Forum, NAFCOC, the Hindu Seva Samaj, that of traditional leaders and the hundreds of other community organisations which are rapidly becoming an active component of the mass struggle for change. Also significant was the strong worker representation from a range of trade unions, including eight affiliates of NACTU whose leadership had turned down the invitation to be part of the Conference. The Conference for a Democratic Future was a major step in the overall process of building unity in action and maximising the isolation of the regime. It was, in this sense, not an isolated event. The year 1989 had taken unity in action to new heights with the Defiance Campaign and the mass marches. The process leading up to the CDF was intended td be more important then the Conference itself. Likewise, in the post-Conference period, the follow-up process should be given the importance it deserves. At the end of the day, it is this follow-up process which would determine the actual success or failure of the CDF exercise. The Declaration adopted at the Conference represents the strategic orientation of the broad forces for change. It calls for the intensification of the struggle and for the placing of the question of political power on the agenda of our united mass action. The Conference resolutions collectively contain the elements of a programme of action. Without exception, each resolution is a call to action. The task of all participants of the Conference is to translate these resolutions into Mass United Action. The adoption of the Harare Declaration should act as the starting point of a process which takes its content to the masses of our people in all comers of the country. The demand for the Constituent Assembly should become a popular demand of the people. By adopting the resolution on international pressure, the Conference sends an unambiguous signal to the world community on how the people of South Africa view their role in the struggle to end apartheid. The follow-up to the Conference should also be a continuing search for whatever common ground exists between the broad forces for change. This search must take place not only at a national level, but mere importantly at a regional and local level. Let us bear in mind the words of the Declaration: “The moral appeal of the Democratic Movement has never been greater”. by an MDM delegate on the CDF Convening Committee.
Includes the Harare Declaration: declaration of the OAU Ad-hoc Committee on Southern Africa on the Question of South Africa (Harare, Zimbabwe, August 21, 1989)

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30

Mathiane, Makwena T. "The influence of ideology upon land policy of the post apartheid government of the Republic of South Africa, 1994 - 2004." Thesis, University of Limpopo (Turfloop Campus), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/786.

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Thesis (M.A. (Political Science))--University of Limpopo, 2007
Since 1913 black South Africans have been forcefully dispossessed of land under the racist land laws of the successive white South African governments. In 1994 the black government began to pass land laws that were supposed to provide blacks with land ownership rights. Ten years later blacks have re-claimed less than four percent of the eighty seven percent of the land they were dispossessed of. The failure to return dispossessed land to blacks is attributed to the ideology of the current government with respect to its land policy. This study attempts to fill the void regarding the ideological implications of the land reform policy of the post-apartheid government. We speculate that neo-liberal implications are dominant within this policy. Social democracy can overcome the failure of the policy as it is cost-effective and efficient and attempts to achieve social justice. It can therefore afford dispossessed and landless blacks land ownership.

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Joseph, Stacey-Leigh. "Consolidating democracy, building civil society : the South African Council of Churches in post-apartheid South Africa and its policy of critical solidarity with the state." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007957.

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The South African Council of Churches (SACC) played an extremely crucial role during the struggle against apartheid. The role of the SACC was first and foremost to provide a voice for the voiceless. It managed, among other tasks, to actively fill the void left by movements banned by the illegitimate apartheid government. As a result of its fight against the inequalities that existed in South Africa, its work adopted a political character. In the aftermath of post-apartheid South Africa, the SACC was left with the task of redefining its role within South African society and civil society, specifically. The euphoric sentiment in the mid-1990s was in part reflected in the SACC. However, the conclusion reached by the Council in 1995 was that it would also play a role of 'critical solidarity' which essentially meant that it would not shy away from attacking the government when the need arose. Since 1994, the South African government has implemented a number of policies that do not appear to be in the immediate interest of the majority of South African citizens atld have brought church and state into conflict. This thesis attempts to tackle three issues which are pertinent to the South African situation and which shed light on state-civil society interactions. These issues are HIV I Aids, the question of odious debt and the Zimbabwe crisis. By using both primary and secondary sources, the SACC's responses to government's handling of these matters will be compared with the responses of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference in order to determine their relationships with government. The conclusion of this investigation is that the SACC has in fact managed to maintain a position of critical solidarity. It has been faced with numerous challenges with regard to maintaining the fragile boundary of alliance with government on the one hand, and becoming anti-government on the other. However, by forming alliances with other civil society actors as well as fostering a relationship with government in order to facilitate mediation this dissertation argues that the SACC has become an essential member of South Africa's vibrant civil society.

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Manche, Jacqueline Boitumelo. "Restructuring urban local government in South Africa : options for the central Witwatersrand metropolitan area." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/68291.

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Kulundu, Injairu M. "Participatory human development in post-apartheid South Africa: a discussion of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003001.

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This thesis relates the work of a non-governmental organisation, The Spirals Trust, to discussions on human and participatory development. The focus of the study is one of The Spirals Trust’s projects, the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project, which is discussed in relation to theoretical material on human development and participatory development. Collectively these perspectives are defined in this thesis as ‘participatory human development’. The 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project illustrates some of the challenges that face the practice of participatory human development. Workshops and focus group interviews were conducted with participants who were part of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project in order to draw out their experiences of the project. Questions were created from themes that emerged from the participants’ discussion of their experiences and these questions were then posed to members of staff of The Spirals Trust. The experiences of both the participants and the staff members are discussed in order to explore issues that emerge in the practice of participatory human development in the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project. The results highlight the challenges of putting into action the tenets of participatory human development. Feedback showed that a focus on personal development can help cultivate the ethic of participation. The effort that this entailed on the part of facilitators is discussed. The importance of exposing and continually working with power dynamics that may emerge in projects of this nature is revealed and the eroding influence of bureaucratic compliance in projects like this one is explored. The study also suggests that there is a need to promote development initiatives that challenge the political status quo rather than just finding ways to incorporate the marginalised more effectively into current systems. New questions that the research poses to the practice of participatory human development are considered in conjunction with suggestions for further research.

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Ryklief, Cheryl Cecelia. "The manufacture of chaos and compromise: an analysis of the path to reform in South Africa." Thesis, Faculty of Humanities, School of Politics and Communication Studies, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76218.

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This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate.
Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts

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Van, Rooyen Jan Hendrik Petrus. "Die NG Kerk, apartheid en die Christelike instituut van Suidelike Afrika." Thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/20402.

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Apartheid had long been an everyday practice in South Africa when the NG Kerk threw its weight behind it during the third decade of the twentieth century. However, it did not take long before the church began playing a leading role in this respect. During the fourth and fifth decades many decisions and publications underscored the church's conviction that the policy of separate development was based on Scripture. The South African Government and the National Party Government, in particular, were certain of the co-operation of the NG Kerk not only in the establishment of this policy but also in the extension thereof to cover all the facets of social, economical and political life. Although the NG Kerk, on many occasions, reiterated that the policy should be implemented with justice and compassion, it was always clear that apartheid as a policy that was based on colour could only result in discrimination against, and injustice to, people of colour. This resulted in growing resistance by blacks, coloureds and Indians since the beginning of the century. The resistance increased rapidly after the National Party took over the government of the country in 1948 and proceeded to intensify this policy by applying it to all levels of the political and societal life. On March 21 1960 thousands of blacks marched to the police station in Sharpeville to protest against the pass laws. This resulted in the police killing 69 blacks and wounding 180 in a panic reaction which caused not only a worldwide wave of indignation and protest but also increased racial tension in South Africa. The World Council of Churches in conjunction with the local member churches immediately arranged the Cottesloe Conference to discuss possible solutions to the racial problems. The proposals of this conference which was held in December 1960 met with strong opposition from Government and were eventually completely smothered by the Church leadership. The proposals were unacceptable because they smacked too much of criticism of apartheid. Notwithstanding the strong political and ecclesiastical rejection of Cottesloe, a group of church leaders nevertheless decided to establish the publication Pro Veritate, and soon afterwards the Christian Institute of Southern Africa was founded in an effort to give scriptural witness in South Africa. Pro Veritate, which later served as the mouthpiece of the Christian Institute (CI) and the CI itself, were - since their inception - seen as contentious issues by both the NG Kerk and Government because of the challenge to apartheid. The church immediately instituted strong measures to suppress Pro Veritate and the Christian Institute initiatives. This was applauded from the political side, particularly in the Transvaal, where certain Afrikaans newspapers gave their full support to it. Decisions were taken by the Southern Transvaal Synod to discourage ministers from contributing to Pro Veri tate and to prevent them from becoming members of the CI. The CI leaders, in particular, had to be silenced. After the General Synod finally rejected the Christian Institute, a long and heart-rending history of church persecution of Naude as leader and Engelbrecht as theologian of the CI followed. It all took place within the boundaries of the Parkhurst parish, of which the Naude and Engelbrecht families were members. Parkhurst parish was part of the circuit of Johannesburg. Strong pressure was exerted on the church council of Parkhurst and the circuit of Johannesburg to censure these members in order to silence them. Disciplinary measures had to be employed to get rid of these voices against the policy of separateness. The church leadership played a prominent role in these efforts. In the intensity with which the campaign was waged in and through the circuit of Johannesburg and the Parkhurst parish, it became evident - as nowhere else - how strong the NG Kerk felt about apartheid. When eventually the Government investigated and banned the CI and confined Dr Naude to his home, the church silently acclaimed what was being done. After all, the NG Kerk had from the very beginning not differed from the Government with regard to the CI. The biblical protest of the CI against apartheid was, of necessity, also a protest against the close ties of the NG Kerk with the Government and National Party. With time, however, the CI also moved into a process of politicisation. Black power and black political aspirations became the major driving forces behind the CI. In the middle seventies it became increasingly clear that a strong relationship had developed between the CI and the African National Congress (ANC). The history of the CI ended in immense irony. This organisation which took its stand on Scripture and courageously warned against the support by the church of a political party and structural violence in serving apartheid, ended in close co-operation with the ANC as a political party which committed itself to the armed struggle to overthrow the Government. There was also the irony that in their struggle against the ali gnment of the NG Kerk wi th the political theology to the right, the CI and its director aligned themselves to a South African version of the theology of liberation - a political theology to the left in which the Gospel of Jesus Christ is struck in the heart. And just as the NG Kerk in its political alignment remained silent about the violence of apartheid - so the CI eventually became silent about the violence of the political party in its struggle against apartheid.

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Taylor, Ian. "Hegemony, 'common sense' and compromise : a neo-gramscian analysis of multilateralism in South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51785.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.

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Packery, Rajendra. "Urban community development: an understanding of social change and identity in a social housing estate in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/241.

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This study focuses on the lives of people living in a social housing estate which was a joint venture between the Housing Association of South Africa (HASA), a Netherlands based foundation and the Buffalo City Municipality. This type of social housing estate is a relatively new concept in post-apartheid South Africa and a first for the City of East London. Apartheid spawned the separation of different groups of people into racial enclaves. It also created barriers between races, advantaged certain races over others and created fear, hatred and general distrust among different racial groups in South Africa. The dislocation of apartheid was accompanied by rapid urbanization and ‘reconstruction’ of infrastructure and inter-racial relationships. The opening up of the country’s borders in compliance with Globalisation made South Africa a melting pot to people of different cultures. South African cities became fragmented and fear and strangeness was everywhere. Housing or the lack of it has been a constant problem that the new post apartheid government has grappled with. The solution of building RDP housing estates has not solved this burgeoning problem. But even more importantly it has failed to reorganize urban life in South Africa. In approaching this study I look at how these new social housing estates have reorganized urban life. I explore the concepts of community, home, generation, gender, material culture and ‘new’ urbanization to provide a framework for my study. This study is a qualitative study based in the city of East London in the Eastern Cape. It is a community study which attempts to go inside the home to unlock some of the intricacies of urban life. Ethnography is the research key used to unlock these intricacies.In conclusion, this study attempts to examine a non-western narrative of community life. Are these housing estates a solution to South Africa’s housing problem? Do they conform only to western narratives of urban life? What kind of citizens do these housing estates produce? These are some of the questions that this study hopes to answer.

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Madzivhandila, Mushavhani Wilson. "The effects of the transformation process on the health service in Limpopo provincial government of South Africa." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007095.

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The Republic of South Africa emerged as 'a product of a historical moment' and also as a reaction against imperialism, colonialism, racial discrimination and domination over the majority of black South Africans by the white minority. The democratic dispensation came into being also for the first time in its life in memorial for a long turbulent history followed by the general democratic elections held on 27th April 1994. The 1994 first general election liberated South Africa from the apartheid system and its subsequent primary objective was “… to transform South Africa into a non-racial and democratic society”. The new democratic government now looks politically different from the racist regime because the current government since 1994 has been, and to date still is, a truly and broadly representative of the South African citizens and also a transparent one, whereas the defunct apartheid government was characterized primarily by, among other things, the violation of human rights, denying black South Africans of any rights of basic services, no rights of owning property or land, no freedom of association and speeches and firmly practised discrimination which was detrimental to the majority of the black population groups in this country. According to the then President Nelson Mandela whilst addressing the ANC masses that were commemorating the eighty-third (83rd) anniversary of the African National Congress on the 8th January 1995, democracy entails “… a thorough-going process of transformation, of overcoming the political, social and economic legacy of apartheid colonialism, of racism, sexism and class oppression.” The government is still grappling with the challenge of ensuringa better life for all the citizens of this country (http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?doc=ancdocs/history/jan8-95html:1).

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Vandormael, Alain Marc. "Civil society and democracy in post-apartheid South Africa the Treatment Action Campaign, government and the politics of HIV/AIDS /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-10182005-115602.

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Van, Rooyen Garth. "Understanding resilience among non-government organisations in post-apartheid South Africa: a case study of Youth For Christ Cape Town." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4985.

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Magister Administrationis - MAdmin
Many Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in South Africa are currently under pressure or threat of closure. Although there have been advances in civil society-state relations after the transition from apartheid to democracy, there has also been a steady decline in the number of CSOs in South Africa since 1994. The reasons for this decline are complex and varied. Given the value CSOs make in contributing to a lively democracy, it is important to explore the factors which enhance or undermine resilience in such organisations. This study focuses on understanding resilience among Non-government organisations (as an example of a CSO) in post-apartheid South Africa using Youth For Christ Cape Town as a case study. The site for this study was chosen as YFC Cape Town is arguably one of South Africa's oldest NGOs being formed in 1948. This study aims to, therefore, establish how CSOs in South Africa can ensure resilience and longevity in a complex and evolving political environment by drawing lessons from the selected case study. The elements which have emerged as being important to resilience are (1) Funding; (2) Technical skills; (3) Accessing networks; (4) Adaptation; (5) Core values; (6) Innovation; (7) Leadership. The study found that these factors should not be viewed as isolated elements but rather be seen as integrated developmental framework for ensuring resilience. Another key finding is located around organisational identity. Although adaptation in terms of how the organisation functions are necessary to navigate shifts in the environment, the identity of the organisation should remain the same. Organisations who change their identity amidst shocks and changes within the system are not very resilient while those who don't are.

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Mkhize, Gabisile Promise. "African Women: An Examination of Collective Organizing Among Grassroots Women in Post Apartheid South Africa." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1357308299.

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Lancaster, Rupert Giles Swinburne. "A small town in the early apartheid era: A history of Grahamstown 1946-1960 focusing on "White English" perspectives." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013161.

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This Thesis examines the socio-political perceptions of Grahamstown, a small South African City, during the period 1946 to 1960. The ‘White English’ population of Grahamstown is the specific focus, as it formed the dominant social group during the period and consequently provided the majority of information for this work. During this period the majority of Grahamstowns ‘White English’ population thought of their City as holding many attractive features and experiences despite the slum-conditions and poverty that were rife in the Locations. During the British Royal Familie’s tour of the Union of South Africa in 1947, Grahamstown was one of the Cities visited. The loyalty that Grahamstown’s ‘White English’ citizens felt towards the Royal Family and the United Kingdom is explored in connection with the regard that ‘White English’ Grahamstown held for the 1820 Settlers. To highlight the Grahamstown City Council’s activities during this period five events are analysed: The Grahamstown Financial Crisis, The Grahamstown Housing Crisis, The Beer Hall Debate, The establishment of a Tuberculosis Hospital and the granting of Full University Status to Rhodes University College. It is shown, with regard to the politics of the period, that ‘White English’ Grahamstown, unequivocally supported the United Party and were vocally anti-Nationalist. The implementation of Apartheid policies within Grahamstown is explored, with specific focus placed upon the Group Areas Act. Finally the anti-republican sentiment espoused by ‘White English’ Grahamstown is reviewed.

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Meyer, Dawid Frederik. "Urban greening in South Africa : an analysis of present trends and recommendations for the future." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52598.

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Thesis (MSc)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The abolishment of Apartheid and the transition to a democratic political dispensation has ushered in a new era for urban development in South Africa. This change implies a range of challenges for managing urban areas which also includes the urban environment. Urban environmental creation (defined as activity to green the urban environment) holds the potential to mitigate the consequences caused by Apartheid to South Africans and in addition, if planned properly and applied sensibly, can contribute significantly towards social and economic prosperity in this country. Relatively few attempts to date have been made to research urban greening within the so-called new South African context. Currently a lack of vision exists regarding strategy development for future urban greening and dissension regarding the objectives of urban greening has been identified as a key problem area. This makes it particularly difficult to take decisions at project execution level. From the outset, the aims of this research were two-fold, namely to measure progress at project co-ordination level and further to conceptualise a theoretical framework for future decision making. The literature review documents the agendas for urban greening, both past and present. An, analysis of various urban planning and design strategies, together with South African central government policies which refer to urban environmental management, has shown that a paradigm shift is occurring within the urban greening discipline. This shift is characterised by a movement away from urban greening which focuses on secondary social needs of people, and a shift towards urban greening which is more sensitive to the primary social and economic needs of cities' inhabitants. This research uses a case study approach to measure progress gained in urban greening practise and to determine the current state of affairs. A sample of projects for analysis was obtained from four organisations. Information gathered was then analysed in terms of selected characteristics. In addition, the execution processes (planning, implementation, construction and maintenance) of four urban greening development projects, which were selected randomly from the sample, are described. The research is concluded with a synthesis of findings and recommendations into a conceptual framework for future decision making.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die beëindiging van Apartheid en die oorgang na 'n demokratiese politieke bestel het 'n nuwe era vir stedelike ontwikkeling in Suid Afrika ingelui. Hierdie verandering hou 'n reeks nuwe uitdagings vir stedelike bestuur in, wat onder andere ook die bestuur van die stedelike omgewing insluit. Stedelike omgewingsskepping, wat gedefinieer kan word as aktiwiteit om die stedelike omgewing te vergroen, besit die potensiaal om skade wat Apartheid aan Suid Afrikaners berokken het te temper en kan voorts, indien dit deurdag beplan en aangewend word, bydra tot sosiale en ekonomiese welvaart in Suid Afrika. Tot hede, is daar nog betreklik min navorsing oor stedelike vergroening binne die sogenaamde Nuwe Suid Afrika konteks onderneem. Daar bestaan tans groot leemtes aangaande die gedaante wat stedelike vergroening binne 'n post-Apartheid konteks behoort te verbeeld, weens twee-spalt wat heers met betrekking tot doelwitte. Gepaardgaande hiermee, bestaan daar ook geen aanvaarbare strategie vir die toekoms nie. Al hierdie probleme tesame bemoeilik sinvolle besluitneming op grondvlak. Hierdie navorsing stel dit dus breedweg as mikpunt om die konteks van stedelike vergroening in Suid-Afrika te bepaal, vordering wat sedert demokratisering in die veld bereik is te meet en verder om 'n raamwerk vir die toekoms daar te stel. Die agendas vir stedelike vergroening (soos wat dit in die verlede was en hoe dit tans uitsien), word in die literatuuroorsig gepeil. 'n Ontleding van 'n verskeidenheid van stadsbeplannings en - ontwerp strategieë tesame met 'n ontleding van Suid Afrikaanse sentrale owerheidsbeleid wat betrekking het op stedelike omgewingsbestuur, bevestig meegaande 'n hipotese wat gestel is, naamlik dat 'n paradigma verskuiwing besig is om plaas te vind in die stedelike vergroenings veld. Hierdie paradigma verskuiwing word gekenmerk deur 'n beweging weg vanaf stedelike vergroening wat gefokus is op die sekondêre sosiale behoeftes van mense en 'n beweging na stedelike vergroening wat fokus op die primêre sosiale en ekonomiese behoeftes van stedelinge. 'n Navorsingsprojek is onderneem ten einde die huidige stand van gekoordineerde stedelike vergroenings ontwikkeling, aldus stedelike vergroening wat spesifiek gemik is op die ontwikkeling van gemeenskappe wat deur die vorige politieke stelsel in Suid Afrika benadeel is, te meet. 'n Steekproef vir analise is verkry, deur 'n vraelys ondersoek te loods onder vier organisasies wat as gevallestudies deel neem. Stedelike vergroenings ontwikkelingsprojekte wat deur hierdie organisasies gelys is (die steekproef elemente) is dan aan die hand van geselekteerdekenmerke en eienskappe vergelyk en ontleed. Gepaardgaande hiermee volg daar ook 'n prosesbeskrywing van vier stedelike vergroenings ontwikkelings projekte wat subjektief uit die vier gevallestudies geselekteer is. Die doel hiervan is om gedetailleerde insae te verskaf tot die wyse hoe stedelike vergroenings ontwikkelings projekte tans tot uitvoering gebring word. Die navorsing word saamgevat deur 'n sintese van bevindings en aanbevelings in 'n teoretiese raamwerk vir toekomstige besluitneming.

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Lekhooa, Tumo. "Security community building? : an assessment of Southern African regional integration in the post-apartheid era." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005958.

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The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.

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Edlmann, Tessa Margaret. "Negotiating historical continuities in contested terrain : a narrative-based reflection on the post-apartheid psychosocial legacies of conscription into the South African Defence Force." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012811.

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For a 25-year period during the apartheid era in South Africa, all school-leaving white men were issued with a compulsory call-up to national military service in the South African Defence Force. It is estimated that 600 000 men were conscripted between 1968 and 1993, undergoing military training and being deployed in Namibia, Angola and South Africa. The purpose of this system of military conscription was to support both the apartheid state’s role in the “Border War” in Namibia and Angola and the suppression of anti-apartheid resistance within South Africa. It formed part of the National Party’s strategy of a “total response” to what it perceived as the “total onslaught” of communism and African nationalism. While recruiting and training young white men was the focus of the apartheid government’s strategy, all of white South African society was caught up in supporting, contesting, avoiding and resisting this system in one way or another. Rather than being a purely military endeavour, conscription into the SADF therefore comprised a social and political system with wide-ranging ramifications. The 1994 democratic elections in South Africa heralded the advent of a very different political, social and economic system to what had gone before. The focus of this research is SADF conscripts’ narrations of identity in the contested narrative terrain of post-apartheid South Africa. The thesis begins with a contextual framing of the historical, social and political systems of which conscription was a part. Drawing on narrative psychology as a theoretical framework, the thesis explores discursive resources of whiteness, masculinities and perceptions of threat in conscripts’ narrations of identity, the construction of memory fields in narrating memories of war and possible trauma, and the notions of moral injury and moral repair in dealing with legacies of war. Using a narrative discursive approach, the thesis then reflects on historical temporal threads, and narrative patterns that emerge when analysing a range of texts about the psychosocial legacies of conscription, including interviews, research, memoirs, plays, media reports, video documentaries, blogs and photographic exhibitions. Throughout the thesis, conscripts’ and others’ accounts of conscription and its legacies are regarded as cultural texts. This serves as a means to highlight both contextual narrative negotiations and the narrative-discursive patterns of conscripts’ personal accounts of their identities in the post-apartheid narrative terrain. The original contribution of this research is the development of conceptual and theoretical framings of the post-apartheid legacies of conscription. Key to this has been the use of narrative-based approaches to highlight the narrative-discursive patterns, memory fields and negotiations of narrative terrains at work in texts that focus on various aspects of conscription and its ongoing aftereffects. The concept of temporal threads has been developed to account for the emergence and shifts in these patterns over time. Existing narrative-discursive theory has formed the basis for conscripts’ negotiations of identity being identified as acts of narrative reinforcement and narrative repair. The thesis concludes with reflections on the future possibilities for articulating and supporting narrative repair that enables a shift away from historical discursive laagers and a reconfiguration of the narrative terrain within which conscripts narrate their identities.
Also known as: Edlmann, Theresa

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46

League, Western Cape Youth. ""Get organised": a practical student manual." Western Cape Youth League, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76262.

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The past few months have seen our courageous youth take to the streets to demonstrate their disgust against this system of exploitation and oppression. This militant fervour has touched many young hearts and minds. However, there is always the danger that these energies will burn out and dissipate. Demoralisation can so easily set in if these energies are not constructively channeled. "Channeled into what?” you may ask. ORGANISATIONS. It is only through strong organisations which attempt to give guidance and direction that meaningful action can be undertaken. The WCYL recognises the important need for students to begin to discuss broader issues such as The History of Struggle in S.A. or The Nature of S.A. Society. It is only when students begin to grapple with broader issues such as these, together with more specific ones, in a co-ordinated manner, will their actions be more effective. To this end has "GET ORGANISED" been designed. The handbook is intended as a guide for students in their efforts to organise SRC’s, awareness programmes, among other things, in schools.

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Solomons, Thomas J. "Partnerships between faith-based organizations in Elsies river and the Western Cape government: a critical assessment." University of Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8166.

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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
With the National Development Plan vision 2030, the South African government has charted a path to ensure that through social development, poverty, inequality and unemployment will be eradicated in post-apartheid South Africa. After more than twenty years of democracy and freedom, the nature and scale of the problems plaguing social development are far from alleviated. However, scholars share the view that social development partnerships could enhance the delivery of developmental welfare services as is implied in the South Africa’s National Development Plan (NDP). The variety of actors involved in any functional partnership pose particular challenges, risks and benefits. In order to explore ways to assess the functionality of such partnerships, this study will focus on religion-state partnerships in social development, with special reference to FBOs, their relation with the state, society and the context within which they exist; hence, defining the nature, identity and role of FBOs in social development.

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Pienaar, Terisa. "Die aanloop tot en stigting van Orania as groeipunt vir 'n Afrikaner-Volkstaat /." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/454.

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Fieuw, Walter Vincent Patrick. "Informal settlement upgrading in Cape Town's Hangberg : local government, urban governance and the 'Right to the City'." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17903.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Integrating the poor into the fibre of the city is an important theme in housing and urban policies in post-apartheid South Africa. In other words, the need for making place for the ‘black’ majority in urban spaces previously reserved for ‘whites’ is premised on notions of equity and social change in a democratic political dispensation. However, these potentially transformative thrusts have been eclipsed by more conservative, neoliberal developmental trajectories. Failure to transform apartheid spatialities has worsened income distribution, intensified suburban sprawl, and increased the daily livelihood costs of the poor. After a decade of unintended consequences, new policy directives on informal settlements were initiated through Breaking New Ground (DoH 2004b). Local governments have nevertheless been slow to implement this new instrument despite more participatory, flexible, integrated and situational responsive policies contained therein. The City of Cape Town was one of the first applicants for Upgrading of Informal Settlements Programme (DoH 2004a, DHS 2009) funding in upgrading Hangberg’s informal settlement after effective lobbying by local civic Hout Bay Civic Association (HBCA) assisted by the Cape Town-based NGO, Development Action Group (DAG). However, in September 2010 the upgrading project came to a standstill when Metropolitan Police clashed violently with community members who allegedly broke a key agreement when building informal structures on the Sentinel Mountain firebreak. Using the case study research methodology, the study seeks to unravel the governance complexities elicited by this potentially progressive planning intervention. Four theoretical prisms are used to probe and investigate the primary case study (Hangberg) due to the different ways of ‘seeing and grappling’ and ‘narrating’ a complex tale. This is characterised by the dialectics of power and powerlessness; regime stabilisation and destabilisation; formalisation and informalisation; continuity and discontinuity. These prisms are: urban informality, urban governance, deepening democracy, and socio-spatial justice. By utilising these four theoretical prisms, the study found the Hangberg case to be atypical of development trajectories, on the one hand, and conforming to the enduring neoliberal governance logics, on the other. In the concluding chapter, the study critically engages prospects of realising post-apartheid spatialities by considering recent policy shifts and programmes with the potential of realising the poor’s ‘right to the city’.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ‘n Belangrike tema in post-apartheid behuising- en stedelike beleide is die integrasie van arm mense in die weefsel van die stad. Anders gestel, die nodigheid om plek te maak vir die ‘swart’ meerderheid in stedelike spasies wat voorheen vir ‘wittes’ uitgesonder is, is gebaseer op die uitgangspunt van regverdigheid en sosiale verandering in ‘n demokratiese bedeling. Hierdie potensiële hervormings-nosies is egter verduister deur meer konserwatiewe, neo-liberale ontwikkelings-trajekte. Die mislukte pogings om apartheids-ruimtes te omvorm, beteken dat inkomsteverdeling vererger is, wydstrekkende verstedeliking in meer intensiewe vorms voorkom, en die daaglikse lewenskoste van die armes verhoog het. Na ‘n dekade van onopsetlike gevolge is nuwe beleids-riglyne vir informele nedersettings voorgestel deur Breaking New Ground (DoH 2004a). Plaaslike owerhede was egter tot dusver traag om hierdie nuwe instrument te implementeer, ten spyte daarvan dat meer deelnemende, buigsame, geïntegreerde en situasioneel-aanpasbare beleide daarin vervat is. Die Stad Kaapstad was een van die eerste applikante vir Upgrading of Informal Settlements Programme (DoH 2004b, DHS 2009) befondsing om Hangberg se informele nedersetting te opgradeer, nadat effektiewe druk uitgeoefen is deur die Hout Bay Civic Association (HBCA), met ondersteuning van die NRO, Development Action Group (DAG), wat in Kaapstad gebaseer is. Maar in September 2010 het die opgradering-projek tot stilstand gekom nadat die Metropolitaanse Polisie gewelddadig met gemeenskapslede gebots het, omdat die gemeenskap na bewering ‘n belangrike ooreenkoms gebreek het deur informele strukture op die brandstrook te bou. Deur van die gevalstudie navorsing-metodologie gebruik te maak, beoog hierdie studie om die bestuurskompleksiteite te ontrafel wat deur hierdie potensiële omvormde beplannings-intervensie uitgelok is. Vier teoretiese prismas word gebruik om die primêre geval (Hangberg) te ondersoek in die lig van die verskillende maniere waarop hierdie komplekse narratief gesien kan word. Dit word gekenmerk deur die dialekte van mag en magteloosheid; stabilisasie en destabilisasie van die staatsbestel; formalisering en deformalisering; samehangendheid en onsamehangendheid. Die prismas is: stedelike informaliteit, stedelike bestuur, verdieping van demokrasie en sosio-ruimtelike regverdigheid. Deur van hierdie vier prismas gebruik te maak, wys die studie tot watter mate die Hangberg geval aan die een kant atipies tot ontwikkelings-trajekte is, en aan die ander kant konformeer tot die voortdurende neo-liberale bestuurslogika. In die slothoofstuk, is die studie krities bemoei met die vooruitsig om die post-apartheid-stad te realiseer deur huidige beleidsveranderinge en programme te ondersoek met die vergrootglas op hul potensiaal vir transformasie en om die armes se ‘reg tot die stad’ te bevorder.

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50

Sekhaulelo, Motshine Amos. "The calling of the Reformed Churches in South Africa in the moral renewal of the urban community in South Africa." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/40196.

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Abstract:

The main aim of this study was to investigate the prophetic calling of the Reformed Churches in South Africa (RCSA) in the moral regeneration of the South African urban community. The method of research followed in this study was to study primary and secondary sources, as well as appropriate biblical teachings and theological principles relevant to this study and to systematise the information. An analysis was provided of the main problems regarding moral decay besetting the South African urban community and the main challenges this moral decay poses for the RSCA were identified. A strategy the RCSA should implement in tackling these challenges was devised and a number of practical projects the RCSA could undertake at congregational level to concretise the strategy were discussed. The study confirmed that the Church has an important role to play as the driving agent for moral regeneration of the South African urban community. It was pointed out that the moral regeneration of the urban community in South Africa cannot be left to the government. The main reason is that morality cannot be legislated. However, when the love of God transforms the lives of people, it changes the heart, heals moral decay, provides strength to overcome temptation and gives the desire to reach out to people (friends, relatives’ neighbours, strangers and even enemies) in true love. The congregation’s main task with regard to moral regeneration is therefore to be clear about God’s mission, to discern what God is doing in the community and to serve his mission in practical ways.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Dogmatics and Christian Ethics
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'South Africa; Apartheid; Urban government'

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