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1

Bravetti, Patrizia, and Orfea Granzotto, eds. False date. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-8453-895-6.

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A considerable number of the books published in the course of the eighteenth century were printed with false details of the place of publication, authorised by the censorship offices themselves. This phenomenon, which was common throughout Europe, was particularly marked in Venice where over 800 titles, among the most sought-after of the time, were licensed exploiting this expedient to get around the bottleneck of the official publishing rules. The volume publishes the registers of the related Venetian documentation, complete with notes and indices that sketch a fairly complete picture of this aspect of the censorship system of the Ancien Régime.
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2

van Asselt, Harro. The Design and Implementation of Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading. Edited by Kevin R. Gray, Richard Tarasofsky, and Cinnamon Carlarne. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199684601.003.0016.

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This chapter offers a cross-jurisdictional analysis of the design and implementation of mandatory emissions trading schemes. It traces the beginning of emissions trading schemes from the sulfur dioxide emissions trading scheme in the United States, which was implemented through the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990. After initial experiments at a local and regional level, the United States launched the first large-scale, countrywide trading system. This program sought to address the acid rain problem by creating a trading regime for sulfur dioxide emissions. This was the birthplace of large-scale emissions trading systems and from this point onwards, emissions trading schemes began to spread across jurisdictions. The chapter describes how the EU’s speedy adoption of an emissions trading directive in 2003 could be seen as an instance of horizontal borrowing from the United States, spurred by the simple need to keep the costs of reducing emissions down.
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3

Jackson, Robert. The Matter of Treatment. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190660178.003.0007.

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Chapter 6 places the African American race film industry into the context of southern history as well as the studio system. Hollywood’s combination of derivative typecasting of African American characters and strict segregation in institutional practices evidenced a broad neglect of black topics, themes, and audiences, and well before the studio system’s consolidation, African American filmmakers showed an interest in the possibilities of the medium. In the years after World War I especially, a tradition of African American filmmaking sought to redress the commercial, aesthetic, and political deficiencies of the mainstream film industry. Through figures such as Oscar Micheaux, Spencer Williams, and others, race film played a number of key roles in a black culture within and beyond the South, even as civil rights figures like the NAACP’s Walter F. White attempted, with modest success, to bring about reform within Hollywood.
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4

McSheffrey, Shannon. Conclusions. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198798149.003.0008.

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Through the 1530s sanctuary remained an option for fleeing felons, but by about 1545 it had ceased. The conclusion to the book looks back on how various strands interwove to create conditions for sanctuary’s growth between 1400 and the late 1530s—mercy, mitigation, jurisdiction, aristocratic honour—and considers how that cloth rather suddenly unravelled between 1535 and 1545. A 1540 statute attempted to save the sanctuary system after the closure of the religious houses in whose precincts sanctuary seekers had sought refuge; although this legislation was not designed to fail, it was poorly thought-out and never became fully operational. An important means of mitigating harsh capital penalties died with it; for the elite, other paths around the hangman could be found, and for the poor, execution rates climbed.
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5

McIlvenna, Noeleen. Early American Rebels. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656069.001.0001.

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During the half century after 1650 that saw the gradual imposition of a slave society in England’s North American colonies, poor white settlers in the Chesapeake sought a republic of equals. Demanding a say in their own destinies, rebels moved around the region looking for a place to build a democratic political system. This book crosses colonial boundaries to show how Ingle's Rebellion, Fendall's Rebellion, Bacon's Rebellion, Culpeper's Rebellion, Parson Waugh's Tumult, and the colonial Glorious Revolution were episodes in a single struggle because they were organized by one connected group of people. Adding land records and genealogical research to traditional sources, Noeleen McIlvenna challenges standard narratives that disdain poor whites or leave them out of the history of the colonial South. She makes the case that the women of these families played significant roles in every attempt to establish a more representative political system before 1700. McIlvenna integrates landless immigrants and small farmers into the history of the Chesapeake region and argues that these rebellious anti-authoritarians should be included in the pantheon of the nation’s Founders.
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6

Rocher, Ludo. Inheritance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198702603.003.0013.

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Chapter 12 traces the changes to the Hindu law of inheritance (dāyavibhāga) that occurred from the time of the ancient smṛtis to the present. Hindu inheritance was originally intestate and linked to the duty and capability to perform mortuary rites (śrāddhas). Issues of primogeniture and the ranking of heirs in the absence of sons and grandsons showed variations across the smṛtis, which later commentaries and topical digests (nibandhas) sought to resolve, with differing results. In the British period, variations became organized under regional patterns, with different leading texts governing separate areas of the country. At first relying on pandits’ interpretation of law texts, Anglo-Indian courts progressively turned to a British style of case law, relying on precedent. After Independence, the Indian government broke with the past, abrogating traditional law and promulgating a new, uniform system of inheritance law for all Hindus with the Hindu Succession Act of 1956.
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7

Hosking, Geoffrey. Power and the People in Russia. Edited by Simon Dixon. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236701.013.003.

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Whereas many European states sought to dominate corporate associations in order to exploit their resources, the Russian monarchy had to create them in the late eighteenth century in order to transmit its own authority. Both before and after that, however, the Tsars mediated authority downwards through persons rather than institutions. This chapter highlights the paradoxes of a system which compensated for under-institutionalization through the workings of competing elite patron-client networks and small-scale popular communities of joint responsibility which survived long beyond 1917. Communists may have transformed and modernized society in appearance, but in reality that modernization perpetuated or even restored some of the archaic practices of pre-revolutionary society. The Soviet state, like the Tsarist one, depended on archaic social arrangements which lubricated its everyday functioning, but frustrated its ultimate purposes. Even at the start of the twenty-first century Russian politics were still in thrall to personalized power factions.
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8

McRae, Elizabeth Gillespie. Campaigning for a Jim Crow South. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190271718.003.0004.

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In the interwar period, Florence Sillers Ogden, Mary Dawson Cain, and Cornelia Dabney Tucker, segregationists in the Deep South, capitalized on their enfranchisement to mobilize voters to shape the system of Jim Crow at the polls. They encouraged women to uphold segregation through political parties, but their politics were as varied as the Jim Crow order they sought to serve. Ogden supported President Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal for helping out Mississippians and for following the dictates of racial segregation. Cain opposed the Roosevelt’s expansion of social services and worked against the national party as a Jeffersonian Democrat. After Roosevelt’s proposal to re-organize the Supreme Court, Tucker organized a national anti–court-packing campaign, became a Republican, and lobbied for a secret ballot in South Carolina. These women criticized state-level officials for sacrificing conservative political principles for political gain and nourished the seeds of partisan dissent in the Solid South.
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9

Weininger, Elliot B., and Annette Lareau. Pierre Bourdieu’s Sociology of Education. Edited by Thomas Medvetz and Jeffrey J. Sallaz. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199357192.013.11.

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Decades after the publication of his key works, Pierre Bourdieu’s sociology of education remains the object of persistent misunderstanding. A coherent account of this work must distinguish, at minimum, two phases to Bourdieu’s thoughts on education. During the early period, Bourdieu asserted the salience of both self-selection and institutional selection in shunting students into class destinations that echoed their class origins. However, these works were uniformly devoted to identifying the peculiarities of the (then) contemporary French system, considered to be an exemplar of a distinct (“traditionalistic”) institutional form. In contrast, Bourdieu’s later work sought to develop a model of the relation between education and social inequality that had significant cross-national scope. This work de-emphasized the role of self-selection, and developed a substantially more nuanced account of the relation between education and social mobility. What Bourdieu terms the “scholastic mode of reproduction” in this period denotes a system in which children from the upper reaches of the class structure are systematically advantaged in the pursuit of social rewards by virtue of their inherited cultural capital, yet nevertheless face a real risk of downward mobility. For this reason, we term it a theory of “imperfect social reproduction.”
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10

H. McCall, Thomas, and Keith D. Stanglin. After Arminius. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190874193.001.0001.

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“Arminianism” was the subject of important theological controversies in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and it maintains an important position within Protestant thought. What became known as “Arminian” theology was held by people across a swath of geographical and ecclesial positions; it developed in European, British, and American contexts, and it engaged with a wide range of intellectual challenges. While standing together in their common rejection of several key planks of Reformed theology, proponents of Arminianism took various positions on other matters. Some were broadly committed to catholic and creedal theology; others were more open to theological revision. Some were concerned primarily with practical concerns; others were engaged in system building as they sought to articulate and defend an overarching vision of God and the world. The story of this development is both complex and important for a proper understanding of the history of Protestant theology. However, this historical development of Arminian theology is not well known. In this book, Thomas H. McCall and Keith D. Stanglin offer a historical introduction to Arminian theology as it developed in modern thought, providing an account that is based upon important primary sources and recent secondary research that will be helpful to scholars of ecclesial history and modern thought as well as comprehensible and relevant for students.
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Macmaster, Neil. War in the Mountains. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860211.001.0001.

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The role of the peasantry during the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62) has been long neglected by historians, in part because they have been viewed as a ‘primitive’ mass devoid of political consciousness. This ground-breaking social history challenges this conventional understanding by tracing the ability of the peasant community to sustain an autonomous political culture through family, clan, and village assemblies (djemâa), organizations that were eventually harnessed by emerging guerrilla forces. The long-established system of indirect rule by which the colonial state controlled and policed the vast mountainous interior through an ‘intelligence state’ began to break down after the 1920s as the djemâas formed a pole of opposition to the patron-client relations of the rural élites. Clandestine urban-rural networks emerged that prepared the way for armed resistance and a system of rebel governance. The anthropologist Jean Servier, recognizing the dynamics of the peasant community, in 1957 masterminded a major counterinsurgency experiment, Opération Pilote, that sought to defeat the guerilla forces by constructing a parallel ‘hearts and minds’ strategy. The army, unable to implement a programme of ‘pacification’ of dispersed mountain populations, reversed its policy by the forced evacuation of the peasants into regroupement camps. Contrary to the accepted historical analysis of Pierre Bourdieu and others that rural society was massively uprooted and dislocated, the peasantry continued to demonstrate a high level of social cohesion and resistance based on powerful family and kin networks.
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12

Geoffroy-Schwinden, Rebecca Dowd. From Servant to Savant. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197511510.001.0001.

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From Servant to Savant exposes the fundamental role that the French Revolution played in the emergence of modern professional musicianship and music historiography. Like other arts and trades in Old Regime Paris, music professionalized under a system regulated by legal permissions called privilèges. Musicians learned to work within the privilege system to elevate their legal and social status by the eve of Revolution. But the Revolution’s Abolition of Privilege on August 4, 1789, overthrew this feudal order and set in its place a modern property regime requiring strict delineation between public and private property. From Servant to Savant reveals the profound musical consequences of this reckoning. Before the Revolution, music was an activity that required permission, after, it was an object that could be possessed. Everyone seemingly hoped to gain something from owning music—musicians claimed it as their unalienable personal expression while the French nation sought to enhance imperial ambitions by appropriating it as the collective product of cultural heritage and national industry. Musicians capitalized on these changes to protect their professionalization within new laws and institutions yet excluded those without credentials from their elite echelon. As musicians and the government negotiated the place of music in a reimagined French society, new epistemic and professional practices constituted three lasting values of musical production: the composer’s sovereignty, the musical work’s inviolability, and the nation’s supremacy. From Servant to Savant thus demonstrates how the French Revolution set the stage for the emergence of so-called musical Romanticism and its legacies, which continue to haunt musical institutions and industries.
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13

Sen, Rumela. Farewell to Arms. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197529867.001.0001.

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How do rebels give up arms and return to the political system that they once sought to overthrow? Policymakers often focus on incentives like cash and jobs to lure rebels away from extremism. From the rebels’ perspective, however, physical safety is more important than these livelihood options. Rebels quit extremist groups only when they know that they can disarm without getting killed in the process. This book shows that retiring Maoist rebels in India believe that they could lose their lives after they disarm, targeted either by enemies they made during their insurgent career or by their former comrades. However, the Indian state would lose nothing if it failed to keep its side of the bargain and protect disarmed rebels. This creates a problem of credible commitment, which, in the absence of institutional mechanisms, is addressed locally by informal exit networks that emerge from grassroots civic associations in the gray zones of state-insurgency interface. Maoist retirement is high in South India and low in the North due to emergence of two distinct types of exit networks in these two conflict locations. By showing that the type of exit network depends on local social bases of an insurgency and the ties of an insurgent organization to society, this book brings civil society into the study of insurgency in a theoretically coherent way.
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14

McDermid, Robert C., and Sean M. Bagshaw. Physiological Reserve and Frailty in Critical Illness. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780199653461.003.0028.

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Physicians have long sought to define a ‘physiologic age’ distinct from chronologic age which might account for some of the variance in response to critical illness and injury. This has led to the concept of ‘physiologic reserve’ which might represent a major driver of outcome in patients requiring intensive care. The human body is a complex system that adapts to a multitude of external stressors; however, senescence or illness can reduce inherent adaptive mechanisms, reducing complexity and reducing the threshold for decompensation (i.e. acute illness or injury). This theoretical critical threshold can be considered ‘physiologic reserve’. The phenotypic expression of this process is frailty. Frailty is a condition in which small deficits accumulate which individually may be insignificant but collectively produce an overwhelming burden of disease and heightened vulnerability to adverse events. Frail patients expend a greater proportion of their reserve simply to maintain homeostasis, and seemingly trivial insults can contribute to catastrophic decompensation. While frailty has generally been described among older populations, the concept of frailty as a surrogate of physiologic reserve may have relevance to critically ill patients across a wide spectrum of age. Research is needed to characterize the biological underpinnings of frailty, optimal ways to measure it, and its importance in determining survival and functional outcomes after critical illness. The utilization of ICU resources by older patients is rising, and the prevalence of frailty in those admitted to the ICU is likely to increase.
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Ricketts, Monica. Who Should Rule? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190494889.001.0001.

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This book examines the rise of men of letters and military officers as new and competing political actors in two central areas of the Spanish world: the viceroyalty of Peru and Spain. This was a disruptive, dynamic, and long process of common imperial origins. In 1700, two dynastic lines, the Spanish Habsburgs and the French Bourbons, disputed the succession to the Spanish throne. After more than a decade of war, the latter prevailed. Suspicious of the old Spanish court circles, the new Bourbon Crown sought meritorious subjects for its ministries: men of letters and well-trained military officers among the provincial elites. Writers and lawyers were to produce new legislation to radically transform the Spanish world. They would reform the educational system and propagate useful knowledge. Military officers would defend the monarchy in this new era of imperial competition. Additionally, they would govern. From the start, the rise of these political actors in the Spanish world was an uneven process. Military officers came to being as a new and somewhat solid corps. In contrast, the rise of men of letters confronted constant opposition. Rooted elites in both Spain and Peru resisted any attempts at curtailing their power and prerogatives and undermined the reform of education and traditions. As a consequence, men of letters found limited spaces in which to exercise their new authority, but they aimed for more. A succession of wars and insurgencies in America fueled the struggles for power between these two groups, thus paving the way for decades of unrest.
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Caldwell, Peter C. Democracy, Capitalism, and the Welfare State. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198833819.001.0001.

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This book investigates political thought under the conditions of the postwar welfare state, focusing on the Federal Republic of Germany (1949–89). It argues that the welfare state informed and altered basic questions of democracy as those institutions take on broader and more concrete forms after the 1950s. These questions were especially important for West Germany, given its recent experience with the collapse of capitalism, the disintegration of democracy, and National Socialist dictatorship after 1930. Three central issues emerged. First, the development of a nearly all-embracing set of social services and payments recast the problem of how social groups and interests related to the state, as state agencies and affected groups generated their own clientele, their own advocacy groups, and their own expert information. Second, the welfare state blurred the line between state and society that is constitutive of basic rights and the classic world of liberal freedom. Rights became claims on the state, and social groups became integral parts of state administration. Third, the welfare state potentially reshaped the individual citizen, who became wrapped up with mandatory social insurance systems, provisioning of money and services related to social needs, and the regulation of everyday life. This book describes how West German experts sought to make sense of this vast array of state programs, expenditures, and bureaucracies aimed at solving social problems. Coming from politics, economics, law, social policy, sociology, and philosophy, they sought to conceptualize their state, which was now social (one German word for the welfare state is indeed Sozialstaat), and their society, which was permeated by state policies.
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17

McGregor, Laura, Monica N. Gupta, and Max Field. Septic arthritis in adults. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780199642489.003.0098.

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Septic arthritis (SA) is a medical emergency with mortality of around 15%. Presentation is usually monoarticular but in more than 10% SA affects two or more joints. Symptoms include rapid-onset joint inflammation with systemic inflammatory responses but fever and leucocytosis may be absent at presentation. Treatment according to British Society of Rheumatology/British Orthopaedic Association (BSR/BOA) guidelines should be commenced if there is a suspicion of SA. At-risk patients include those with primary joint disease, previous SA, recent intra-articular surgery, exogenous sources of infection (leg ulceration, respiratory and urinary tract), and immunosupression because of medical disorders, intravenous drug use or therapy including tumour necrosis factor (TNF) inhibitors. Synovial fluid should be examined for organisms and crystals with repeat aspiration as required. Most SA results from haematogenous spread-sources of infection should be sought and blood and appropriate cultures taken prior to antibiotic treatment. Causative organisms include staphylococcus (including meticillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus, MRSA), streptococcus, and Gram-negative organisms (in elderly patients), but no organism is identified in 43%, often after antibiotic use before diagnosis. Antibiotics should be prescribed according to local protocols, but BSR/BOA guidelines suggest initial intravenous and subsequent oral therapy. Medical treatment may be as effective as surgical in uncomplicated native SA, and can be cost-effective, but orthopaedic advice should be sought if necessary and always in cases of infected joint prostheses. In addition to high mortality, around 40% of survivors following SA develop limitation of joint function. Guidelines provide physicians with treatment advice aiming to limit mortality and morbidity and assist future research.
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18

Ahram, Ariel I. Break all the Borders. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190917371.001.0001.

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Since 2011, civil wars and state failure have beset the Arab world, underlying the perceived misalignment between national borders and identity in the region. This book is about the separatist movements that aim to remake those borders—the Southern Movement in Yemen, the federalists in eastern Libya, Kurdish nationalists in Syria and Iraq, and the Islamic State (IS). These movements took advantage of state breakdown to seize territory and set up states-within-states. They ran schools, hospitals, and court systems. Their militias provided security to those whom the state had failed. Separatists drew inspiration from the ideals of self-determination that emerged after World War I during the brief “Wilsonian moment.” They built off the historical legacies of prior state-building projects that had failed to gain recognition. New international norms, such as responsibility to protect, offered them hope to correct mistakes of the past. Separatists reached out to the international community for acknowledgement and support. Some served as crucial allies in the campaign against terrorism. Yet the United States and the rest of the international community refused to grant them the recognition they sought. This book shows how understanding the separatist movements’ efforts to break borders in their own terms can help illuminate avenues toward a more stable regional order in the Arab world.
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