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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Somalia'

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1

Bair, Robert S. "Disrupting Somali piracy via trust and influence operations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FBair.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Information Systems and Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Denning, Dorothy. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Trust, influence, influence operations, piracy, Somalia, Somali Piracy, disruption, deception. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-61). Also available in print.
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Emathe, Francis Edukon. "Somalia Igad's attempt to restore Somalia's transitional federal government /." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FEmathe.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Anna Simons. "."December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-68). Also available in print.
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3

Emathe, Francis E. "Somalia Igad's attempt to restore Somalia's transitional federal government." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2503.

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Political solutions have been found for several longstanding conflicts in Africa in 2003 - in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia and Burundi. The political arrangements in these countries may not necessarily usher in permanent peace and stability, but they at least afford an opportunity to work toward such goals. Unfortunately, this is not the case for Somalia, where anarchy, violence and chaos have prevailed for over 15 years. A national reconciliation conference - the 14th of its kind â sat in Nairobi for two years and finally formed a Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in August, 2004. As usual, the outcome of the conference was not welcomed, either by warlords or later on by Islamic clerics in Somalia. Nonetheless, despite institutional obstacles, the Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) has continued to press their intention to send peacekeepers to Somalia to reinstall the fragile transitional government against the wishes of the Islamic Courts Council (ICC). This thesis examines the possible strategies that IGAD should consider using in its intended mission of supporting the restoration of the Transitional Inter Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) has continued to press their intention to send peacekeepers to Somalia to reinstall the fragile transitional government against the wishes of the Islamic Courts Council (ICC). This thesis examines the possible strategies that IGAD should consider using in its intended mission of supporting the restoration of the Transitional Federal Government.
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4

Jean, Jacques Daniel A. "Somali piracy and the introduction of Somalia to the western world." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4941.

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This thesis investigates the origins of the modern phenomenon of Somali piracy within a deeper historical context. More specifically, this analysis concentrates on the development of piracy in the north of the country. It is here contended that Somali piracy is, in fact, the product of the confluence of three historical currents. The first of these currents is the progressive degeneration of traditional Somali institutions due to exposure to the colonial and global markets. The second is the increasing reliance of northern Somalis on maritime resources due to over exploitation of the land and the fishing initiatives of the Barre regime. The final current is the intrusion of foreign fishing vessels into Somali territorial waters, beginning in the early 1990s, for the purposes of illegal fishing and the dumping of toxic waste.
ID: 029809992; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 98-109).
M.A.
Masters
History
Arts and Humanities
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5

Hersi, Mohamed Farah. "The possibilites of international prosecution against the former Somali militry regime for human rights abuses in Somaliland from 1981 - 1991: establishing individual criminal and civil responsibility under international law." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8055.

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Since the aftermath of the brutal civil war in Somaliland, no one has systematically considered the human rights atrocities committed by one of the most brutal regimes in sub-Saharan Africa. Therefore, it is the objective of this study, firstly, to throw light on the international rules which govern those crimes committed in Somaliland during the military regime. Secondly, the study will apply those rules to the case of Somaliland, based on the available evidence. Thirdly, the study will establish a case for the international prosecution of those who bear the greatest responsibilities for the human rights atrocities that occurred in Somaliland. Fourthly, this study will investigate which international mechanism provides the best chance of serving as an adequate prosecutorial mechanism. Finally, the study will analyse the role of individual criminal responsibility under international criminal law
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Frans Viljoen of the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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6

Düstersiek, Milena. "Somalia the Orient? : A Discourse Analysis of European Construction of Somali Identity." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-18516.

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This thesis focus on European construction of Somali identity. Using a discourse analysis in combination with Edward Said’s concept of Orientalism, this study examines the three main European Council Documents that set the foundation for the EU’s military and political intervention in the Horn of Africa in general, and Somalia specifically. The analysis investigates how Somalia is being imagined within these documents and how this European identity construction can be understood as an Orientalist discourse. The outcome of the analysis show that the construction of Somalia within this limited scope, the European discourse can indeed be read as an Orientalist discourse. In the analyzed documents Somalia is generally constructed as a dangerous, possibly threatening physical entity, which is juxtaposed to the EU which is identified as a realm of peace and compliance to universal norms and values. Hence, this discourse is implying a certain hierarchy in which Europe has a more privileged position than Somalia. Furthermore, the analysis concludes that the European response can be also read as based on a liberal peace discourse which carries the risk to perpetuate Orientalist stereotyping and the construction of Orientalist identities.
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7

Odenwald, Michael. "The use of the stimulant khat, war-related trauma and psychosis in Somalia how changed use patterns of a traditional drug are related to psychiatric problems in a country in the transition from war to peace /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2006. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-opus-23510.

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8

Abdi, Faduma Najmo Abdulrahman, and K. O. Bobkovych. "Cardiovascular diseases in Somalia." Thesis, «Інновації в медицині»: Тези доповідей 85-ої науково-практичної конференції студентів і молодих вчених із міжнародною участю (м. Івано-Франківськ, 24-25 березня 2016 р.). – м. Івано-Франківськ, 2016, 2016. http://dspace.bsmu.edu.ua:8080/xmlui/handle/123456789/11248.

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Although the incidence has declined there appeared some fears that the aging population is increasing number of cases. As with other cardiovascular disease heart failure occurs more commonly in eastern and northern Somalia than in the south and southwest Somalia. The number of sufferers is probably declining. In 2010 the special rights to compensation of heart failure medication about 43 000 Somalis were given.
Кафедра пропедевтики внутрішніх хвороб
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9

Holzer, Georg-Sebastian. "Somaliland : ein Beispiel für erfolgreiche Staatsbildung in Afrika /." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/997135077/04.

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10

Besteman, Catherine Lowe. "Land tenure, social power, and the legacy of slavery in southern Somalia." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185505.

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This dissertation reconstructs the settlement of the Middle Jubba Valley of Somalia by ex-slaves, their descendents, and other Somalis from 1850 to the present. It is an historical study of the construction of a social identity of the Jubba Valley agriculturalist population, and of the evolution of land tenure and land use patterns in the mid-valley. In examining the effects on valley farmers of new land tenure laws requiring registration of land, it shows how power dynamics are integral to the working of land tenure systems.
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11

Helander, Bernhard. "The slaughtered camel coping with fictitious descent among the Hubeer of southern Somalia /." Uppsala, Sweden : University of Uppsala, Dept. of Cultural Anthropology, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37691275x.

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12

Elmi, Mohamed Abdi. "Post Conflict National reconciliation in Somalia." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100965.

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ABSTRACT This study sets out the understanding of the type of reconciliation approach used in Somalia, the participating leaders’ understanding, attitudes and actions towards the reconciliation as well as the role of civil society involved in the reconciliation in Somalia. the study used a qualitative abductive desk research methodology. The results based on secondary data drawn from the literature while the analysis has been used on John Paul Lederaches’ reconciliation approaches pyramid. The main findings explain that one level approach of reconciliation has been employed in Somalia, the former leaders' understanding, attitudes and actions have contributed to deepen the conflict, while the current leader's understanding, attitudes and actions seems to help promote national reconciliation in the country and the civil society role has been gradually mounting as the country has been under post conflict peacebuilding. The study identified three main issue are among the determinants of the reconciliation failure in Somalia firstly Somali protracted conflict would not have resisted if for example, the UN and international community had learned from the successful pragmatic reconciliations in the country. Secondly, it was also noted that as long as the supremacy of the clan politics continued, the role of civil society especially women would be compromised. And finally, the risk of reconciliation is greater in the involvement of the unscrupulous leaders.
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13

Chonka, Peter James. "Imagining the Somali lands : nationalism in a transnational public sphere, and the political reconfiguration of Somalia." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25914.

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This thesis examines the 'public sphere' of state reconstruction and political conflict across the Somali territories through comparative discursive and contextual analysis of media production and consumption on the ground in Somalia. Using Somali-language media sources - including political cartoons, editorials, radio broadcasts and audio-visual propaganda - the chapters cumulatively present a dual conceptualisation of the public sphere in the Somali context. Here, local media production centred in individual capitals of various political projects (The Somali Federal Government, Somaliland and Puntland) coexists and overlaps with a transnational arena of Somali-language broadcasting and debate from various externally-based media producers. These range from the British Broadcasting Corporation‟s Somali Service and popular diaspora-based satellite television stations, to sophisticated 'jihadi' propagandists, or individual geographically-detached cartoonists. Internationalised dynamics of economic and political change across the territories render distinctions between 'diasporic' and 'local' media production analytically unhelpful. At the same, ongoing popular rhetorical contestation over 'foreign' influence ensures an ostensibly paradoxical (and politically salient) discursive resilience of a culturally and religiously-defined 'Somali Ummah' across and beyond political boundaries. Although significant academic attention has been directed towards the role of decentralized 'new' or 'social' media and possibilities for civic agency vis-á-vis coherent, authoritarian state structures, the thesis argues that the Somali case highlights the significance of such public sphere technologies in altering discursive, political and security conditions for state (re)construction in socially fragmented and conflict scarred environments.
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14

Abdullahi, Abdurahman. "Tribalism, nationalism and Islam : the crisis of political loyalty in Somalia." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69570.

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This thesis deals with the crisis of political loyalty in Somalia. The analysis is based on an elitist perspective which permits a more satisfactory integration of all levels of Somali society than is possible with familiar "clanist" or "social theory" interpretations. The paper gives details of the three leading ideological groups in Somalia over the past three decades--the Tribalists, Nationalists and Islamists. It demonstrates how the future of the nationalists' imported models of government and policies to contain tribalism culminated in the re-emergence of tribalism, now in more militant political form. The author presents Islam as an important political component and analyses the Islamic Movement in Somalia as a potential alternative political force for the future. The Islamists may be successful if they overcome internal divisions, personality cults and isolation from society, and adopt a moderate realistic attitude on social issues.
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15

Maseko, Francis Bobby. "The experiences of Botswana Defence Force peacekeepers in United Nations peacekeeping missions: the case of Somalia, 1992-1995." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/4532.

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Peacekeeping operations were started by the United Nations following the collapse of the collective security system which was hinged on the cooperation of the major powers as proposed in the United Nations Charter. The United Nations Charter however does not give a definition of peacekeeping, making it difficult for nation states and various agencies to delineate the limits of Peacekeeping. However, the Charter provides a comprehensive number of platforms in which different kinds of threats pertaining to international peace and security may be dealt with. In the backdrop to this, peacekeeping endeavours have over the years come to be defined as Chapter six and a half, descending between Chapter six and Chapter seven of the United Nations Charter. The Charter reveals that the purpose of the United Nations is to maintain International Peace and Security (United Nations 1985:6). As a member of the International Community and its commitment to Peace and International Security, Botswana is obliged to take part in International interventions aimed at bringing peace, security and stability to Africa and the rest of the world. To this end the government of Botswana is always ready to release and deploy peacekeepers anywhere such calls are made by regional bodies such as the UN, AU or SADC. (Muyakwabo, 2013:2). The intervention of the BDF in the Somali civil war of 1992-1994 is a classic example of Botswana’s commitment to International Peace and Security. In response to the call by UN to assist Somalis, Botswana deployed a battalion sized BDF contingent of Peacekeepers to the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) to help bring peace and security to the nation of Somalia. (Bachelor, Kingman and Lamb 2000:21). This research study is an exploratory investigation into the experiences of the first Botswana Defence Force Peacekeepers who were deployed in the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Somalia (UNOSOM) 1993-1995. Seventeen peacekeepers were interviewed who have participated in both UNOSOM I and UNOSOM II. A thematic analysis of the text was undertaken, in which themes emerged to document and highlight the difficulties that the peacekeepers experienced in Somalia. Narratives from the transcribed interviews were reviewed with the participants and logical analysis by the researcher provided further clarification of the data to understand the experiences of the peacekeepers. The peacekeepers’ descriptions of the situations they faced on the ground provided a new way into understanding the intricacies of traditional peacekeeping. Three fundamental themes emerged: the importance of peacekeeping education and training; the importance and need of logistical support, personal and contingent preparation; and the way forward in ensuring successful and effective peacekeeping by African armies.
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Omar, Musa Mohammad. "Ethnien und Nationalstaaten am Horn von Afrika : Somalia und Eritrea /." Münster : Lit, 2002. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=009657402&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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17

Norling, Åke. "Tvångsmakt i sönderfallna stater : Somalia 1992-1993." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1815.

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Användandet av tvångsmakt vid interventioner i sönderfallna stater är en svår uppgift. En av desvåraste delarna vid en sådan intervention är en rationell kommunikation med de olikamotparterna. Den stora utmaningen blir att lyckas förmedla både det övergripande syftet medinterventionen till lokalbefolkningen och samtidigt övertyga de stridande parterna om att ett reelltoch trovärdigt hot föreligger. I den här uppsatsen har jag undersökt om tvångsmakt är möjlig vidavväpningen i en sönderfallen stat, och hur tvångsmakten användes av UNITAF vid avväpningenav de somaliska krigsherrarna.I uppsatsen jämförde jag de avväpningsoperationer som genomfördes av de amerikanska,australiensiska och franska styrkorna vintern 1993. Den teori som jag använde som verktyg varPeter Viggo Jakobsens modell för tvångsdiplomati- idealpolitik. Jakobsens teori är envidareutveckling av äldre teorier för tvångsmakt. Men för att kunna nyttja idealpolitik i fallet meden sönderfallen stat var jag tvungen att anpassa den till de rådande omständigheterna i Somalia.Min analys visade att de australiensiska och franska styrkorna, som lyckades väl medavväpningen, agerade inom ramen för min anpassade tvångsmaktsteori. Däremot de amerikanskastyrkorna, som lyckades sämre, agerade mer inom ramen för vad som kan benämnasavskräckning. Den övergripande slutsatsen var att tvångsmakt kan användas i sönderfallna stater,men behöver anpassas för att säkerställa att hot och krav kommuniceras på ett rationellt sätt.
The use of coercive force during interventions in failed states is a challengingtask. In dealing with failed states one of the difficulties lies in addressing acomprehensible and credible message to the opponents. In this essay I haveexamined if and how compellence was used by UNITAF in disarming theSomalian warlords.The essay is a comparison of US, French and Australian forces’ disarmamentoperations during the winter of 1993. As a tool for the comparison I have usedPeter Viggo Jakobsens theoretical framework the ideal policy, which is arefinement of older theories dealing with coercive diplomacy and compellence.To be able to use the ideal policy in the Somalia case study I have adapted thistheory to the conditions present in Somalia in 1993.My conclusion was that the Australian and French forces did conduct theiroperations in accordance with the theory of compellence, while the US forcesacted more with a mindset of deterrence to achieve their objectives. I alsoconcluded that the theories of coercive diplomacy and compellence can be usedas a tool in the case of failed states. However the theories have to be developedto ensure that threats and demands are rationally communicated to theopponents.
Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 01-03
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18

Chingeni, Janet Chisomo. "Accountability of armed opposition groups in Somalia." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020779.

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The purpose of IHL is to protect civilians and provide obligations that parties to the conflict are to adhere to. These obligations in case of a non-international armed conflict emanate from Common Article 3, Additional Protocol II and customary international humanitarian law. The reason for the imposition of these obligations on the parties to the conflict is for the need to protect the civilian population against the effects of hostilities which mostly are women and children. As the conflict in Somalia has gone on for too long, IHL plays an important role in protecting civilians. As the Geneva Conventions regulate armed conflicts together with its Additional Protocols they set out the requirements for the treatment of those not taking part in hostilities. In direct contravention of the Geneva Conventions by the parties to the conflict, the persons not taking part in hostilities have been the victims of attacks by armed groups. Even though armed groups have obligations, breaches have continued to occur resulting in impunity and perpetrators of violence have gone unpunished and there is need to close the accountability gap in respect of holding armed groups accountable in Somalia. The aim of this research is to assess how armed groups in Somalia can be held accountable for the atrocities they have committed. In an attempt to close the gap the researcher discusses the obligations that armed groups have, and when these obligations are breached many result in criminal accountability in respect of war crimes. It is also stated in the research that a State has an obligation to prosecute those in breach of IHL obligations. For prosecution to be possible in Somalia there is need for the Federal government of Somalia to adopt new legislation to enforce the justice system in the attempt to hold armed groups accountable and where possible to also utilise available courts as it is difficult and expensive to establish a tribunal. To end impunity armed groups are to be held accountable.
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Abdi, Mohamed A. "Conflict resolution and nation-building in Somalia." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2010. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/192.

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The research concentrated on the current as well as the past quagmire of the Somali conflict. Political, social and economic triggers have been identified to resolve or reduce violent conflict and disorder. The research used primary as well as secondary sources to study the issues and explore the problems inherent in an environment of scarce resources. Confrontations between the state and society were brought to a higher level of violence since the late 1970s following the Somali-Ethiopian war. The author explored avenues for reconciliation and nation-building and introduced several models as possible strategies for nation-building. Conclusively, a home-grown, traditional mechanisms model was recommended which entails the following policy prescriptions to achieve long-lasting peace and security for Somalia: 1. Governance structures of law and order. 2. Resources: De-escalating conflicts by opening up negotiating opportunities of land and property. 3. Complete demilitarization of society. 4. International cooperation. A plan by the international community to reconstruct and rehabilitate Somalia is essential if we have to avoid a relapse into a chaotic, violent situation in Somalia.
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Wood, Molly. "Contemporary U.S. Counter-terrorism Strategy toward Somalia." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/29846.

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The United States is involved in strategies of counter-terrorism in many countries around the globe. Al-Shabaab in Somalia has been a United States designated foreign terrorist organisation since 2008. The objective of this dissertation is to determine the nature of contemporary counterterrorism strategy undertaken by the United States toward Somalia and to understand how it has been determined and sustained over time. In order to identify the specific type of counter-terrorism strategy applied to that country, a typology of four counter-terrorism strategies undertaken by the United States toward other countries has been developed. The secondary but closely related question this dissertation attempts to answer is which determinants, or factors, have caused a shift or change in the United States counter-terrorism strategy in Somalia. By identifying determinants that affect strategy, the justification for a change, shift, or stayed course in strategy is made clearer. The typology and key determinants were initially assessed beyond Somalia to include insights from United States involvement in countries such as Vietnam and Afghanistan. This dissertation contends that that the United States has been engaged in the same counter-terrorism strategy against al-Shabaab since the early days of its re-engagement in the Somali conflict. Applying the typology to situational analysis dating back to as early as 2002, it becomes clear that the United States employs and has maintained a complex/combined counterterrorism strategy toward Somalia. In fact, the research conducted for this dissertation supports the overall argument that complex/combined counter-terrorism strategy is especially broad, which enables the United States to prioritise a light military footprint and low costs of involvement in combating al-Shabaab without becoming heavily involved. The malleable nature of this strategy allows the United States to shift resources and tactics with relative ease.
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Pettersson, Heidi Elisabeth. "Intractability of conflict : causes, drivers and dynamics of the war in Somalia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6568.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia has experienced constant instability and conflict for nearly two decades. With a collapsed state, widespread violence and criminal activity, as well as continued disagreement between warring factions, the prospect of peace seems bleak. The purpose and rationale of this research has been to critically examine root causes and perpetuating factors of the protracted war in Somalia in order to arrive at a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the intractability of this conflict. This study aims to fill a gap in the literature by pointing to some elements which have previously been overlooked in existing research on the topic, especially the impact of the war economy on the fuelling of the conflict. While the thesis first and foremost set out to identify factors which contribute to the intractability of conflict in Somalia, a thorough conceptualisation of relevant theory and a historical overview of the case study were provided as a point of departure. An analysis then followed which tied theory to empirical data. According to my analysis, the most significant internal factors contributing to intractability of conflict in Somalia were the long absence of a central governing authority, the low level of economic development, the role of Islam, as well as particular choices made by the parties to the conflict. Relational factors which are crucial are the similar military strength of the opposing sides, their lack of cooperation, and their different views regarding the country’s law and governance. Finally, external factors were deemed to have had a particularly strong effect on the long war. Ethiopia’s constant meddling; Eritrea’s support of al-Shabaab; the UN’s and the AU’s various missions; as well as the presence of a plethora of humanitarian aid agencies have shaped the conflict throughout its course. The conclusion was drawn that the war economy had the greatest impact on conflict in the first rounds of the civil war, but with the transformation, re-escalation and re-intensification of the conflict that has occurred over the last couple of years, the opportunities for benefiting from war and instability may again have increased. Piracy stands out as a new, prominent pillar of the contemporary war economy. The war economy of today continues to have an influence on the Somali conflict; it adds to its intractability, makes it increasingly difficult to establish a legitimate and stable non-corrupt government, and generally sustains violence in the country. I suggest that further research be undertaken on the topic of state collapse in Somalia, as it is clear that the long absence of a central government is a factor which has had a significant impact on the prolongation of conflict. In addition, as accurate data on the current war economy is rare, I recommend that field research should be conducted in Somalia to gain a more precise understanding of shadowy economic activities and their linkages to conflict.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië beleef vir byna twee dekades konstante onstabiliteit en konflik. Met wydverspreide geweld, kriminele aktiwiteite, voortgesette verskille tussen strydende faksies en die verbrokkeling van die Somaliese staat, lyk die vooruitsig vir vrede in die land onwaarskynlik. Die doel en rasionaal van hierdie navorsing is om krities te ondersoek wat die grondoorsake en verewigings faktore is, van die uitgerekte oorlog in Somalië. Die navoring meen dus, om 'n omvattende ontleding te gee van die redes vir die hardnekkigheid van konflik in die land. Die studie poog ook om 'n gaping in die literatuur te vul deur te wysig op kritiese elemente wat nalatig was in bestaande navorsing en meer fokus te gee aan die impak van die oorlogsekonomie wat konflik in Somalië aanspoor. Alhoewel die proefskrif hoofsaaklik poog om die faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië te bestudeer, word 'n deeglike begrip van die toepaslike teorie en 'n historiese oorsig van die studie voorsien as die vertrekpunt van die navorsing. Dit word dan opgevolg deur ‘n analise, wat die teorie bind aan empiriese data. Volgens my analise is die belangrikste interne faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië; die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale beherende gesag, die lae vlak van ekonomiese ontwikkeling, die invloed van Islam, sowel as unieke keuse van partye tot die konflik. Relevante faktore wat noodsaaklik is, is die soortgelyke militêre krag van die opponerende kante, die gebrek aan samewerking, en hul teenstrydige standpunte oor die land se wet en bestuur. Laastens is daar gevind dat eksterne faktore 'n besonder sterk invloed gehad het op die langdurigheid van die oorlog. Ethiopië se konstante inmenging, Eritrea se ondersteuning van al-Shabaab, die VN en AU se verskeie misies, asook die teenwoordigheid van 'n oorvloed van humanitêre hulpagentskappe het deel gehad in die formulering van konflik oor tyd. Die gevolgtrekking was dat die oorlogsekonomie die grootste impak gehad het op die konflik in die eerste rondtes van die burgeroorlog, maar met die transformasie-, her-eskalasie en reintensivering van die konflik oor die afgelope paar jaar, is daar weereens ‘n styging in die geleenthede vir individue om te baat uit die onstabiliteit en oorlog. Seerowery staan uit as 'n nuwe, prominente pilaar van die huidige oorlogsekonomie. Die huidige oorlogsekonomie het nog steeds 'n invloed op die Somaliese konflik, dit dra by tot sy hardnekkigheid, maak dit toenemend moeilik om ‘n wettige en stabiele onkorrupte regering te stig en dit fasiliteer die voortduur van geweld in die land. Ek stel voor dat verdere navorsing onderneem word oor die onderwerp van die ineenstorting van die staat in Somalië. Dit is duidelik dat die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale regering 'n beduidende faktor is, wat ‘n impak op die verlenging van konflik het. Verder, omdat akkurate data oor die huidige oorlogsekonomie so skaars is, beveel ek aan dat verdere navorsing gedoen moet word om ‘n meer akkurate begrip van donker ekonomiese aktiwiteite in Somalië te kry en hul impak op konflik.
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Shaffer, Marian. "“This is South Africa, Not Somalia”: Negotiating Gender Relations in Johannesburg’s ‘Little Mogadishu’." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354700811.

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Omar, Mohamed Ali. "Somali Irredentism: An analysis of its causes and its impact on political stability in Somalia from 1960 -1991." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-37786.

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After Berlin Conference in 1884 to 1885, Somalia was partitioned into five parts by Britain, Italy, and French. In 1960 two parts gained independence and formed the Somali Republic, and since then successive Somali governments sought to incorporate the other three parts of Somali territories under Ethiopia, Kenya and French Somaliland known as Djibouti into Greater Somalia.The aim of this study has been to explore and analyze the causes, and the impact of the Somalia’ irredentism on political stability in Somalia. In more specifically, the main objective has been to critically examine how Somali irridentism policy has been pursued, what challenges faced and how it has affected the political stability of the post-colonial Somali state from 1960 to 1990.The analysis presented in this study has shown that the causes of Somali irredentism are combined factors that helped rise Somali irredentism. The analysis has argued that Somalia’s quest for irredentism policy had a huge impact on Somalia’s political stability, including, but not limited to, creating enemies and alienating allies from neighbouring countries to western and eastern blocs, as well as interstate conflict with Ethiopia which ended with Somalia defeat. Finally, Somalia’s defeat, which resulted from irredentism’s venture, caused disunity among the national army, refugee crisis, financial burden and the rise of armed opposition movements that finally ousted the military regime led by Siad Barre. This was followed by state collapse and protracted civil war.
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Jimale, Farhan. "THE POSSIBILITY OF AN AL-SHABAAB : FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF SOMALIA NEGOTIATION AS THE ONLY ALTERNATIVE TO PEACE RESOLUTION IN SOMALIA." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-430353.

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Abstract  For nearly thirty years now, Somalia has been in the heat of political and religious crisis that have made the state nearly dysfunctional because of power struggles between the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and the Al-Shabaab militant group. While various peace –inclined strategies have been sought to free up the Somali people, including negotiations and the use of military, neither has proved to be useful in resolving the crisis. Therefore, this study examines the potentiality of holding the negotiations, which seems inevitable as the only lasting solution. Five experts are interviewed to give their perceptions of Somalia's political climate and the potentiality of arriving at a lasting solution. This study finds that negotiations between the two parties cannot happen unless each of their demands has been adhered to in entirety. Secondly, the external bodies and the wider international community have a more significant role in initiating political settlement to create lasting peace for Somalia. However, for the mediators to succeed, the pre-conditions set before the negotiation process needs to be implemented. Therefore, this study argues that a collaborative approach is needed among dispute resolution mechanisms since there seems to be no amicable strategy for an everlasting solution.

Acknowledgment 

This academic work would not have been possible without the valuable inputs of several people. First of all, I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Angelika Drigo, who guided me throughout this project, and I sincerely want to thank her for her time, support and guidance. I would also like to extend my gratitude to all the lecturers – particularly, Prof. Brain Palmer whose knowledge and insights, were the most valuable resources of this programme.  Above all, this thesis would not have been possible without the love and kind support of my family and friends who all kept me going. However, I hope that this academic work will contribute to some knowledge gaps existing in the field of religion in peace and conflict.

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Salah, Idil M. "Gender planning within non-governmental organizations in Somalia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0022/MQ26967.pdf.

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Webersik, Christian. "Reinterpreting environmental scarcity and conflict : evidence from Somalia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:24a25a02-75f2-4070-b39f-f9baba51bd12.

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The thesis explores links between resources and conflict in contemporary Somalia. The central research questions were: Why did a society which is believed to be resilient and adaptive to its harsh environment become vulnerable? To what extent did environmental factors contribute to the emergence of conflict? How can natural resource scarcity and abundance be related to the existence of, or potential for, violent conflict, bearing in mind the historical, political, economic and cultural context of conflict? Can other determining factors such as power-relations, access to trade, or clan affiliation be linked to lower economic, institutional, and social performance and associated with higher levels of violent conflict? If a link can be made, this will help to forecast where conflict might take place. Because Somalia is largely an arid country, highly susceptible to natural disasters, and because its people have been victims of severe famine in recent decades, my starting point for this research was to investigate literature on the supposed environmental causes of conflict. Analysis of the literature which links environmental degradation and scarcity to state-collapse or civil war suggested, however, that such linkages are problematic. I argue instead that people engage in violent conflict in Somalia because they struggle to establish control over valuable resources. These resources are likely to be renewables, such as cash crops in the form of plantations in riverine areas, cereals in the Bay region, and charcoal in the coastal region of Brawa. Conflict arose over the struggle to monopolise these resources, and over the distribution of profits. Clan leaders sought to expand a source of 'tax' revenue by controlling trade networks, seaports and airports. This general approach may explain why southern Somalia has experienced continuous insecurity over the past decade.
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Yordanov, Radoslav. "Soviet involvement in Ethiopia and Somalia, 1947-1991." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0c66a287-9ae8-4dcf-badc-a72bf04f399f.

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Soviet-Third World relations during the Cold War are still not clearly understood. Largely based on previously unused primary material, this study aims to fill this gap in knowledge by emphasising the interplay between domestic, local, regional, and global dimensions in analysing Moscow’s involvement in the Horn of Africa. By offering a detailed examination of Soviet involvement in Somalia and Ethiopia during the Cold War, this thesis aims to shed light on the factors, shaping Moscow’s policies in the area. While it does not lay any claim of representativeness for other Third World regions, this thesis aims to highlight the intricate interplay between ideology and realpolitik in the making of Soviet foreign policy. Additionally, it tries to determine to what extent the ‘local pull,’ exerted by both Addis Ababa and Mogadishu, as well as by Soviet and other Bloc diplomats, informed the Kremlin’s policy in the area. This thesis shows that the two main strands of Moscow’s foreign policy, the pragmatic statist line and the ideological Cominternist approach, were not in conflict with one another. Instead, they were amalgamated into a flexible tactical approach, designed to maximise Soviet influence by whatever means available, along the path of least resistance. Another strand in the argument is interwoven with the pericentric framework for the study of the Cold War. While accepting recent interpretations of superpower-Third World relations, this research develops a more nuanced account of the centre-periphery interaction. The act of local engagement was Moscow’s initiative, in accord with its wider geo-political plans. Once engaged, the local actors proved instrumental in informing the Kremlin’s exercise of maintaining a presence. As with its entry, Moscow’s disengagement was predicated on strategic considerations. The period of perestroika, assigned the Third World lower priority in the Kremlin’s global agenda, engendering a withdrawal from the Horn.
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Espinosa, Scholtbach Claudia Andrea. "Evaluación de la operaciones de paz. Caso Somalia." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2015. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/130604.

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Carter, David John. "International law and state failure : Somalia and Yugoslavia." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2000. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/193199/.

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The present study considers the treatment of failed States in international law. State failure represents a relatively recent phenomenon, which presents novel problems for the international community to deal with. For international law, the principles and experience of dealing with the creation, continuity and extinction of States present the nearest analogies, and so will form the basis of its responses to failure. Failure is defined as governmental and societal collapse in a State, so severe as to render it incapable of exercising internal and external sovereignty. It is likely to take the form of either conflictual implosion - such as in Somalia; or fragmentary explosion - as in Yugoslav ia. Accordingly, an examination of the treatment of these two failed States, during the early 1990s, provides the substantive basis of the study. The key aspects of Statehood under which the study proceeds are: loss of government as a criterion of Statehood; self-determination, including the emerging right of democratic governance; and recognition. Consideration of the Somali and Yugoslav experiences of failure, and their treatment under the three areas identified, evidences a strong inertia in the international system against findings of State failure - the Somali experience. The only exception is if such a finding is coupled with a potential solution, such as the possible emergence of new States - the Yugoslav experience. The determinations constitute a meta-legal process, which can be seen as indicative of a new conception of 'political international law'.
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Sipus, Mitchell E. "The Architecture of Militarization and Conflict in Somalia." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1305892049.

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Salah, Idil M. (Idil M. Ladane) Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "Gender planning within non-governmental organizations in Somalia." Ottawa, 1997.

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Grönevik, Isabel. "Föreningsliv och demokrati : Om politiska, demokratiska och integrationsmässiga förutsättningar i en somalisk förening." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för kultur och kommunikation, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-74568.

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In contemporary Sweden political participation among foreign-born Swedes is viewed as low and it is well known that foreign-born individuals do not use their voting rights to the same extent as the general population. At the same time there are numerous ethnic associations around the country who work with various activities involving political, democratic and integration issues. This study aims to study how four members of a Somali association regard, relate to and work with politics, democracy and integration. The study is based on these four people, but also on their relationship with authorities and other agencies in the community. The conclusion of this study shows in brief that the desire to participate politically is great, but that democracy and politics is accessible to all, depending on the level of language skills and what political knowledge the individual has. The study problematizes the concept of integration, whether it should be seen as an immigrant question that should be conducted by the immigrants or not. The informants have a vision that the democratic and political work they are engaged in in Sweden will be used to establish a democracy in their home country Somalia in the future.
I dagens Sverige ses politiskt deltagande, bland utlandsfödda svenskar som lågt och det är välkänt att utlandsfödda inte nyttjar sin rösträtt i samma utsträckning som befolkningen i övrigt. Samtidigt finns det åtskilliga etniska föreningar runt om i landet som genom aktiviteter arbetar med politisk, demokratisk och integrerande verksamhet. Denna undersökning syftar till att studera hur fyra medlemmar ur en somalisk förening ser på, förhåller sig till och arbetar med politik, demokrati och integration. Studien utgår ifrån dessa fyra personer, men handlar även om deras relation till myndigheter och andra instanser i samhället. Slutsatsen av denna studie visar i korthet att viljan att deltaga politiskt är stor, men att demokratin och politiken är mer eller mindre tillgänglig för alla, beroende på vilka färdigheter individen har i språk och samhällskunskaper. I studien problematiseras begreppet integration och huruvida det ses som en 'invandrarfråga' som bör bedrivas av invandrare eller inte. Det finns även en vision från informanternas sida att arbetet de bedriver kring demokratin och politiken i Sverige i framtiden ska kunna användas för att upprätta en demokrati i hemlandet Somalia.
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Abdi, Yusuf Isse Muna. "Identifying Patient Safety and The Healthcare Environment in Puntland, Somalia." Thesis, KTH, Skolan för kemi, bioteknologi och hälsa (CBH), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-232039.

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Independent on where in the world one is, patient safety is regarded as one of the most important aspects in the healthcare industry. On the contrary, depending on where you are, the patient safety will differ and is therefore location dependent. The patient safety in a developing country will therefore be evaluated in a different way compared to a developed country. This study, therefore aimed to identify the patient safety in Puntland, Somalia and with it, its healthcare environment in the hospitals. The goal was to identify the main factors that affected the patient safety. To investigate this, a field study to the region of interest was made and subsequently interviews with staff at the site were conducted as well as observations in the concerned hospitals. The obtained results were analysed using the method of Qualitative Content Analysis. At a later stage, the results could be thematized into four categories; “​Need​”, “​Device​”, “​Training​” and “​Knowledge​”, which pinpointed the main issues. The study show that there was a common transversal issue of a inherent lack of devices, training and knowledge which in turn could severely affect the patients and their safety in ways such as misdiagnosis, delayed treatment and in worst cases death. Furthermore, it was evident that rather than the lack of actual devices, the absence of knowledge was more prevalent.
Oberoende på var än i världen man befinner sig, anses patientsäkerhet vara en av de viktigaste aspekterna i sjukvården. Å andra sidan, helt beroende på var man befinner sig kommer patientsäkerheten skilja sig och är därför lägesberoende. Patientsäkerheten i ett utvecklingsland kommer därför uppfattas på ett annat sätt i jämförelse med ett I-land. Denna studie syftar till att identifiera patientsäkerheten i Puntland, Somalia och med det dess vårdmiljö i sjukhusen. Målet var att identifiera huvudfaktorerna som påverkar patientsäkerheten. För att undersöka detta utfördes en fältstudie i den valda regionen Puntland, därefter gjordes intervjuer med personal på plats i sjukhusen och dessutom utfördes observationer. De erhållna resultaten analyserades med hjälp av metoden “Qualitative Content Analysis”. Vid ett senare skede tematiseras resultaten till fyra kategorier; “​Behov​”, “​Apparat​”, “​Utbildning​” och “​Kunskap​”, vilka visade på de huvudsakliga problemen. Studien visade slutligen på att det fanns ett gemensamt genomgående problem av brist på apparater, utbildning och kunskap, vilket i sin tur skulle kunna påverka patienter och deras säkerhet på sätt såsom feldiagnoser, försenad behandling och i värsta fall döden. Vidare fastställdes att snarare än bristen på apparater, var avsaknaden av kunskap mer påtaglig.
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Harrison, John C. "The limits of Type D coercive diplomacy in Somalia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA305985.

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Gärtner, Catherine Ferdowsi Mir A. Opitz Peter J. "Die politische und sicherheitspolitische Dimension von Friedenskonsolidierungsprozessen - Fallstudie Somalia." München Lehreinheit Prof. Dr. Mir A. Ferdowsi, Geschwister-Scholl-Inst. für Politische Wiss, 2007. http://d-nb.info/988702983/34.

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Simmons, Joseph T. "Inheriting failure: an exploratory study of post-colonial Somalia." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44668.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
] Throughout its history, Somalia has experienced varying degrees of instability that has created an environment of chaos, war-induced famine, and given birth to terrorist groups like Al Shabaab. The legacy of colonization by Great Britain and Italy adversely affected the development of a functioning Somali state following its independence, subsequent military dictatorship, and the eventual collapse of central government in 1991. This thesis uses historical case studies, with a theoretical model proposed by Joel S. Migdal, to explain why post-colonial states (such as Somalia) often have had difficulty in establishing stability and the rule of law. Migdal’s model holds that success hinges on the distribution of social control between state institutions and civil society as they compete to create the rules that govern behavior. The northern region of Somaliland, drawing on the British approach of indirect rule, was able to reestablish stability by fostering cooperation between clan leaders and state institutions. The southern region of Somalia, influenced by the Italian authoritarian approach of direct rule, has repeatedly failed to establish cooperation between clan society and the state. This thesis provides recommendations for U.S. intervention and military operations based on the patterns and variations in stability often found in post-colonial states.
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Kinyoki, Damaris. "Bayesian space-time mapping of childhood malnutrition in Somalia." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/93209/.

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Background: Malnutrition is a leading cause of childhood deaths in low- and middle-income countries and has permanent consequences for cognitive, physical and metabolic development. Globally, it is estimated that 26% and 8% children under-five years of age are stunted and wasted respectively. Approximately 90% of the world’s malnourished children live in sub-Saharan Africa and Asia. Food insecurity, which is a major driver of malnutrition, has been shown to be linked to inter-annual variability in rainfall in most of the part of sub-Saharan Africa. In general, a seasonal rainfall higher than 500 mm in sub-Saharan Africa is required to sustain healthy agriculture, with frequent droughts and periods of flooding highlighting the tenuous nature of agropastoral livelihoods in many parts of Africa. Despite the high burden of malnutrition there is limited formal investigation of its spatial epidemiology globally, especially in the most affected countries. Most of the published research has focused on the demographic, socio-economic and individual factors associated with childhood malnutrition. Little is known, however, about its geographical and contextual determinants and how policies can be formulated using the subnational distribution of these factors. Aim: The main aim of my work was to describe the space-time distribution of wasting and stunting in Somalia from 2007-2010 and determine their ecological comorbidity with Acute Respiratory Infection (ARI) and diarrhoea among children aged 6-59 months in Somalia. Methods: Data from household nutritional surveys in Somalia from 2007 to 2010 form a total of 1,066 settlements covering 73,778 children were used for the analysis throughout this thesis. Advanced Bayesian geostatistical models using stochastic partial differential equation (SPDE) in integrated nested Laplace approximations (INLA) were used for the space-time analysis. This modelling technique permits for simultaneous modelling of related issues such as risk assessment, spatial dependence, predictions and quantification of uncertainty. In the first set of analysis, the marginal effects of predictors were computed to determine their inherent spatial variability across the country (Study I). Using a novel approach, the seasonal and inter-annual variation of wasting was computed by first carrying out year-season prediction in the four main seasons in the country from 2007-2010. To then compute the effect size of each season, the survey year was used to define the temporal effect while the seasons were used separately to define the seasonality effects of wasting for the survey year (Study II). In both approaches, time-varying covariates were incorporated in the models to inform the temporal trends. The prevalence and spatial distribution of stunting between 2007 and 2010 was estimated and the role of environmental covariates in forecasting the risk of stunting was explored (Study III). Finally, a joint modelling was undertaken of wasting, stunting and underweight; and stunting, acute respiratory infection (ARI) and diarrhoea (Study IV); to concurrently determine their correlation and shared components (Study V). Results: In the period 2007-2010, the prevalence of childhood malnutrition remained very high throughout Somalia with all administrative regions reporting above acceptable levels of wasting, as defined by the WHO as above 5% prevalence. The average prevalence of wasting, stunting and mid-upper arm circumference (MUAC) < 125 mm in Somalia from 2007 to 2010 was 21%, 31% and 36%, respectively, values which meet the thresholds classified as ‘critical’ by the WHO. In addition, there was evidence of significant geographical and secular variations in the burden of malnutrition in Somalia, with South having higher levels as compared to the North in the country and clear seasonal variation was observed with a relative rise during the dry seasons and reduction during the rainy seasons. Environmental factors like rainfall and vegetation were major drivers of these variations. This study also demonstrated that wasting, stunting and underweight in children 6-59 months in Somalia shared common risk factors with evidence of correlation in space. Finally, the study showed clearly that the spatial shared component between ARI, diarrhoea and stunting was higher in the southern part of the country. Conclusion: Understanding the seasonal and annual fluctuations of different forms of malnutrition and their drivers in different regions can be used to target interventions in communities at high risk during emergency humanitarian interventions. Integrated programming and interventions focused on the common risk factors of the three indicators and specifically in regions where the co-distribution is highly prevalent may be a more effective way of reducing the burden of malnutrition in Somalia.
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Chevreau, Oliver M. "Federalism & post-conflict statebuilding: The case of Somalia." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17441.

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The use of federalism as an integral component in post-conflict statebuilding processes is becoming increasingly common (e.g. Iraq, Yemen & Sri Lanka). The current academic literature, however, is divided between those that argue that federalism in such fragile environments will increase the likelihood of secession and ‘balkanisation’ and that those that argue that only federalism can provide the periphery with constitutionally protected rights against the centre. However, currently there is little empirical evidence to support either view. This research seeks to contribute to this gap by assessing whether the recent introduction of federalism in Somalia since 2013 has led to the delivery of tangible governance and peacebuilding outcomes. This thesis specifically focuses on the federalism process in Jubaland, a state which formed in 2013. Data was gathered across the region using a statistically significant perception survey and was supplemented by Key Informant Interviews. The surveys were designed to assess public opinion towards federalism and understand how its introduction was perceived to have impacted local governance and conflict dynamics. This analysis was further extended to assess the impact of federalism in other federal member states including Puntland, Galmadug and Southwest based on a review of available secondary literature. An analytical framework assessed the strength of Federal Government-Federal Member State, intra-state and inter-state relations and the extent to which a particular state had undertook tangible governance reforms. The key findings of the research indicate that the population in Jubaland is strongly supportive of federalism in principle and the manner in which it has been implemented. Federalism was seen by the majority of the population as a way of maintaining Somali unity whilst protecting local interests and meeting ocal needs. The approach of the Jubaland authorities to adopt a consociational approach to governance led to the establishment of a sustainable political settlement and the inclusion of minority groups for the first time. However, these successes have not been experienced more widely across Somalia. Other federal member states have experienced poor relations with the federal government. Internally, some states also have weak and violent relations with groups who are competing for influence and poor external relationships with other federal member states. In general, there is a low commitment to governance reform at federal-state level. These findings underpin the final conclusion that whilst federalism in Somalia has enabled improved governance and peacebuilding outcomes in Jubaland, it is the manner of how federal governance has been implemented in other federal states that explains the disparity in results across the country as a whole. More widely, this research suggests that federalism in post-conflict contexts is neither a panacea for peace and stability, or in of itself, a catalyst for inevitable fragmentation.
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Gonnelli, Michele [Verfasser], and Jens [Akademischer Betreuer] Loenhoff. "Italophone Somali diaspora and social change in Somalia : education, communication, and institutions of social control / Michele Gonnelli ; Betreuer: Jens Loenhoff." Duisburg, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1204004188/34.

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Berlin, Karin. "A model for a camel's milk dairy plant in Somalia." Mogadishu, Somalia : Somali Academy of Sciences and Arts, 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/24817160.html.

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41

Barnes, Cedric Richard. "The Ethiopian state and its Somalia periphery, circa 1888-1948." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251755.

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This thesis examines the regional history of the western Somali lands that were incorporated into the Ethiopian Empire at the turn of the last century. The study is about the changing nature of centre and periphery in Ethiopia, and the evolution of statehood in the region. Its primary focus is the economical and political relationship between Somalis and the representatives of the Ethiopian state, and how these relationships were affected by the emergence of rival colonial administrations that also claimed to govern Somalis. The thesis first addresses the role of the periphery in the history of the expansion of the modern Ethiopian state. It is argued with recent Ethiopian historians that the state Menilek created was primarily about diverting the demands of a militarised system away from the centre into new lands in order to create a sustainable standing army with which to assert political supremacy. However this militarised state was soon found to be too anachronistic, devolved and cumbersome and did not manage well the transition which came with the death of Menilek. The next two chapters show how the periphery was used as a resource with which to compete in the battle for power at the centre. This was a struggle from which Tafari (later Emperor Hayla Sellase), the governor of a peripheral province in the east emerged as victor. The second half of the thesis goes on to argue that once the centre was won the eastern periphery continued to play an important part in the modern centralist project. Since this was one of the points at which Ethiopia communicated with the outside world in both political and economic terms, the periphery was peculiarly important in the evolution of the sovereignty of the modern Ethiopian state. However the latter part of the study shows how the political and economic articulation of the eastern periphery with neighbouring colonial states, especially the growth of markets and improvement in infrastructure there, progressively weakened Ethiopian sovereignty and precipitated the Italian invasion.
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42

Mendrok, Katarzyna. "Connection between human rights and the state capacity in Somalia." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-14524.

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This thesis is about human rights and states. To be more specific, condition of human rights in Somalia. Human rights are universal moral laws of a fundamental nature, belonging to any individual in its relations with the state. Literature treats state as a main protector of human rights and at the same time as a main violator. When protector turns into major threat? Does the state capacity matter? My analysis provides support for my hypothesis that the stronger the state, the better condition of human rights. Strong state is able to protect its citizens, while weak states lack capacity to provide security. The main purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether Somalia as a failed state has capacity to protect human rights.
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43

Metz, Troy Kenneth. "The training of the Canadian military and the Somalia Affair." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0005/MQ30520.pdf.

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44

Orsini, Dominique. "Multinational operations in Somalia, Haiti and Bosnia : a comparative study." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ43928.pdf.

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45

Mah, Ahmed. "The colonial discourse of development in Africa, the Somalia experience." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0007/MQ46207.pdf.

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46

Abdinoor, Abdullahi S. "Constructing education in a stateless society the case of Somalia /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1173755011.

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47

Samantar, Mohamed Said. "The conditions for successful pastoral common property regimes in Somalia." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359200.

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48

Abdulwahab, Ahmed Mohamud. "DEMOKRATINS FÖRBANNELSE : En komparativ fåfallsstudie av Somalia och Iraks demokratiseringsprocess." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-95826.

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The intention of this essay was to conduct two comparative analytical units called, “Most Similar System Design" (MSSD). The first unit is Somalia and the other is Iraq. The main purpose of the essay is to study deeper in Somalia and Iraq’s democratization process and also to analyse the deference’s between these two countries based on democratization-process. The essay's key questions are: How did Iraq get further into the democratization-process compared to Somalia? Why couldn't Somalia make a successful democratization process like Iraq? The essay is implemented by Dankwart A. Rustows democratization factors. The results indicated that: (i) Somalia failed in its democratization-process, due to the absence of national unity and a rapid transition. One of the main obstacles was Puntland and Somaliland which hindered the national unity of Somalia. (ii) On the other hand, Iraq was different in its democratization- process. With the support of the United States, Iraq achieved great success in the unification of Iraqi civil society the embodiment of smooth transition. (iii) Finally, the conclusion indicates that: national unity, societal norms and a rapid transition were the decisive variables.
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49

Loubser, Helge-Mari. "The international response to state failure : the case of Somalia." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25637.

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State failure impacts international relations through the spill-over effects it has beyond the failed state. The international response to state failure: The case of Somalia attempts to answer the research question "Is the international response to the failed Somalia more concerned with security (i.e. the fight against terrorism and piracy) than with nation building/democratization or humanitarian aid (refugees, poverty)? This question is answered through descriptive-analytical research approach using the Neo-Realist theory within a globalised world. Concepts of legitimacy, authority and sovereignty in relation to the international response are explored where response takes the form of Intervention and humanitarian intervention that could be informed by the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) or go as far as nation building. Various annually published indices that examine and rank failed states are analysed which collectively and independently indicate that Somalia has been the number one failed state since 2008. Historically, the international response to Somalia prior to state collapse in 1991 forms the foundation to the response as well as accounting for the importance of complex internal clan politics. The background to how the international response has been, plays a key role in understanding where the international response‘s motives are positioned on scale of humanitarian versus security motives for intervention. The regional dynamics are explained through the Regional Security Complex (RSC). The security power political motives are seen through Anti-terror motives in a post 9/11 world and the various international responses to the different forms of attempts of interim governments and their opposition movements. Most notably, Al Shabaab, who formally merged with Al Qaeda in 2012, has been a focus point for the international response. The African Union (AU) mission in Somalia AMISOM is analysed from its humble beginnings to a force to be reckoned with. Due to the failure in Somalia for over 20 years, 14 per cent of its population form part of the influential Diaspora group. State building has emerged as one of the major international responses to state failure with the motive of avoiding nationwide humanitarian crisis. Yet the inaction of the past decade has lead to large spread famine in 2011. The security motive of regional and international players has overshadowed a pure humanitarian response in the past but the immensity of the crisis in 2011 has lead to a global humanitarian response. A new window of opportunity has presented itself with the appointment of the new president of the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) in September 2012. The international response to state failure has placed security first and has acted accordingly to limit the international economic and security effects of piracy, terrorism and refugee flows. Nation building has come second although, there have been attempts at achieving a uniform response to the failure in Somalia, neo realist real politik reigns. The ideal of a golden mean, where a balance is achieved between security and humanitarian motives, could only be achieved if Somalia starts addressing its internal issues that have caused and resulted from the failure, which is far from straightforward.
Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Political Sciences
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50

Muange, Dennis. "A descriptive analysis of emergency care provided in Northern Somalia." Master's thesis, Faculty of Health Sciences, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/30893.

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Emergency care is an integral part of an effective healthcare system. However, emergency care systems remain largely underdeveloped in low- and middle-income countries, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. Somalia is in the horn of Africa. Decades of civil war, political instability, and terrorism insurgency have greatly hampered healthcare in the country, and the country does not have a formal emergency care system. The aim of the study was to assess the current provision of emergency care in healthcare facilities in northern Somalia, namely Somaliland and Puntland. This was a cross-sectional descriptive study carried out in all emergency units in Hargeisa and Garowe, the capital cities of Somaliland and Puntland respectively. A standardised WHO emergency care assessment tool was used to assess the performance of emergency care procedures in the emergency units. Simple descriptive statistics were used to analyse the data. Six facilities - two in Puntland, and four in Somaliland - participated in the study. Two of these were regional referral public facilities, while the rest were private. The performance of sixty emergency care procedures was assessed. Absent equipment was the main reason (47%, n=60 for the non-performance of these emergency care procedures. Lack of training (29%), stock out of supplies (13%), and lack of skilled personnel (10%) were the other reasons for the non-performance of these emergency care procedures. The findings of this study underscore the need for more resource allocation with a focus on equipping emergency units and having adequate supplies. The study also highlights the need for training of healthcare providers who routinely provide care in emergency units.
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