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Journal articles on the topic 'Solomon Islands History'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Møller Andersen, N. "The coral bugs, genus Halovelia Bergroth (Hemiptera, Veliidae). I. History, classification, and taxonomy of species except the H. malaya-group." Insect Systematics & Evolution 20, no. 1 (1989): 75–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187631289x00519.

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AbstractMarine bugs of the genus Halovelia Bergroth inhabit intertidal coral reefs and rocky coasts along the continents and larger islands bordering the Red Sea, Indian Ocean, and western Pacific Ocean as well as on island groups and atolls in these areas. A historical review of the study of the genus is presented and different views upon its classification discussed. The genus Halovelia is redescribed together with its type species, H. maritima Bergroth, and four other previously known species. Fifteen new species are described: H. carolinensis sp.n. (Caroline Islands), H. halophila sp.n. (Sumbawa, Sabah), H. corallia sp.n. (Papua New Guinea, Australia: Queensland), H. esakii sp.n. (Solomon Islands, Irian New Guinea, Moluccas, Sulawesi, Sumbawa, Palau Islands, Philippines), H. polhemi sp.n. (Australia: Northern Territory), H. solomon sp.n. (Solomon Islands), H. novoguinensis sp.n. (Papua New Guinea), H. fosteri sp.n. (Fiji Islands), H. tongaensis sp.n. (Tonga Islands), H. heron sp.n. (Australia: S. Queensland), H. fijiensis sp.n. (Fiji Islands), H. inflexa sp.n. (Sudan, Red Sea), H. annemariae sp.n. (Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea), H. lannae sp.n. (Java, Singapore, West Malaysia, Sabah, Philippines), and H. wallacei sp.n. (Sulawesi, Sumbawa). Two names are synonymized: H. marianarum Usinger syn.n. (= H. bergrothi Esaki) and H. danae Herring syn.n. (= H. bergrothi Esaki). The following species are removed from the genus Halovelia: H. papuensis Esaki, H. loyaltiensis China, and H. (Colpovelia) angulana Polhemus. A key to the species is included. The taxonomy of the H. malaya-group will be presented in Part II of this work together with the cladistics, ecology, biology, and biogeography of the genus.

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2

McDougall, Debra. "Malaita: a pictorial history from Solomon Islands." Journal of Pacific History 51, no. 4 (October 2016): 475–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2016.1258447.

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3

Terebov, Oleg. "A new aspect in the competition for the Pacific Ocean: the USA, China and Solomon Islands." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 6 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760023486-1.

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The article examines the situation developed in 2022 after Solomon Islands had signed a security cooperation agreement with the PRC, as well as the US response to this event, and their attempts to restore their influence in that state. The background of those developments, including the place of Solomon Islands in US history and Solomon Islands’ protection of their waters from unregulated American fishing in the 1980s, are reviewed as well.

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4

Wairiu, Morgan. "History of the Forestry Industry in Solomon Islands:." Journal of Pacific History 42, no. 2 (September 2007): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223340701461684.

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5

Wake, Alexandra. "Journalism training aid by Australians: A case study in the Solomon Islands." Pacific Journalism Review 22, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v22i2.68.

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After the ethnic clashes and generally poor plight of Solomon Islands at the turn of the millennium, the country has been the recipient of substantial international foreign aid, which has included journalism education and training, particularly from Australia. However, little independent research has been done about the role of Australian trainers and the history of journalism training in this period of change and restoration. This article seeks to provide a point-in-time report on journalism training in an aid context, in a bid to provide a baseline for future investigation of changes in the media landscape and training in Solomon Islands. This research draws on independent in-depth interviews with engaged stakeholders in the Solomon Islands, including journalists, civil leaders and government figures. It also discusses the Australian government-funded media aid programmes, including the Solomon Islands Media Assistance Scheme (SOLMAS) and its unnamed predecessor.

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6

Laracy, Hugh. "Marists as Mariners: The Solomon Islands Story." International Journal of Maritime History 3, no. 1 (June 1991): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387149100300104.

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7

Aqorau, Transform. "Governance and Development in Solomon Islands:." Journal of Pacific History 42, no. 2 (September 2007): 247–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223340701461692.

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8

Aldrich, Robert. "The Decolonisation of the Pacific Islands." Itinerario 24, no. 3-4 (November 2000): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300014558.

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At the end of the Second World War, the islands of Polynesia, Melanesia and Micronesia were all under foreign control. The Netherlands retained West New Guinea even while control of the rest of the Dutch East Indies slipped away, while on the other side of the South Pacific, Chile held Easter Island. Pitcairn, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands, Fiji and the Solomon Islands comprised Britain's Oceanic empire, in addition to informal overlordship of Tonga. France claimed New Caledonia, the French Establishments in Oceania (soon renamed French Polynesia) and Wallis and Futuna. The New Hebrides remained an Anglo-French condominium; Britain, Australia and New Zealand jointly administered Nauru. The United States' territories included older possessions – the Hawaiian islands, American Samoa and Guam – and the former Japanese colonies of the Northern Marianas, Mar-shall Islands and Caroline Islands administered as a United Nations trust territory. Australia controlled Papua and New Guinea (PNG), as well as islands in the Torres Strait and Norfolk Island; New Zealand had Western Samoa, the Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau. No island group in Oceania, other than New Zealand, was independent.

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9

Crowley, Terry. "Say, C'Est, And Subordinate Constructions in Melanesian Pidgin." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 4, no. 2 (January 1, 1989): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.4.2.03cro.

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Melanesian Pidgin is a cover term for closely related varieties of the English-lexifier Pacific Pidgin that is spoken in Vanuatu (where it is known as Bislama), Papua New Guinea (where it is known as Tok Pisin), and Solomon Islands (where it is known as Pijin). Structurally and lexically, Bislama is closer to Solomon Islands Pijin than either is to Tok Pisin. The precise nature of many of the structural differences between these three varieties of Melanesian Pidgin has not been widely described, partly because Bislama, and particularly Solomon Islands Pijin, are relatively little described in the literature. This paper aims to describe one grammatical feature which differentiates these three varieties. The grammatical feature that is the subject of this paper is the form se. It carries a particularly high functional load in Bislama. The same form is also present in Solomons Pijin, though in this variety of Melanesian Pidgin, it has a sharply reduced functional load as compared with Bislama. On the other hand, in most current varieties of Tok Pisin, it is almost completely absent. In those varieties of Tok Pisin in which it is present, its status as a genuinely independent grammatical or lexical item is questionable. This paper will also go somewhat beyond a straightforward structural description of se in Melanesian Pidgin, as it will also reconstruct its history in the three varieties of the language. The paper will concentrate on Bislama, as it is in this variety of the language that the form se is most widely used.

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10

Gordon, Tamar, and Geoffrey M. White. "Identity through History: Living Stories in a Solomon Islands Society." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no. 3 (1994): 586. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206720.

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11

Thomas, Nicholas, and Geoffrey M. White. "Identity Through History: Living Stories in a Solomon Islands Society." Man 27, no. 4 (December 1992): 925. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2804229.

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12

Barker, John, and Geoffrey M. White. "Identity Through History: Living Stories in a Solomon Islands Society." Pacific Affairs 66, no. 3 (1993): 462. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759660.

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13

LiPuma, Edward. "History, Identity and Encompassment: Nation‐Making in the Solomon Islands." Identities 4, no. 2 (December 1997): 213–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.1997.9962589.

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14

Petterson, M., S. Cronin, P. Taylor, D. Tolia, A. Papabatu, T. Toba, and C. Qopoto. "The eruptive history and volcanic hazards of Savo, Solomon Islands." Bulletin of Volcanology 65, no. 2 (March 2003): 165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00445-002-0251-0.

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15

Parmentier, Richard J., and Geoffrey M. White. "Identity through History: Living Stories in a Solomon Islands Society." Ethnohistory 40, no. 3 (1993): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/481887.

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16

Dureau, Christine. "Decreed affinities:Nationhood and the western Solomon Islands." Journal of Pacific History 33, no. 2 (September 1998): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223349808572870.

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17

Forrest, Craig, and Jennifer Corrin. "Legal Pluralism in the Pacific: Solomon Island's World War II Heritage." International Journal of Cultural Property 20, no. 1 (February 2013): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739112000458.

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AbstractThe country of Solomon Islands, like most Pacific island nations, has a legally pluralistic regime. That is, customary law operates in parallel with the common law, a legacy of Solomon Islands' colonial past. Legal pluralism raises significant difficulties, including in the way cultural heritage is protected and managed. To date, the courts have rarely been called on to deal with such issues, but in 2010 the High Court had to examine legislation designed to regulate the recovery and export of World War II relics. This seemingly innocuous case raised a number of issues concerning the rights of different stakeholders to this material. Moreover, it raised a foundational question as to whether these relics might be considered cultural heritage, and if so, just whose heritage it was. A consideration of this case and the legislation that applies to this heritage serves to illustrate some of the difficulties that arise in protecting cultural heritage within pluralistic legal systems.

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18

Lake, Susanna J., Daniel Engelman, Oliver Sokana, Titus Nasi, Dickson Boara, Anneke C. Grobler, Millicent H. Osti, et al. "Defining the need for public health control of scabies in Solomon Islands." PLOS Neglected Tropical Diseases 15, no. 2 (February 22, 2021): e0009142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pntd.0009142.

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Pacific Island countries have a high burden of scabies and impetigo. Understanding of the epidemiology of these diseases is needed to target public health interventions such as mass drug administration (MDA). The aim of this study is to determine the prevalence of scabies and impetigo in Solomon Islands as well as the relationship between them and their distribution. We conducted a prevalence study in 20 villages in Western Province in Solomon Islands. All residents of the village were eligible to participate. Nurses conducted clinical assessments including history features and skin examination. Diagnosis of scabies was made using the 2020 International Alliance for the Control of Scabies diagnostic criteria. Assessments were completed on 5239 participants across 20 villages. Overall scabies prevalence was 15.0% (95%CI 11.8–19.1). There was considerable variation by village with a range of 3.3% to 42.6%. There was a higher prevalence of scabies in males (16.7%) than females (13.5%, adjusted relative risk 1.2, 95%CI 1.1–1.4). Children aged under two years had the highest prevalence (27%). Overall impetigo prevalence was 5.6% (95%CI 4.2–7.3), ranging from 1.4% to 19% by village. The population attributable risk of impetigo associated with scabies was 16.1% (95% CI 9.8–22.4). The prevalence of scabies in our study is comparable to previous studies in Solomon Islands, highlighting a persistent high burden of disease in the country, and the need for public health strategies for disease control.

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19

Frazer, Ian. "Making Mala: Malaita in Solomon Islands, 1870s - 1930s." Australian Journal of Politics & History 64, no. 1 (March 2018): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12440.

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20

Foukona, Joseph D., and Jaap Timmer. "The Culture of Agreement Making in Solomon Islands." Oceania 86, no. 2 (July 2016): 116–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ocea.5131.

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21

Feinberg, Richard. "Auto-experimentation in wave piloting and celestial navigation: Vaeakau-Taumako, Solomon Islands." Journal of New Zealand & Pacific Studies 10, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nzps_00109_7.

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This report involves what I term ‘auto-experimentation’, or experimenting on myself, to learn and assess the arts of seafaring and navigation as practised in the south-eastern Solomon Islands. From 2007 to 2008, I spent nine months with people of the Polynesian island of Taumako, exploring local seafaring techniques. My objective was to study non-instrument navigation as a participant observer, combining verbal instruction with a 70-mile voyage in a large outrigger canoe, without the aid of navigational instruments, from Taumako to the Outer Reef or Vaeakau islands. However, no voyaging canoes were operational during my time in the field. Therefore, instead of watching navigators as they plied their trade, I spoke with them at length and tried to test my own ability to implement what I had learned from my instructors. Here I recount my efforts, while travelling aboard a cargo ship in the Solomon Islands’ Temotu Province, to estimate my heading and location by tracking the movements of stars, the sun, and wind and wave patterns. I then consider my own level of success and what it might suggest about the effectiveness of methods imparted to me by my interlocutors.

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22

Wagelie, Jennifer. "The Things We Value: Culture and History in Solomon Islands (Burt and Bolton, eds.) and World Art: An Introduction to the Art in Artefacts (Burt)." Museum Anthropology Review 9, no. 1-2 (July 14, 2015): 206–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/mar.v9i1-2.19510.

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This work is a book review considering the titles The Things We Value: Culture and History in Solomon Islands edited by Ben Burt and Lissant Bolton and World Art: An Introduction to the Art in Artefacts by Ben Burt.

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23

Todd, Maya Rani Louise Chandra, Stephen Sikaveke Kodovaru, Georgia Antoniou, and Peter J. Cundy. "Clubfoot deformity in the Solomon Islands: Melanesian versus Polynesian ethnicity, a retrospective cohort study." Journal of Children's Orthopaedics 14, no. 4 (August 1, 2020): 281–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1302/1863-2548.14.190172.

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Purpose Congenital talipes equinovarus (CTEV) has a high incidence in the South Pacific, with New Zealand Maori and Polynesian rates of up to seven per 1000 live births, at least five times higher than the Caucasian population. A genetic component is suggested to explain this, however, there is little information regarding the difference of incidence between Polynesian and Melanesian ethnicity in the South Pacific. Our aim was to investigate the effects of ethnicity on the incidence of CTEV in the Solomon Islands, specifically comparing Melanesian and Polynesian ethnicity. Methods Between 2011 and 2017, data was collected in the Solomon Islands from over 40 clinics upon introduction of the Ponseti programme for treatment of CTEV. Records were kept using the validated Global Clubfoot Initiative data form. Ethnicity was documented, including family history. Results In total, 138 children presented during this period, with 215 affected feet reviewed and treated. In all, 74% of children had solely Melanesian parents and 6% Polynesian. Using the general population ethnic breakdown of 95.3% Melanesian and 3.1% Polynesian, the odds of CTEV in children of Melanesian parents were 0.41 times lower compared with the odds in children of Polynesian parents. Conclusion The results indicate that in the Solomon Islands, CTEV in Melanesian children was less than half as likely to occur in Polynesian children. Our findings also support the theories of minimal Polynesian genetic material persisting in the Solomon Islands and a different genetic risk of CTEV between Polynesians and Melanesians. Level of Evidence III

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24

Jourdan, Christine, and Johanne Angeli. "Pijin and shifting language ideologies in urban Solomon Islands." Language in Society 43, no. 3 (May 19, 2014): 265–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404514000190.

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AbstractThrough the analysis of the various language ideologies that have shaped the sociolinguistic history of Pijin, the lingua franca of Solomon Islands, this article attempts to shed light on the peculiar complexity of the postcolonial linguistic situations where more prestigious and less prestigious languages coexist in the same sociological niche. These ideologies are: reciprocal multilingualism, hierarchical multilingualism, linguistic pragmatism, and linguistic nationalism. Specifically, the article focuses on the development and coalescence of linguistic ideologies that lead Pijin speakers to shift perceptions of Pijin—in a context of urban identity construction that acts as a force of its own. In the case of Pijin, linguistic legitimacy seems to be lagging behind social legitimacy. We show that the development of new ideologies can lead to the re-evaluation of the meaning of symbolic domination of one language (in this case English) over another one (Pijin), without necessarily challenging this symbolic domination. (Language ideology, youth, urbanization, pidgins and creoles, Solomon Islands)*

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25

Lundstrom, John B., and Eugene L. Rasor. "The Solomon Islands Campaign, Guadalcanal to Rabaul: Historiography and Annotated Bibliography." Journal of Military History 63, no. 2 (April 1999): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120692.

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26

Lundstrom, John B., and Eugene L. Rasor. "The Solomon Islands Campaign, Guadalcanal to Rabaul: Historiography and Annotated Bibliography." Journal of Military History 61, no. 4 (October 1997): 827. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954115.

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27

Fisher, Diana, and Elizabeth Tasker. "Natural history of the New Georgia Monkey-faced Bat Pteralopex sp. nov. from the Solomon Islands." Pacific Conservation Biology 3, no. 2 (1997): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc970134.

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The megachiropteran bat genus Pteralopex, Monkey-faced bats, is restricted to the Solomon Islands and Fiji. No other field study has been conducted on any of the five known species. From February to May 1992, the New Georgia Monkey-faced Bat was studied to determine its distribution, assess its conservation status and to provide ecological data for management. We found New Georgia Monkey-faced Bats Pteralopex sp. nov. at four sites on the islands of Vangunu and New Georgia, but not on Kolombangara. Bats were most common around an old village site abandoned approximately 90 years ago, in undisturbed rainforest, and adjacent gardens. Pteralopex sp. nov. was absent from areas of regrowth after logging or cyclone damage. It roosts in the hollows of tall canopy or emergent trees (particularly Ficus spp.), either singly or in small groups. Like other megachiropterans, Pteralopex sp. nov. eats a wide range of fruit and flowers. Young were born throughout the study, from February to May. This species' restricted range and susceptibility to hunting make it vulnerable, especially in the short term if its habitat is affected by logging or cyclones. Old village sites may be important for Pteralopex and other wildlife in the Solomon Islands.

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28

Hobbis, Stephanie Ketterer, and Geoffrey Hobbis. "Leadership in Absentia : Negotiating Distance in Centralized Solomon Islands." Oceania 91, no. 1 (February 15, 2021): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ocea.5295.

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29

Maggio, Rodolfo. "Kingdom Tok: Legends and Prophecies in Honiara, Solomon Islands." Oceania 85, no. 3 (October 6, 2015): 315–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ocea.5098.

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30

Newlin, Keith. "Among Cannibals and Headhunters." Journeys 19, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jys.2018.190101.

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Why did London place his life and those of his crew at risk of imminent death when he voyaged to the Solomon Islands in 1908, a region he believed to be filled with cannibals and headhunters? Based on archival sources, the books London had read to prepare himself for the voyage, and recent ethno-history of the region, this article argues that London’s voyage did not occasion a more enlightened view of race, as some recent scholars have argued; indeed, his months in the Solomon Islands confirmed the racialist cast of his thinking. London undertook his journey into a region he perceived as dangerous as part of a sense of adventure that depended on demonstrating courage and manliness, and in the process he acted as a metaphoric headhunter himself.

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31

Dinnen, Sinclair. "ramsi Ten Years On." Journal of International Peacekeeping 18, no. 3-4 (November 26, 2014): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1804005.

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The archipelagic nation of Solomon Islands in the sw Pacific experienced a debilitating internal conflict between 1998 and 2003. What began as an ethnic conflict evolved into a wider breakdown of law and order that led to the progressive collapse of government, closure of commercial enterprises and threat of national bankruptcy. In mid-2003 the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (ramsi) was mobilised and deployed under the auspices of the Pacific Islands Forum. Led and largely funded by the Australian government, ramsi sought to restore security and stability to the troubled nation through a combination of policing and law enforcement, institutional strengthening with central government agencies and measures aimed at reviving and growing the national economy. Ten years later and the mission is undergoing drawdown and the transition of its development programs into regular bilateral and multilateral aid programs. While ramsi has made a substantial contribution to the restoration of security and stability in the aftermath of conflict, many outstanding challenges remain. These include issues of political economy and how these are impacting on the quality of governance, service delivery and nation-building, as well as longstanding structural issues with the formal economy, set against prevailing patterns of population growth and internal migration. These challenges are examined in the context of Solomon Islands socio-economic characteristics and recent history with a view to assessing the country’s prospects for enduring stability in the post-ramsi era.

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32

Sanga, Kabini, and Martyn Reynolds. "Bringing research back home: exploring Indigenous Melanesian tok stori as ontology." AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples 17, no. 4 (November 17, 2021): 532–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/11771801211058342.

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Indigenous knowledge is generally understood to be knowledge developed by a particular group in their specific environment over an extended period of time. In academia generally, bodies of knowledge of differing origins are not often understood. This article employs ontology as a ground for developing relational clarity in the academy by considering two oral traditions—talanoa (a Polynesian conversational form) as represented in research and Melanesian tok stori (a Melanesian form of discursive group communication) understood through an Indigenous Solomon Islands ontology. The discussion of tok stori offers a window into the complex ontological thinking required of the academy when seeking to learn from the knowledge of Mala’ita Solomon Islands specifically, and from Indigenous groups generally. The value to the wider research community suggests that bringing research back home through approaches constructed on the way people act can capitalise on the logic of aligning ontology and practice in research.

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33

Barlow, Kathleen. "Pacific Forest: A History of Resource Control and Contest in the Solomon Islands, c.1800-1997, and: Islands of Rainforest: Agroforestry, Logging and Eco-Tourism in Solomon Islands (review)." Contemporary Pacific 14, no. 1 (2002): 244–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2002.0003.

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34

Dominguez, Virginia R. ": Identity Through History: Living Stories in a Solomon Islands Society . Geoffrey M. White." American Anthropologist 95, no. 1 (March 1993): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1993.95.1.02a01030.

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35

Crook, Keith A. W., and Brian Taylor. "Structure and Quaternary tectonic history of the Woodlark triple junction region, Solomon Islands." Marine Geophysical Researches 16, no. 1 (February 1994): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01812446.

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36

Brown, Terry M. "Transcending the colonial gaze: Empathy, agency and community in the South Pacific photography of John Watt Beattie1." Journal of New Zealand & Pacific Studies 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nzps_00035_1.

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For three months in 1906, John Watt Beattie, the noted Australian photographer – at the invitation of the Anglican Bishop of Melanesia, Cecil Wilson – travelling on the church vessel the Southern Cross, photographed people and sites associated with the Melanesian Mission on Norfolk Island and present-day Vanuatu and Solomon Islands. Beattie reproduced many of the 1500-plus photographs from that trip, which he sold in various formats from his photographic studio in Hobart, Tasmania. The photographs constitute a priceless collection of Pacific images that began to be used very quickly in a variety of publications, with or without attribution. I shall examine some of these photographs in the context of the ethos of the Melanesian Mission, British colonialism in the Solomon Islands, and Beattie’s previous photographic experience. I shall argue that Beattie first exhibited a colonial gaze of objectifying his dehumanized exotic subjects (e.g. as ‘savages’ and ‘cannibals’) but with increased familiarity with them, became empathetic and admiring. In this change of attitude, I argue that he effectively transcended his colonial gaze to produce photographs of great empathy, beauty and longevity. At the same time, he became more critical of the colonial enterprise in the Pacific, whether government, commercial or church.

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37

Guo, Pei-Yi. "The Chiefs' Country: leadership and politics in Honiara, Solomon Islands." Journal of Pacific History 51, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2016.1141669.

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38

VAN DER GEER, ALEXANDRA A. E. "Changing invaders: trends of gigantism in insular introduced rats." Environmental Conservation 45, no. 3 (March 14, 2018): 203–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892918000085.

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SUMMARYThe degree and direction of morphological change in invasive species with a long history of introduction are insufficiently known for a larger scale than the archipelago or island group. Here, I analyse data for 105 island populations of Polynesian rats,Rattus exulans, covering the entirety of Oceania and Wallacea to test whether body size differs in insular populations and, if so, what biotic and abiotic features are correlated with it. All insular populations of this rat, except one, exhibit body sizes up to twice the size of their mainland conspecifics. Body size of insular populations is positively correlated with latitude, consistent with thermoregulatory predictions based on Bergmann's rule. Body size is negatively correlated with number of co-occurring mammalian species, confirming an ecological hypothesis of the island rule. The largest rats are found in the temperate zone of New Zealand, as well as on mammalian species-poor islands of Polynesia and the Solomon Islands. Carnivory in the form of predation on nesting seabird colonies seems to promote 1.4- to 1.9-fold body size increases.

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39

Hobbis, Geoffrey, and Stephanie Ketterer Hobbis. "An ethnography of deletion: Materializing transience in Solomon Islands digital cultures." New Media & Society 23, no. 4 (April 2021): 750–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444820954195.

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This article demonstrates the fragility of digital storage through a non-media-centric ethnography of data management practices in the so-called Global South. It shows how in the Lau Lagoon, Malaita Province, Solomon Islands, the capacity to reliably store digital media is curtailed by limited access to means of capital production and civic infrastructures, as well as a comparatively isolated tropical ecology that bedevils the permanence of all things. The object biography of mobile phones, including MicroSD cards, typically short, fits into a broader historical pattern of everyday engagements with materializations of transience in the Lau Lagoon. Three types of visual media are exemplary in this regard: sand, ancestral material cultures and digital visual media (photographs and videos). Ultimately, Lau experiences of transience in their visual media are located in their visual technological history and the choices they make about which materials to maintain or dispose of.

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Spann, Michael. "Sorcery and Negotiating Economic Agency: A Critical Observation from Solomon Islands." Oceania 89, no. 1 (October 7, 2018): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ocea.5198.

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Scheyvens, Regina. "Church Women's Groups and the Empowerment of Women in Solomon Islands." Oceania 74, no. 1-2 (September 2003): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1834-4461.2003.tb02834.x.

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Ricaut, François-Xavier, Timothy Thomas, Maru Mormina, Murray P. Cox, Maggie Bellatti, Robert A. Foley, and Marta Mirazon-Lahr. "Ancient Solomon Islands mtDNA: assessing Holocene settlement and the impact of European contact." Journal of Archaeological Science 37, no. 6 (June 2010): 1161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2009.12.014.

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FERRÉ, ALBERT MONCUSÍ. "Identity through history. Living stories in a Solomon Islands society by White, Geoffrey M." Social Anthropology 15, no. 1 (May 21, 2007): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.2007.00004_12.x.

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Fogg, G. E. "The Royal Society and the South Seas." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 55, no. 1 (January 22, 2001): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2001.0127.

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Almost from its inception The Royal Society has had a particular interest in the seas of the Southern Hemisphere. The Endeavour voyage of circumnavigation in southern waters by James Cook and his naturalist Joseph Banks, which was initiated by the Society, had repercussions—far beyond its original astronomical purpose—in oceanography, biology, exploration and world politics. It left a tradition, which still continues in the Society, of promoting wide-ranging expeditions such as those of the Erebus and Terror , the Challenger and, more recently, those to the Great Barrier Reef, the Solomon Islands, the New Hebrides and the island of Aldabra. The sea areas covered are those lying between the South Polar Front and, approximately, the Equator. Small islands and inshore waters are included but not land-based expeditions, such as those to Southern Chile and the Matto Grosso. The contributions of both the Society and its Fellows acting individually have been numerous and varied but here attention is restricted to three interconnected topics: physical and geological oceanography, biogeography and the genesis of coral reefs.

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Oremus, Marc, John Leqata, and C. Scott Baker. "Resumption of traditional drive hunting of dolphins in the Solomon Islands in 2013." Royal Society Open Science 2, no. 5 (May 2015): 140524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.140524.

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The ‘drive hunting’ of dolphins has a long history in the Solomon Islands, specifically at the island of Malaita. In 2010, the most active village, Fanalei, suspended hunting in exchange for financial compensation from an international non-governmental organization but resumed hunting again in early 2013. Here, we report on a visit to Fanalei in March 2013 to document the species and number of dolphins killed in the renewed hunting. Detailed records for the 2013 hunting, up to the time of our visit, included at least 1500 pantropical spotted dolphins ( Stenella attenuata ), 159 spinner dolphins ( Stenella longirostris ) and 15 ‘bottlenose’ dolphins, probably Tursiops truncatus . Molecular identification confirmed two of the species, pantropical spotted and spinner dolphins. A summary of all available records from 1976 to 2013 documented a minimum total of 15 454 dolphins killed by the Fanalei villagers alone. We also found the local price of a dolphin tooth had increased from about US$0.14 (SBD$1) in 2004 to about US$0.70 (SBD$5) in 2013. The large number of dolphins killed and the apparent incentive for future hunting offered by the increasing commercial value of teeth, highlight an urgent need to monitor hunts and assess the abundance and trends in local populations.

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Pospisil, Leopold J., Raymond Firth, and Mervyn McLean. "Tikopia Songs: Poetic and Musical Art of a Polynesian People of the Solomon Islands." Ethnohistory 40, no. 1 (1993): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482191.

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Hobbis, Geoffrey. "The Shifting Moralities of Mobile Phones in Lau Communicative Ecologies (Solomon Islands)." Oceania 87, no. 2 (July 2017): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ocea.5160.

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Phinney, Eric J., Paul Mann, Millard F. Coffin, and Thomas H. Shipley. "Sequence stratigraphy, structure, and tectonic history of the southwestern Ontong Java Plateau adjacent to the North Solomon Trench and Solomon Islands Arc." Journal of Geophysical Research: Solid Earth 104, B9 (September 10, 1999): 20449–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1029/1999jb900169.

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Sheppard, Peter J. "Southeast Solomon Islands in regional perspective: settlement history, interaction spheres, Polynesian outliers and eastward dispersals." Journal of the Polynesian Society 131, no. 2 (June 2022): 113–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15286/jps.131.2.113-184.

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Oakeshott, David. ""Just Something in History": Classroom Knowledge and Refusals to Teach the Tension in Solomon Islands." Contemporary Pacific 33, no. 2 (2021): 386–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2021.0036.

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