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Journal articles on the topic 'Somalia – Foreign relations – United States'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Khlopov, O. "The Role of AFRICOM in Solving Security Problems on the African Continent (2001-2020)." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 9 (September 15, 2021): 619–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/70/63.

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The article analyzes the US’s security relations with Africa, including the “war on terror”, as well as the role of the US African Military Command (AFRICOM) in resolving regional conflicts. After the end of the Cold War and a failed mission in Somalia, the United States ended major military operations in Africa. However, in the past few years, the strategic interests of the United States in the region have increased due to the threats of the activities of international terrorist groups. The article reveals the goals of Presidents George Bush, Jr., Barack Obama, and Donald Trump in relation to Africa in the context of regional security challenges and the main results of US foreign policy under three administrations.

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2

Gathii, James Thuo. "Kenya's Piracy Prosecutions." American Journal of International Law 104, no. 3 (July 2010): 416–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.104.3.0416.

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Kenya became a primary destination for the prosecution of pirates captured off the coast of Somalia from late 2008 to late 2009. Yet none of the pirates being tried in Kenya as of April 2010 were captured by Kenyan armed forces but, rather, by non-Kenyan forces whose countries had signed agreements with Kenya for it to conduct such trials. In Resolution 1851 of December 16, 2008, the United Nations Security Council had urged states and regional organizations to enter into such agreements. Kenya accordingly concluded agreements on prosecuting suspected pirates with the United Kingdom, the United States, the European Union, and Denmark. According to media reports, and as Kenya recently acknowledged, two others were negotiated, with China and Canada. Only the EU-Kenya agreement has been published. The British foreign secretary told the House of Commons that Kenya did not want its agreement with the United Kingdom to be made public. Consequently, it may well be that a Kenyan preference for secrecy prevented the public release of information on the other agreements signed by Kenya.

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3

Elmahly, Hend, and Degang Sun. "China’s Military Diplomacy towards Arab Countries in Africa’s Peace and Security." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 4 (December 2018): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.114006.

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China’s security concept is evolving, and its participation in Africa’s Arab countries’ peacekeeping is transforming itself from aloof bystander to active player, and from multilateralism to both multi- and unilateralism. The establishment of China’s logistics base in Djibouti does not signify a sudden change in China’s African foreign policy; instead, change has been gradual and tangible and began with the evolution of China’s participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations, and engagement in Africa’s infrastructure projects, in parallel with China’s increasing global presence. The base serves as a logistics and support facility for Chinese peacekeepers, as well as a naval facility to support anti-piracy missions off the coast of Somalia as part of an international anti-piracy operation. Moreover, the base helps China to ensure its maritime and commercial interests and safeguard Chinese nationals in West Asia and the African continent. However, the United States and the West are concerned with the geopolitical and geoeconomic implications of China’s logistics base in Djibouti. The geography of Djibouti has led to the rising of geopolitical rivalries between the great powers, which may intensify in the coming years.

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4

Clark, John F. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: White House Involvement and the Foreign Affairs Bureaucracies." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050287x.

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Both continuity and change capture the evolving role of the Clinton White House in the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy toward Africa. Elements of continuity are reflected in a familiar pattern of relationships between the White House and the principal foreign policy bureaucracies, most notably the U.S. State Department, the U.S. Department of Defense (Pentagon), the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and more recently the U.S. Department of Commerce. As cogently argued in Peter J. Schraeder’s analysis of U.S. foreign policy toward Africa during the Cold War era, the White House has tended to take charge of U.S. African policies only in those relatively rare situations perceived as crises by the president and his closest advisors. In other, more routine situations—the hallmark of the myriad of U.S. African relations—the main foreign policy bureaucracies have been at the forefront of policy formulation, and “bureaucratic dominance” of the policymaking process has prevailed. Much the same pattern is visible in the Clinton administration, with the exception of President Clinton’s trip to Africa in 1998. Until that time, events in Somalia in 1993 served as the only true African crisis of the administration that was capable of focusing the ongoing attention of President Clinton and his closest advisors. Given that the United States is now disengaged from most African crises, Africa has remained a “backwater” for the White House and the wider foreign policymaking establishment.

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5

Howe, Jonathan T. "The United States and United Nations in Somalia: The limits of involvement." Washington Quarterly 18, no. 3 (September 1995): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609509550157.

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6

Daniel Margolies. "Imperial Unilateralism in United States Foreign Relations Proclamations." Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences ll, no. 60 (August 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17939/hushss.2018..60.008.

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7

Chauncey, Helen R., Edward C. Keefer, David W. Mabon, Marvin E. Gettleman, Jane Franklin, Marilyn Young, and H. Bruce Franklin. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 4 (1986): 721. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758579.

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8

Charney, Jonathan I. "Judicial Deference in Foreign Relations." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 805–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203369.

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Disputes with foreign policy implications have often been brought to the federal courts. These cases call attention to the tension between the authority of the political branches to conduct the foreign relations of the United States and the authority of the courts to render judgments according to the law. How this tension is resolved, in turn, bears directly on the commitment of the United States to the rule of law.

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9

Minat, V. N., and A. G. Chepik. "FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS AND INNOVATION IN THE UNITED STATES." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-2-5-21.

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A trend has been identified that reflects a close correlation between the main indicators of US foreign trade and innovation activities carried out in the modern American economy. The article shows the essence of the national innovation system established in the United States and its international significance in the implementation of foreign trade relations of the country in terms of the exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, the sale of products with a high innovative component, determined by a comparative analysis of relevant indicators. Based on the results of the study noted the positive dynamics of the active foreign trade balance of the USA in the field of exchange of scientific and technical information and documentation, with a high positive balance, the conclusions about the qualitative dominance of the leading industries of the U.S. economy in terms of aggregate innovation and foreign trade activity in ten leading countries of the world.

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10

Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.

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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.

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11

Briggs, E. Donald. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The United States and South Africa, 1968–1985." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300210.

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12

Rotter, Andrew J. "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081170.

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13

Burghardt, Raymond F. "The United States and Vietnam." Journal of Macromarketing 32, no. 1 (October 13, 2011): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276146711423667.

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US and Vietnamese relations have progressed remarkably since diplomatic relations between the two countries were normalized in 1995. The purpose of this essay is to reflect on this progress and to consider implications for the future. Trends suggest the United States and Vietnam will continue to cooperate closely and pragmatically on matters of trade and foreign direct investment, education, public health and well-being, and strategic interests, including military cooperation. While these trends are viewed as beneficial to both countries, they also are considered important to the regional balance of power, as China continues to increase its influence in Southeast Asia and beyond.

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14

Rubinoff, Arthur G. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, U.S.-Panama Relations 1903–1978." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 701–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100313.

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15

Theoharis, Athan, Suzanne E. Coffman, Edward C. Keefer, Harriet Dashiell Schwar, and Glenn W. LaFantasie. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. 4: Foreign Economic Policy." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080558.

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16

Glennon, Michael J., and Louis Henkin. "Process versus Policy in Foreign Relations: "Foreign Affairs and the United States Constitution"." Michigan Law Review 95, no. 6 (May 1997): 1542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1290017.

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17

Kline, John M. "A New Federalism for United States Foreign Policy." International Journal 41, no. 3 (1986): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202390.

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18

Kline, John M. "A New Federalism for United States Foreign Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 507–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100302.

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19

Iyasere, Solomon O. "Review: United States Foreign Policy, Crisis and Opportunity." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 704–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100314.

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20

Sewell, James P. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Bureaucracy and Statesmanship." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300211.

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21

Ross, Douglas A. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The Vietnam War." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no. 2 (June 1988): 344–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300212.

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22

Wheeler, Nicholas, and Phil Williams. "United States Foreign Policy-Making: Chaos or Design?" International Relations 8, no. 3 (April 1985): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711788500800302.

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23

Rosato, Sebastian, and John Schuessler. "A Realist Foreign Policy for the United States." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 803–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003963.

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What kind of policy can the United States pursue that ensures its security while minimizing the likelihood of war? We describe and defend a realist theory of foreign policy to guide American decision makers. Briefly, the theory says that if they want to ensure their security, great powers such as the United States should balance against other great powers. They should also take a relaxed view toward developments involving minor powers and, at most, should balance against hostile minor powers that inhabit strategically important regions of the world. We then show that had the great powers followed our theory's prescriptions, some of the most important wars of the past century might have been averted. Specifically, the world wars might not have occurred, and the United States might not have gone to war in either Vietnam or Iraq. In other words, realism as we conceive it offers the prospect of security without war. At the same time, we also argue that if the United States adopts an alternative liberal foreign policy, this is likely to result in more, rather than fewer, wars. We conclude by offering some theoretically-based proposals about how US decision makers should deal with China and Iran.

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24

Zanin, Toby. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: The Crisis Years." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 178–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800110.

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25

Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Japan Challenges America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800114.

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26

Abdusselam, Tepe. "On the Policy of the Republic of Turkey in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa Region in the Context of its Rivalry With Other Islamic States." Islamovedenie 12, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2021-12-1-55-67.

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The article is devoted to the Turkish foreign policy in the region of the African Horn. It provides: historical research of the Turkish relations with Somalia, the Sudan, Ethiopia; analysis of the basic priorities which precondition Turkish relations with the states of the Red Sea region; research of the economic and military constituents of the Turkish cooperation and strategic part-nership with Somalia; analysis of the conflict between Turkey from one side and Saudi Arabia, UAE and Egypt from the other on the ground of rivalry for regional influence. The author con-siders that during the last ten years Turkey pursues a successful policy in the African Horn. This policy is in line with political agenda to turn Turkey into global power. Thus, Turkish leadership secured national interests employing the principle of Islamic solidarity and choosing as a partner Somalia – the poorest and most unstable state of the region. At the same time, Turkish expansion in the region provoked tensions and conflicts in the Turkish relations with Saudi Arabia, UAE and Egypt

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27

Thomsen, Stephen. "Foreign direct investment in the United States." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623182.

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28

Major, John. "The politics of United States foreign aid." International Affairs 63, no. 3 (1987): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619341.

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29

Thompson, John A. "The problem for United States foreign policy." Diplomacy & Statecraft 1, no. 3 (November 1990): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299008405803.

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30

Rosi, Bruno Gonçalves. "Brazil-USA relations from Tiradentes to Barão do Rio Branco." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (May 22, 2017): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2017.v6n1.04.p37.

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The Baron of Rio Branco is popularly known as the greatest diplomat in Brazil's history. In the literature on Brazilian Foreign Policy, the Baron is seen (along with Joaquim Nabuco) as the founder of Americanism, a foreign policy paradigm in which bilateral relations with the United States were privileged within the Brazilian diplomatic agenda. This paradigm has been adopted with little opposition by the Foreign Ministry until the 1950s, when it was gradually replaced by a globalist paradigm that defines the Brazilian foreign policy since. Without completely denying this now traditional perspective, this article makes a brief assessment of relations between Brazil and the United States in the 19th century, ie before the Baron became foreign minister of Brazil. What is observed is that Brazil and the United States had peaceful, although distant, relations during most of the 19th century. This scenario, however, went through significant changes at the end of the century. Thus, it is important to note that the Baron and Nabucco have not created a new paradigm without any precedent. The analysis provided here is intended to help better consider the role of the Baron and Nabucco in the history of Brazilian foreign policy, particularly in relations between Brazil and the United States. Keywords: Baron of Rio Branco; Joaquim Nabuco; Brazil-USA relations. Recebido em: outubro/2016;Aprovado em: abril/2017.

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31

John Migui, Waweru, Nyabuti Damaris Kemunto, and Dr Anita Kiamba. "An analysis of Kenya-Somalia Maritime Territorial Dispute in IR perspective." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science 06, no. 11 (2022): 350–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2022.61121.

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Kenya-Somalia relations have been strained for some time due to economic and maritime boundary disputes. The area under dispute is a region in the Indian Ocean region stretching for more than 100,000 square kilometers. It is not clear which country could be the rightful owner of the contested area. Furthermore, countries in the global arena have, over the years, gained economic interest in the region as it is rich in oil. These countries include United States, France, Italy, Norway, the United Kingdom, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar, Turkey, and Italy. The International Court of Justice has been the main intermediary of the dispute between Kenya and Somali. However, The ICJ has faced a myriad of challenges in the dispute resolution. At last the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued its long-awaited verdict in the case of Maritime Delimitation in the Indian Ocean (Somalia v Kenya) on the location of the maritime boundary between Somalia and Kenya on October 12, 2021. The study seeks to understand Kenya-Somalia Maritime Territorial Dispute. The objectives of the study is to analyze the role of the media in the Kenya-Somali maritime dispute and best mode of dispute settlement according to the provisions of Chapter VI of the UN Pacific Settlement of Disputes.

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32

Cai, Congyan. "Chinese Foreign Relations Law." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 336–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.91.

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Curtis Bradley has observed that, apart from in the United States, foreign relations law generally has not been treated as a separate academic field, but that this situation is starting to change. This observation can also find evidence in China. In March 2016, I hosted a conference on “Chinese Foreign Relations Law: A New Agenda” at Xiamen University School of Law, where I am a faculty member. This is the first conference engaging with this field in China. Also in 2016, a Chinese professor of private international law published the first article discussing Chinese foreign relations law in a general way, the main argument of which is that foreign relations law should be a component of the “rule of law” in China.

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33

(Leich), Marian Nash. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 2 (April 1998): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998034.

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In January 1998, the Department of State released its Publication 10518, Consular Notification and Access: Instructions for Federal, State, and Local Law Enforcement and Other Officials Regarding Foreign Nationals in the United States and the Rights of Consular Officials to Assist Them. Prepared in the Office of the Legal Adviser, the booklet contains “instructions and guidance relating to the arrest and detention of foreign nationals, deaths of foreign nationals, the appointment of guardians for minors or incompetent adults who are foreign nationals, and related issues pertaining to the provision of consular services to foreign nationals in the United States.” The foreword points out that cooperation of federal, state and local law enforcement agencies in ensuring treatment of foreign nationals in accordance with the instructions not only will permit the United States to comply with its consular legal obligations domestically, but also will help ensure that the United States can insist upon “rigorous compliance by foreign governments with respect to United States citizens abroad.”

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34

Randall, Stephen J. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: A Preponderance of Power." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800109.

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35

Trask, Roger R., John P. Glennon, and Ronald D. Landa. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. VI: Cuba." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080346.

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36

Noer, Thomas J., John P. Glennon, Stanley Shaloff, and Harriet Dashiell Schwar. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957. Vol. 18: Africa." Journal of American History 81, no. 1 (June 1994): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081144.

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37

Pant, Harsh V. "India: Domestic Politics, Foreign Relations and Cooperation with the United States." Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (July 2013): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795301.

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38

Hill, Peter P., and Marie-Jeanne Rossignol. "Nationalist Ferment: The Origins of United States Foreign Relations, 1789- 1812." Journal of American History 84, no. 3 (December 1997): 1047. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953125.

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39

Hintjens, Helen. "Western hemisphere immigration and United States foreign policy." International Affairs 69, no. 2 (April 1993): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621613.

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40

Hoff, Joan. "11 September: Watershed in United States Foreign Policy?" Irish Studies in International Affairs 13, no. 1 (2002): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2002.0018.

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41

Lowenthal, Abraham F., and Christopher Mitchell. "Western Hemisphere Immigration and United States Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 5 (1992): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045451.

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42

Hoff, Joan. "11 September: Watershed in United States Foreign Policy?" Irish Studies in International Affairs 13, no. -1 (January 1, 2002): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2002.13.1.9.

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43

Page, Susan. "U.S. Race Relations and Foreign Policy." Michigan Journal of Race & Law, no. 26.0 (2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.26.sp.us.

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It is easy for Americans to think that the world’s most egregious human rights abuses happen in other countries. In reality, our history is plagued by injustices, and our present reality is still stained by racism and inequality. While the Michigan Journal of International Law usually publishes only pieces with a global focus, we felt it prudent in these critically important times not to shy away from the problems facing our own country. We must understand our own history before we can strive to form a better union, whether the union be the United States or the United Nations. Ambassador Susan Page is an American diplomat who has faced human rights crises both at home and abroad. We found her following call to action inspiring. We hope you do too.

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44

Pérez, Louis A. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Political Culture and Foreign Policy in Latin America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800112.

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45

Maria Alexandra, Florentina Wulandari. "US FOREIGN POLICY IN RESTORING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH CUBA IN 2015-2016." Sociae Polites 20, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v20i2.1459.

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At the end of 2014, the United States, under the leadership of President Barack Obama, decided to improve relations with Cuba. The relationship between the two countries has a long history. After 53 years of severing diplomatic ties with Cuba, America finally made a change through the policy of diplomatic relations improvement that began in 2015. This study analyzes the background that encourages the restoration of political ties between the United States and Cuba, examining the implementation of foreign policy forms between the two countries As a result of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba through diplomatic channels. This research uses foreign policy theory and the theory of international pathways. The research method used is qualitative research with a secondary data source, with a data collection technique through a literature study. The study found that in the policy of restoring the diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba happened for three main reasons, the first one. President Obama realized that US sanctions to Cuba is a policy that is not successful; the United States no longer wants to lose the market, which was very promising in Cuba. And also, the United States has a ton amount of pressure internationally and domestically, asking them to recover their relations with Cuba. These reasons ultimately implemented through diplomatic channels by both countries. They have implications such as increased bilateral visits, increased investment, and business as well as cultural exchange through communities and students.

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46

Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.

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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.

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47

Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.

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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.

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48

Warner, Geoffrey. "Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. I: National security affairs: foreign economic policy, Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. III: Western Europe, Foreign relations of the United States 1950. Vol. IV: Central and Eastern Europe: the Soviet Union, Foreign relations of the United States 1951. Vol. III: European security and the German question (in 2 parts) and Foreign relations of the United States 1952–1954. Vol. V: Western European security (in 2 parts)." International Affairs 61, no. 2 (April 1985): 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2617485.

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Koliev, Faradj, and Magnus Lundgren. "Visiting the hegemon: Explaining diplomatic visits to the United States." Research & Politics 8, no. 4 (October 2021): 205316802110667. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211066767.

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Abstract:

Diplomacy is a chief instrument of foreign policy. Through high-level diplomatic visits, governments can facilitate cooperation and signal the quality of their relations with other states. Because host countries cannot receive an indefinite number of visits, they must make strategic decisions, prioritizing some countries over others. This reveals information about their foreign policy priorities as well as diplomatic hierarchies and practices in the system as a whole. But what determines high-level diplomatic visits? Existing scholarship disagrees. In this research note, we assess the determinants of high-level diplomatic visits to the U.S. Theoretically, we draw on previous studies and formulate structural, domestic, and practice-oriented accounts of high-level visits as tools of foreign policy. Empirically, we gather original data on diplomatic visits to the U.S. by foreign leaders from 1946 to 2012. Our main results are two-fold. First, high-level diplomatic visits to the U.S. are primarily determined by structural factors such as economic relations. Second, we find clear differences in invited country profiles during and after the Cold War, demonstrating that high-level visits are used strategically to promote shifting foreign policy priorities.

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Reeder, Bryce W., and John R. Smith. "US Strikes in Somalia and Targeted Civilian Killings by Al-Shabaab: An Empirical Investigation." Foreign Policy Analysis 15, no. 4 (March 14, 2019): 589–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz008.

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Abstract This study investigates the relationship between US strikes targeting Al-Shabaab and civilian victimization using spatially disaggregated data. We find that US strikes make it approximately 5.5 times more likely that civilians are murdered—an effect that is comparable to battles and periods of territorial loss. Disaggregating based on the target of each strike, however, reveals a more nuanced relationship: strikes that destroy Al-Shabaab military assets are associated with more civilian killings, whereas there is some evidence that strikes that kill members significantly reduce this form of violence. This implies an ability of the United States to continue current policy while also minimizing the human costs that directly result from intervention. Notably, however, this would require a policy-shift that avoids destroying Al-Shabaab's war-fighting capabilities, thereby reducing the ability of the United States to undermine the organization's capacity to wage war.

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