Academic literature on the topic 'Solidarity wave'

As a result of the nationwide strike wave in August 1980 that gave birth to the Solidarity trade union, the Polish state authorities conceded to the reform of state censorship and to Solidarity creating union bulletins that were not subject to preventative censorship. This article analyses the Solidarity press to explore its censoring through direct state censorship and self-censorship in 1980–1. It argues that Solidarity's dual commitment to truth and legality were irreconcilable and that the state cultivated this conflict, contributing to the undermining of Solidarity's moderate leaders and the treatment of history as an arena for politicisation and state control. It posits that these conflicts have contributed to the current Polish government's frontal assault on the legacy of the Solidarity leadership.

Introduction Our aim was to examine attitudes of the general population towards reasonableness of these costs, as well as the degree to which these costs are shared across society (solidarity financing) and to determine the factors associated with them. Method Repeated cross-sectional data from a nationally representative online-survey. More precisely, data from wave 8 (21–22 April 2020) and wave 16 (7–8 July 2020) were used (in wave 8: analytical sample with n = 976, average age was 47.0 years (SD: 15.3 years), ranging from 18 to 74 years, 51.8% female; in wave 16: analytical sample with n = 978, average age was 46.1 years (SD: 15.9 years), ranging from 18 to 74 years, 50.9% female). After a short introduction emphasizing considerable economic costs associated with the measures against the spread of the coronavirus, individuals were asked to rate the following statements (outcome measures), in each case from 1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree: “These economic costs are currently reasonable in relation to the objective pursued” (reasonableness of costs), “These economic costs should be borne jointly by all citizens and depending on income” (solidarity financing). Results In wave 8 (wave 16 in parentheses), the average rating for the attitude towards reasonableness of costs was 4.3, SD: 1.8 (wave 16, average: 4.2, SD: 1.8) and the average rating for the attitude towards solidarity financing was 3.7, SD: 1.9 (wave 16, average: 3.3, SD: 2.0). In wave 8, more positive attitudes towards the reasonableness of costs and solidarity financing were associated with being male, higher education, not being in a partnership/being unmarried, higher affect regarding COVID-19 and higher presumed severity with respect to COVID-19. Furthermore, more positive attitudes towards the reasonableness of costs were associated with having a migration background. More positive attitudes towards solidarity financing was associated with higher age groups. Mainly similar findings were observed in wave 16. Discussion Agreement with reasonableness of costs of preventative measures as well as solidarity financing was moderately high. Knowledge of these attitudes is important to ensure social cohesion during the fight against COVID-19.

Abstract Across Europe, hundreds of thousands of volunteers have brought food, clothes, medicines, and numerous others forms of support to newly arrived refugees. While humanitarian action has always been subversive, I argue that the recent wave of civil actions has pushed its subversive effects one step further. Whereas more modest forms of humanitarian action tend to misrecognise recipients’ social and political subjectivities, their more subversive counterparts can be better understood as enacting a particularistic form of solidarity that emphasises precisely those subjectivities. To explore the potential for political innovation in these civil initiatives, I argue that it can be useful to do so through the lens of “subversive humanitarianism”. More concretely, I suggest the following seven dimensions with which the subversive character of any humanitarian action can be compared across time and space: acts of civil disobedience; the reconstitution of social subjects; contending symbolic spaces; the creation of social spaces and personal bonds; assuming equality; putting minds into motion; and the transformation of individuals’ life-worlds. I support the argument by drawing upon the recent wave of empirical studies on civil initiatives across the continent as well as my own ethnographic data on the Brussels-based Plateforme Citoyenne de Soutien aux Réfugiés.

Microcredit has been studied from many perspectives. In this work, the authors analyze KIVA, the most important Person-to-Person microfinance organization from the viewpoint of social change, and they consider how it has impacted on the nascent of a new wave of entrepreneurs known as digital entrepreneurial charity. Applied to KIVA, the authors analyze the impact of the digital space and its Internet-based Peer-to-Peer Lending to create social change in the poor, while alleviating the poverty thanks to solidarity and charity. This work concludes affirming that banking the poor and education, with the intensive use of Internet-based devices, is the best way to alleviate poverty in the digital and globalized economic world. Finally, after their last research, the authors found some critics about Kiva and microcredits which might be interesting to be considered and these have been analyzed at the end of this work.

We incorporated intergenerational digital communication (frequency of texting, video call, and social media interaction) into the intergenerational solidarity paradigm and identified new types of intergenerational and digital solidarity with adult children among older parents during the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, we examined whether those types are associated with older parents’ mental health (depressive symptoms, psychological well-being, and self-esteem). We used the 2021/2022 wave of the Longitudinal Study of Generations (LSOG), and a sample of 519 older parents (mean age = 69 years). Latent class analysis identified four classes describing intergenerational and digital solidarity with adult children (distant-but-digitally connected, tight-knit-traditional, detached, and ambivalent). We found that older parents who had distant-but-digitally connected and tight-knit-traditional relationships with their adult children reported better mental health, compared to those who had detached and ambivalent relationships with their adult children during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our findings suggest that intergenerational digital communication should be considered as a digital solidarity in intergenerational solidarity paradigm, which is useful for measuring multidimension of intergenerational relationships within family members during and after the pandemic.

This essay questions a key takeaway from the Ferguson/Gaza convergence that catalyzed the current wave of Black-Palestinian transnational solidarity: the idea that “equivalence,” or a politics of analogy based on racial or national identity, or racialized or colonial experience, is the sole or primary grounds for solidarity. By revisiting three recent spectacular moments involving Black intellectuals advocating for Palestine—Michelle Alexander's op-ed in the New York Times criticizing Israeli policies, CNN's firing of Marc Lamont Hill, and the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute's initial decision to deny Angela Davis its highest honor—this paper suggests that their controversial positions must be traced back to the post-1967 moment. The convergence of Black urban rebellions and the June 1967 Arab-Israeli war birthed the first significant wave of Black-Palestinian solidarity; at the same time, solidarities rooted in anti-imperialism and Left internationalism rivaled the “Black-Jewish alliance,” founded on analogy of oppression rather than shared principles of liberation. Third World insurgencies and anti-imperialist movements, not just events in the United States and Palestine, created the conditions for radically reordering political alliances: rather than adopting a politics of analogy or identity, the Black and Palestinian Left embraced a vision of “worldmaking” that was a catalyst for imagining revolution as opposed to plotting coalition.

The so-called ‘refugee crisis’ provoked a wave of solidarity movements across Europe. These movements contrasted with attitudes of rejection against refugees from almost all EU member states and a lack of coordinated and satisfactory response from the EU as an institution. The growth of the solidarity movement entails backlash of nationalized identities, while the resistance of the member states to accept refugees represents the failure of the cosmopolitan view attached to the EU. In the article, we argue that the European solidarity movement shapes a new kind of cosmopolitanism: cosmopolitanism from below, which fosters an inclusionary universalism, which is both critical and conflictual. The urban scale thus becomes the place to locally articulate inclusive communities where solidarity bonds and coexistence prevail before national borders and cosmopolitan imaginaries about welcoming, human rights, and the universal political community are enhanced. We use the case of Barcelona to provide a concrete example of intersections between civil society and a municipal government. We relate this discussion to ongoing debates about ‘sanctuary cities’ and solidarity cities and discuss how urban solidarities can have a transformative role at the city level. Furthermore, we discuss how practices on the scale of the city are up-scaled and used to forge trans-local solidarities and city networks.

The Crisis of Values and Migration Policy. A Philosophical Perspective The world of values and the world of politics seem distant from each other. However, as the evidence of recent decades indicates, European policy is based on an ethical experience. A special example is the experience of solidarity during the political transformation in Central Europe, which plays an important role in relation to the problem of the wave of migration on the old continent most recently. The fall of axiology announced by Nietzsche in the nineteenth century is at the same time a harbinger of a new order, because there is a new perspective on the problem of values. The principle of solidarity, which is offered in his book Formalism in Ethics and Non‑Formal Ethics of Values by Max Scheler, or the experience of solidarity described by Józef Tischner in The Spirit of Solidarity, show that the world of values is grounded within interpersonal relationships and that they constitute the foundation of society and the state. That is why migration policy cannot be limited to respect of human rights for citizens of one country. It should, rather, apply to all people. Politics, guided by social justice, thanks to the experience of solidarity is transformed into a policy of responsibility for others.

This article aims at contributing to the discussion on sisterhood in the theoretical framework of the feminist debate. In particular, it advances the discussion on sisterhood with respect to the three waves of feminism, by providing a description of the new approach to sisterhood framed by the categories of the fourth wave of feminism. Drawing on an empirical qualitative study on the circles of women (CW) in Poland, this research explores the changing quality of sisterhood by investigating women’s mutual relationships, and the development of women’s subjectivity. Specifically, the evolution of mutual relationship among women is demonstrated by the increased trust and development of solidarity while the strengthening of subjectivity by the increase of self-acceptance.

Abstract This study explores the Korean Wave and fandom in the Islamic Republic of Iran. It follows Iranian women’s consumption of Korean popular culture in the context of their general pop-culture consumption patterns and how they create a fan culture through social media and pop culture. This study is based on data collected through anthropological fieldwork in Tehran. User-generated content on social media, such as Telegram and Instagram, was used to examine how young Iranian women are actively leading the fandom culture through their daily fan-related activities and how, in doing so, they forge a sense of solidarity with other women and global fans. The fandom phenomenon of the Iranian Muslim women shows how youth can effect social change in Iran while demonstrating that it is possible to trace the cultural changes taking place in Iran.

The purpose of this study was to research the settlement of the Solidarity wave of Polish immigrants in Melbourne who arrived in Australia between 1980-84 and thus reduce the gap in knowledge about this group of immigrants. Because of the limited knowledge available about the settlement outcomes of Polish immigrants, a comprehensive data collection process was undertaken through interviews involving 60 participants. This thesis comprises six chapters beginning with the context of this research, followed by a brief history of Polish community migration to Australia including statistical information. 198083 were the peak years of the second wave of Polish migration to Australia, the majority of whom came as refugees and under the Special Humanitarian Program at the time of political and economic turning points in the recent history of Poland. These immigrants left Poland for political and economic reasons, because they had had enough of the system - the politics, the economy and the consequences of both, the way Poland functioned at that time, and were pessimistic about its improvement and thus improvement of their own future. They came mainly in family units, at the prime of their lives (25-34 years in age), with a high level of education and from a highly urbanised environment where accommodation was scarce and where there was a shortage of goods including food items. Some had high status positions before leaving Polan d. A large number of these immigrants had travelled abroad from Poland previously but only one of the interviewees had been in Australia before. The affluence of the West, compared to Poland, also played an important role in these immigrants deciding to leave their home country. To the majority of them, Australia was their preferred country of migration. Men were the driving force in deciding to leave Poland and less than 20 per cent of couples made the decision mutually. With some couples, the male arrived in Australia first and then sponsored his wife and children. Their 'road' from Poland to Australia was usually through a transit country in Europe ego Austria, Germany, where they were obliged to wait on average several months before a permanent visa was obtained for Australia. They arrived with no or only a few possessions but had hope, courage and willingness to work to establish theirs and their children's lives in their adopted country. They had little knowledge of Australia, particularly the day-to-day aspects of living here. The 1980s wave of Polish immigrants imagined Australia to have European architecture and be less multicultural. Their reasons for wanting to migrate to Australia were because of having a relative or a friend here, and because there were attracted to Australia as a rich and unspoiled country, with a democratic system and a climate to be envied. They also thought Australia to be one of the best countries for immigrants to settle in. These immigrants had little knowledge of Polonia in Australia and only a quarter could understand English. Upon arrival, they stayed in migrant hostels in Melbourne where they attended English language classes and accessed a range of support services available to them. Their first impressions of Australia were negative, at times very negative, however, this did not seem to affect their settlement over the long term. After 10-14 years of living in Australia, these immigrants have come a long way in their settlement. This includes their English language proficiency, occupational status, social support networks, job and life satisfaction. These achievements did not come easy, but they resulted from hard work, further education, compromises and utilisation of skills and knowledge which they brought with them. Also helpful was the range of support services available to them and the Australian policy of multiculturalism. Not all have succeeded and many paid a price for migration ego marriage break up, deterioration in health, are unemployed, have no contact with their close families in Poland. The most difficult thing to cope with in the initial years of settlement for these immigrants was learning English and not being able to communicate in that language yet being required to work on establishing their lives in Australia. They also experienced high levels of isolation and stress and missed their families in Poland. Their o ccupational adjustment was also difficult although with time many have regained their occupational status and now work in positions commensurate with their skills and qualifications. They did not recall the process of qualifications recognition as a difficult one but believed that staff at the appropriate agencies could have been more attentive and more proactive to these migrants' particular needs. At the time of the interview, only eight per cent often had difficulties with understanding English and another 16 per cent had such difficulties sometimes. Their written English proficiency was significantly lower, 34 per cent experienced difficulties often or very often and another 20 per cent sometimes. Whilst a quarter were not interested in pursuing their English language skills further, just over half were interested, especially in wanting to improve their written skills. Approximately half of these immigrants undertook further or additional studies at Technical and Further Education (TAFE) colleges and universities and another half participated in private vocational courses. Undertaking further or additional studies played a very significant role in the 1980s Solidarity wave of Polish immigrants regaining their occupational status and acquisition of good English language skills. Fifty two per cent of these immigrants worked as labourers and machine operators in their first jobs in Australia, now this percentage is 24 which is still very considerably higher when compared to Poland where only four per cent of them worked as machine operators and none worked as a labourer. After 10-14 years in Australia, the majority of the study group worked as professionals and para-professionals, technicians and service workers. No male interviewee was working as a labourer and only six per cent continued to work as machine operators. Female interviewees have not done as well in their occup ational adjustment, 12 per cent continue to work as labourers and 27 per cent as machine operators. This study found that there was a high level of job satisfaction amongst this wave of Polish immigrants, however, compared to Poland, their job satisfaction was lower. Twelve per cent of the study sample were unemployed, usually unemployed for a substantial period due to English language difficulties and overall lack of jobs. Polish immigrants strongly believed that job opportunities for immigrants in Australia are worse compared to Australian-born persons. With regards to social support networks, it was found that Polish immigrants had good levels of such networks and that the vast majority of these were involving other Polish immigrants. There was also contact with people from other cultural backgrounds but it was often more distant and not as regular. As with the first large wave of Polish immigrants to Australia, this group also relies on themselves at times of need and do not use welfare services other than the Department of Social Security. Study findings indicated a very high level of life satisfaction amongst this group of immigrants and 65 per cent believed that their standard of living had improved since leaving Poland. They hold Australia in high regard. What these immigrants liked about their lives in Australia was their accommodation, adequate remuneration, the economic and political stability, life stability, comfortable and peaceful living conditions. Seventy per cent of these immigrants were in the process of paying off their homes or have already done so. They continue to be in good health generally, but 30 per cent felt that their health had deteriorated since leaving Poland. These immigrants also had some dislikes regarding their lives in Australia and these included demanding work lifestyles, different social life, some Australian attitudes and the tyranny of distance. Overall, three quarters assessed their decision to migrate as good or very good and ten per cent as bad or very bad. In general, Polish immigrants were not conside ring a return migration to Poland. Amongst the negative outcomes of migration for these immigrants, was the relatively high marriage breakdown (23%). On the other hand, data on marriage assessment revealed that no interviewee assessed their marriage as unsatisfactory. With couples who remained married, a third believed that migration had had a positive effect on their marriage. This study also aimed to develop a brief profile of children of these immigrants who were found to speak Polish well. Only five per cent could not speak' Polish at all. Parents went to great lengths to ensure that their children maintained the Polish language, In contrast, two thirds of these children did not participate in Polish community life, This research also documented the bicultural identity, in particular these immigrants' identity, links with their mother culture and country, participation in Australian social institutions, attitudes to multiculturalism and other ethnic groups, Ninety per cent of the 1980s Solidarity wave of Polish immigrants continue to identify as Polish and Polish-Australians. The feeling of Polish identity was strong for well over half of interviewees, and feeling Australian strongly or very strongly was stated by only 15 per cent. No interviewee stated his/her identity as being Australian although 97 per cent of these immigrants had acquired Australian citizenship. These immigrants maintained links with Poland and their families there, including inviting relatives for holidays to Australia and Visiting Poland themselves. They continue to eat Polish cuisine and celebrate Christmas and Easter in the traditional Polish way. Eighty five per cent of these Polish immigrants found it very important or important to maintain t he Polish culture and 80 per cent put such importance on Polish language maintenance. Their membership of Polish organisations is low, mainly due to lack of time and lack of interest or need. Participation in Polish community functions was reasonably low with only a quarter attending such functions regularly. Further, the majority knew about the 3EA Polish radio program, again, only a quarter listen to it regularly which was partly due to the broadcast time (1.00pm). Polish Weekly was the mostly commonly read Polish newspaper, followed by newspapers from Poland. Generally, the Polish media in Melbourne was not assessed in a positive light. These immigrants also had a negative view of the Polish community as a group in Australia, including Polish organisations and typical Polish characteristics. Church participation by these immigrants has decreased since their arrival. In regards to political preferences, half of these Polish immigrants tended to vote for the Liberal Party and between 20-32 per cent tended to vote for the Australian Labour Party. Half of the interviewees followed the political processes in Australia, however, no one belonged to a political party. They were reluctant to accept people from some cultures such as Middle Eastern or Asian. Multiculturalism was seen by them as a positive aspect of Australia and one which helps immigrants in settlement. These immigrants were not refugees but migrated in refugee like situations. They do not fit any of the immigrant or refugee settlement models. A new typology for these immigrants is developed using criteria such as: job and life satisfaction, English language proficiency, maintenance of Polish culture and language and adoption of the' Australian culture,

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Através da abordagem da terceira onda da sociolinguística (cf. ECKERT, 2005, 2012), este trabalho analisa a variação do uso das formas de tratamento direcionadas aos profissionais jurídicos em uma comunidade de prática (cf. ECKERT e McCONNEL-GINET, 2010) da Defensoria Pública de Niterói. A variação linguística entre as formas de tratamento, tratada aqui, não se limita ao reflexo do lugar social: ela é voltada para a captação do significado social dessa variável na prática profissional jurídica. Verificamos, na comunidade estudada, as ocorrências e as preferências em relação às formas de tratamento dispensadas aos profissionais jurídicos, bem como a recepção e a aceitação (ou não) dessas formas; além disso, observamos fatores sociais que podem favorecer as suas escolhas e as relações de poder ou de solidariedade (BROWN e GILMAN, 1960) estabelecidas pela troca dessas formas de tratamento. Comentamos, ainda, de forma geral, sobre as relações de neutralidade (COOK, 1997) que podem se estabelecer nas interações. Para a realização desta pesquisa, fizemos uma observação de base etnográfica na Defensoria Pública de Niterói, ao longo de quase dois meses, durante os quais gravamos interações que foram transcritas. Em seguida, as ocorrências foram submetidas à análise estatística, através da ferramenta computacional de análise multivariada GoldVarb X, que auxiliou na análise quantitativa complementar das formas de tratamento trocadas entre os profissionais jurídicos e os assistidos. Esta análise selecionou o grupo de fatores ‘escolaridade’ como significativo para o uso da variante ‘doutor’ nos três casos analisados: ‘doutor’ vs. ‘senhor’; ‘doutor’ vs. (‘formas nominais’ + ‘você’) e ‘doutor’ vs. (outras formas de tratamento), enquanto o mesmo não ocorreu com os outros grupos de fatores. Buscamos observar a interação entre a defensora pública, os auxiliares jurídicos, os estagiários, o segurança e os assistidos (pessoas que procuram atendimento na Defensoria) para compreender o estilo como constituinte da identidade dos falantes. Além disso, aplicamos testes de autoavaliação (cf. LABOV) aos profissionais jurídicos envolvidos. Confirmamos, através da análise na comunidade de prática da Defensoria Pública de Niterói, a existência e a perpetuação do uso da forma de tratamento ‘doutor’ dispensada aos profissionais jurídicos, entre os membros da comunidade de prática, principalmente, para os cargos de maior hierarquia. Deste modo, prevalecem as relações de poder entre os membros que possuem posições hierárquicas distintas entre os seus cargos e relações de solidariedade entre aqueles que estão no mesmo nível da hierarquia profissional. Percebemos também que o direcionamento da forma ‘doutor’ entre aqueles que frequentam a comunidade varia com outras formas de tratamento (‘senhor’, ‘você’ e ‘outras formas nominais’) e não consiste na maior parte dos tratamentos usados. Apresentamos as formas de tratamento que os profissionais jurídicos direcionaram aos assistidos e as relações que se estabeleceram nessa troca. Os testes de autoavaliação nos ajudaram a entender melhor a visão que cada profissional tem de sua postura profissional quanto às formas de tratamento e a comparar com a sua prática cotidiana. Esta pesquisa pretende ampliar os estudos disponíveis sobre a terceira onda da sociolinguística no Brasil e contribuir para o entendimento da atuação da linguagem na prática profissional jurídica.
Throughout the third wave of sociolinguistics approach (cf. ECKERT, 2005), the objective of the present paper is to study the treatment forms directed to juridical professionals inside of a community of practice (cf. ECKERT e MCCONNEL-GINET, 2010) of Public Defender Office of Niterói. Linguistic variation among treatment forms is not limited to the reflection of social place: it is turned to the caption of social meaning of variables in juridical professional practice. We verify, in the community studied, occurrences and preferences related to treatment forms concerning juridical professionals, as well as the reception and the acceptation (or not) of these forms, aside from factors that support their choice and from power relations or solidarity (BROWN e GILMAN, 1960) established by the interchange of these treatment forms. We comment, in addition, about neutrality relations (COOK, 1997) that may be established in interactions. In doing so, we made an observation, ethnographic based, in the Public Defender Office of Niterói, during almost two months, in which we recorded interactions that were transcribed. Then, treatment forms occurrences for statistical analysis, throughout the computational tool of multivariate analysis (GoldVarb X), which supported complementary quantitative analysis of treatment forms interchanged among juridical professionals and the assisted people. The quantitative analysis showed which social factors support the usage of the treatment form ‘doctor’ of other treatment forms. The program GoldVarb X selected the group of factors ‘scholarity’ as significant for the use of 'doctor' variant in the three cases analyzed: ‘doctor’ vs. 'sir'; 'doctor' vs. ('nominal forms' + 'you') and 'doctor' vs. (other forms of treatment), while the same was not true for other groups of factors. We aimed at observing the interaction among public defender, lawyers, trainees, the safeguard and assisted people (people who look for attendance) to understand style as a component of speaker’s identity. Furthermore, we applied tests of auto evaluation (cf. LABOV) to juridical professionals involved. We confirmed, throughout the analysis of the community of practice of Public Defender Office of Niteroi, the existence and the perpetuation of the usage of the form ‘doctor’ dispensed to juridical professionals, among members of the community of practice, mainly to the posts of superior hierarchy . So that, power relations prevails among members who have a hierarchical relation among their posts and solidarity relations among those who are in the same level of professional hierarchy. We observe, also, that the position of the form “doctor” among those who attend the community varies with other forms of treatment (‘sir’, ‘you’ and ‘other nominal forms’) and does not consist of the majority of treatments. This research intends to enlarge the available studies about the third wave of sociolinguistics in Brazil, in the sense that it will contribute to the understanding of language actuation in juridical professional practice.

The purpose of this study is to examine the rhetoric and subsequent media framing of President George W. Bush during the years following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and how such frames have been able to generate and sustain a national moral panic. While a number of scholars have explored the effect of presidential rhetoric in generating panic (53; Cohen 1972; Goode and Ben-Yehuda 1994; Hawdon 2001; Kappeler and Kappeler 2004), none have evaluated the effect of media framing on such rhetoric. This study will use three major sources of data: (1) National Public Opinion Data from Gallup Poll, (2) daily USA Today news articles, and (3) rates of international terrorism from the U.S. State Department. Employing a content analysis of USA Today articles pertaining to terrorism, I will evaluate the relevant themes used by the corporate media to frame the Bush administrationâ s rhetoric, and further analyze the relationship between such rhetoric and the collective conscience across the eight years of the Bush presidency, while controlling for rates of international terrorism.
Master of Science

Cette thèse analyse les tensions vécues et les négociations menées, au quotidien, par des jeunes diplômés, en prenant en compte leurs parcours de formation et le recours au RSA. Partant d’entretiens et de récits, la recherche porte sur les processus socio-biographiques, avec leurs nombreuses transformations identitaires et relationnelles. Une typologie des modes de vie a d’abord été construite pour décrire les multiples usages du RSA pratiqués au quotidien. Une analyse des parcours dans le dispositif a permis ensuite de saisir les manières dont ces jeunes renégociaient les usages du RSA avec leur entourage proche et avec les professionnels chargés de l'accompagnement des allocataires. Enfin cette thèse montre que le recours au RSA représente une expérience sociale marquante pour des jeunes diplômés, sortis de l'enseignement supérieur et confrontés à la précarité professionnelle, notamment dans la manière dont ils vivent leurs transitions sociales vers la vie adulte
This thesis analyzes the lived tensions and negotiations conducted on a daily basis by young graduates, taking into account their training program and the use of RSA. Starting with interviews and stories, research focuses on socio-biographical process, with their many identities and relational transformations. A typology of lifestyles was first constructed to describe the multiple uses of RSA practiced daily. An analysis of the course in the device was then used to grasp the ways in which these young renegotiating uses RSA with their entourage and the professionals responsible for the accompaniment of the beneficiaries. Finally, this thesis shows that the use of RSA represents a significant social experience for young graduates, out of higher education and faced with job insecurity, particularly in the way they live their social transitions to adulthood

A idéia de que a formação de laços de cooperação e a organização em associações podem contribuir para a melhoria da qualidade de vida de populações pobres tem adquirido força entre teóricos e atores políticos. Parte deles argumenta que o Estado tem historicamente agido contra a possibilidade de organizações autônomas emergirem em comunidades de baixa renda, mas exemplos recentes mostram que atores estatais também podem incentivar e apoiar estas comunidades para que se auto-organizem, o que pode ser decisivo para que elas se desenvolvam em termos sociais e econômicos. A presente dissertação pretende estabelecer o quadro teórico e histórico no qual se insere um exemplo significativo de como o Estado pode, em parceria com setores organizados da sociedade civil, estimular a organização coletiva das parcelas mais pobres e menos organizadas da população, a fim de promover seu desenvolvimento. Este exemplo vem do programa Incubadora de Cooperativas, da Prefeitura Municipal de Santo André, município da região do Grande ABC, São Paulo. Os limites e possibilidades de uma política pública de fomento ao cooperativismo como estratégia de desenvolvimento são considerados com base em duas abordagens principais: de um lado, os debates sobre o papel de governos para o estímulo à participação dos cidadãos e sua organização em associações dentro de um quadro de redefinição das relações Estado-sociedade civil; de outro lado, o contexto de construção do que vem sendo chamado economia solidária, que aqui caracterizamos como uma diversidade de experiências coletivas de organização econômica, onde as pessoas se associam para produzir e reproduzir meios de vida segundo relações de reciprocidade, igualdade e democracia. Com base nos avanços, dificuldades e desafios do caso da Incubadora de Cooperativas de Santo André, procuramos refletir sobre o potencial apoio do Estado em relação às formas de economia solidária.
The idea that building cooperation ties and organising in associations may contribute to improve the quality of life of the poor has been growing among social scientists and political agents. Part of them argue that the state has historically worked against the possibility of autonomous organisation rise among poor communities, but recent cases have proved that state actors may also work in ways of fostering and helping organisation in these communities, what may be decisive to their development both in social and economic terms. This dissertation attempts to build the theoretical and historical frame for an interesting example of how state, along with organised groups of civil society, can foster collective organisation of poor and non-organised people in order to promote development: the Cooperatives Incubator, of the Municipality of Santo André, São Paulo, Brasil. Limits and possibilities of such a public policy as development strategy are considered according to two main approaches: the debates on the role of governments to promote civic participation and organisation, what is related to the redefinition of state-society relations; and, on the other hand, the building of what has been called solidarity economics, featured as a diversity of collective experiences of economic organisation, where people get together to produce and reproduce means of life according to relations of reciprocity, equality and democracy. Based on the progress, difficulties and challenges of the Cooperatives Incubator of Santo André, we try to point out reflections on the potential role of the state to support forms of solidarity economics.

The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.

My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.

There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.

How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.

How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.

This thesis examines the settlement experiences of the ‘Solidarity’ wave of Polish migrants who arrived in Australia in the 1980s. In particular, it asks: How did the Solidarity wave migrants negotiate the obstacles impeding their successful integration into the Australian community? When they failed to do so, how did they account for this and what was the result? What were the most important factors that facilitated integration? And how did this process of settlement and integration affect their identities as people of Polish background? In order to answer these questions, the thesis focuses on seven aspects of the settlement experience: government and community support, employment, education, family life, faith and the Church, continuing relationships with Poland and visits ‘home’, and the relationship between the Solidarity wave migrants and the Polish ‘Displaced Persons’ who settled in Australia in the decade after World War Two. On the surface, circumstances were conducive for the successful integration of the Solidarity wave Poles at the time of their migration to Australia. ‘Skilled’ migrants were highly desired by Australia, and this group of Poles was well educated and qualified. The government’s preferred model of ‘multiculturalism’ gave migrants the freedom to maintain their cultural practices and language without the fear of being discriminated against because of their race and culture. The policies surrounding multiculturalism also meant that the Australian Government invested in education and provided the means for migrants to learn the English language for free. The Catholic Church in Australia provided Polish migrants a physical space where they could partake in church services in their native tongue while at the same time mingle with other Poles who shared the same beliefs and cultural practices. Moreover, the established Polish ethnic community provided centres where the new Polish migrants were able to join groups and organisations that celebrated and maintained Polish culture. Each of these elements should have ensured that the Polish migrants had positive experiences in settlement and given them the ability to settle on their own terms. However, this was not always the case. The Solidarity wave Poles were well educated and qualified, but they arrived in a decade punctuated by periods of high unemployment and high interest rates, and their qualifications were not always recognised by the industries/sectors in which they sought work. Despite the promotion of ‘multiculturalism’, and even though there were policies and legislation introduced to protect the rights of the Polish migrants such as the Racial Discrimination Act, public attitudes took longer to change. The Poles experienced instances of animosity and resentment that came from three directions: Anglo-Australians, other migrants, and other Poles. The existing Polish community and established cultural groups and organisations should have encouraged the new arrivals to join and interact with the older Polish migrants. Instead, misunderstandings and tensions developed and caused a divide between members of the Displaced Persons and the Solidarity migrant groups. This thesis focuses on the Solidarity wave migrants, a group relatively neglected by scholars of migration in Australia. It engages with the literature on settlement experiences of Polish migrants, confirming existing arguments put forth by researchers such as Elizabeth Drozd, Adam Jamrozik and Beata Leuner, but ultimately goes further than previous studies by studying a sample of Poles who settled in South Australia (a previously ignored location) and by examining a much wider range of factors that affected the settlement experience.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2021

As a social worker practising in long-term residential care for people living with dementia, I am alarmed by discourses in the media and health policy that construct persons living with dementia and their health care needs as a threatening “rising tide” or crisis. I am particularly concerned about the material effects such dominant discourses, and the values they uphold, might have on the collective provision of care and support for our elderly citizens in the present neoliberal economic and political context of health care. To better understand how dominant discourses about dementia work at this time when Canada’s population is aging and the number of persons living with dementia is anticipated to increase, I have rooted my thesis in poststructural methodology. My research method is a discourse analysis, which draws on Foucault’s archaeological and genealogical concepts, to examine two contemporary health policy documents related to dementia care – one national and one provincial. I also incorporate some poetic representation – or found poetry – to write up my findings. While deconstructing and disrupting taken for granted dominant crisis discourses on dementia in health policy, my research also makes space for alternative constructions to support discursive and health policy possibilities in solidarity with persons living with dementia so that they may thrive.
Graduate
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macsuz@shaw.ca

What is a fair income distribution? The empirical literature seems to assume that equal income would be fair, but the equal income answer faces two objections. First, equal income is likely to be inefficient. This book sets aside efficiency concerns as a downstream consideration; it seeks to identify a fair distribution. The second objection—pointed out by both leftist political philosopher G. A. Cohen and conservative economist Milton Friedman—is that equal income is unfair to the hardworking. Measuring labor burdens in order to adjust income shares, however, is no easy task. Some philosophers and economists attempt to sidestep the measurement problem by invoking the envy test. Yet a distribution in which no one prefers someone else’s circumstances to her own, as the envy test requires, is unlikely to exist—and, even if it does exist, the normative connection between the envy test and fairness has not been established. The Solidarity Solution provides a novel answer: when someone claims that her situation should be improved at someone else’s expense, she must be able to give a reason that cannot be rejected by a free and equal individual who regards everyone else as the same. Part I develops the solidarity solution and shows that rigorous distributive implications can be derived from a relational ideal. Part II uses the solidarity solution to critique the competing theories of Ronald Dworkin, Philippe Van Parijs, and Marc Fleurbaey. Finally, part III identifies insights for the gender wage gap and taxation.

This biography of Beatriz Allende (1942–1977)—revolutionary doctor and daughter of Chile’s socialist president, Salvador Allende—portrays what it means to live, love, and fight for change. Inspired by the Cuban Revolution, Beatriz and her generation drove political campaigns, university reform, public health programs, internationalist guerrilla insurgencies, and government strategies. Centering Beatriz’s life within the global contours of the Cold War era, Tanya Harmer exposes the promises and paradoxes of the revolutionary wave that swept through Latin America in the long 1960s. Drawing on exclusive access to Beatriz’s private papers, as well as firsthand interviews, Harmer connects the private and political as she reveals the human dimensions of radical upheaval. Exiled to Havana after Chile’s right-wing military coup, Beatriz worked tirelessly to oppose dictatorship back home. Harmer’s interviews make vivid the terrible consequences of the coup for the Chilean Left, the realities of everyday life in Havana, and the unceasing demands of solidarity work that drained Beatriz and her generation of the dreams they once had. Her story demolishes the myth that women were simply extras in the story of Latin America’s Left and brings home the immense cost of a revolutionary moment’s demise.

This book has explored the tensions generated by disasters over issues of power and politics as well as the growth of the interventionist state during the Progressive Era. It has shown how Salemites and Haligonians crafted their disaster citizenship in response to the fire and explosion, respectively. Salem and Halifax were both cities of comrades before their disasters; in the wake of the fire and explosion, families, neighbors, friends, and coworkers had to rely on patterns and traditions of self-help, informal organization, and solidarity that they developed before crisis hit their cities. Survivors and their relievers differed in their experiences of order and disorder after each disaster. This conclusion first reflects on the movie The City of Comrades, and the three key insights it provides: the very existence of everyday solidarity practiced by ordinary people; this solidarity waits latently; the value of solidarity is not only material but also spiritual and emotional. It then discusses some lessons that the Salem and Halifax disasters offer for contemporary disaster relief.

Many historical processes are dynamic. Populations grow and decline. Empires expand and collapse. Religions spread and wither. Natural scientists have made great strides in understanding dynamical processes in the physical and biological worlds using a synthetic approach that combines mathematical modeling with statistical analyses. Taking up the problem of territorial dynamics—why some polities at certain times expand and at other times contract—this book shows that a similar research program can advance our understanding of dynamical processes in history. The book develops hypotheses from a wide range of social, political, economic, and demographic factors: geopolitics, factors affecting collective solidarity, dynamics of ethnic assimilation/religious conversion, and the interaction between population dynamics and sociopolitical stability. It then translates these into a spectrum of mathematical models, investigates the dynamics predicted by the models, and contrasts model predictions with empirical patterns. The book's highly instructive empirical tests demonstrate that certain models predict empirical patterns with a very high degree of accuracy. For instance, one model accounts for the recurrent waves of state breakdown in medieval and early modern Europe. And historical data confirm that ethno-nationalist solidarity produces an aggressively expansive state under certain conditions (such as in locations where imperial frontiers coincide with religious divides). The strength of the book's results suggests that the synthetic approach advocated can significantly improve our understanding of historical dynamics.

AbstractWith a broader view of ‘crisis’ not only as temporal interruption, but also as opportunity and constraint, the volume offers a multidisciplinary perspective on challenging mobilities arising during the 2009–2021 period in Greece, the epicentre of the Eurozone crisis, EU’s main gate in the ‘refugee crisis’ and a country experiencing the Covid-19 pandemic. Its contributors from social sciences and humanities, mathematics, health and legal sciences, document how crises interact with migration processes at the individual, organisational and macro levels on critical junctures of economic, humanitarian and governance emergencies. Its fresh empirical and theoretical insights on an ‘exceptional’ South European periphery case contribute to the existing migration literature, especially in reference to the third wave of emigrants, crises-affected host attitudes, solidarity and claims-making, mobility reception transitions and perennial integration challenges. Illuminating the dynamic interactions between crises and migration processes involving supra-state, state and non-state actors as well as citizens and migrants/displaced people, the volume offers new knowledge and insights on the challenges and complexities of crisis-related mobilities. These centre on the ways in which crisis-related opportunities and threats affect transnationalism, collective action, migrants’ political agency, governance and reception practices, as well as secondary migration.

AbstractCommonism is an alternative to market economy and real socialism because it goes beyond their common basis of wage labour, money and private or state property. Products are not produced in the form of commodities that are sold for money, but as commons for the direct satisfaction of needs. The chapter discusses common questions such as “Who cares about waste disposal?” and focuses on the question of coordination and mediation through commoning. Stigmergy, a signal-based coordination mechanism that communicates needs, can be used to create ex-ante planning of re/production. Conflicts are an important part of a free society and are not resolved by a central institution as envisioned by the followers of council theory, but in many places in a polycentric coordination mechanism. This polycentric coordination allows for planning and aggregation as long as the needs of the (care-) workers involved and their (commons-) enterprises are included. It builds on meta-structures providing information such as CO2 emissions or expected shortages or helps negotiate conflicts. It creates a society that can overcome ethics as the basis of solidarity and create a logic of inclusion that makes the inclusion of others the best selfish option.

This conclusion applies the theory developed in this book to the wave of unrest in the summer of 2020. It shows how solidarity groups can form on the basis of a desire for liberation as well as for a desire for domination. It concludes with final thoughts on the “infighting” in solidarity movements.

Microcredit has been studied from many perspectives. In this work, the authors analyze KIVA, the most important Person-to-Person microfinance organization from the viewpoint of social change, and they consider how it has impacted on the nascent of a new wave of entrepreneurs known as digital entrepreneurial charity. Applied to KIVA, the authors analyze the impact of the digital space and its Internet-based Peer-to-Peer Lending to create social change in the poor, while alleviating the poverty thanks to solidarity and charity. This work concludes affirming that banking the poor and education, with the intensive use of Internet-based devices, is the best way to alleviate poverty in the digital and globalized economic world. Finally, after their last research, the authors found some critics about Kiva and microcredits which might be interesting to be considered and these have been analyzed at the end of this work.

Microcredit has been studied from many perspectives. In this chapter, we analyze KIVA, the most important Person-to-Person microfinance organization from the perspective of social change, and we study how it has impacted on the nascent of a new wave of entrepreneurs known as digital entrepreneurial charity. Applied to KIVA, we analyze the impact of the digital space and its Internet-based Peer-to-Peer Lending to create social change in the poor, while alleviating the poverty thanks to solidarity and charity. This work concludes affirming that banking the poor and education, with the intensive use of Internet-based devices, is the best way to alleviate poverty in our digital and globalized economic world.

Microcredit has been studied from many perspectives. In this chapter, we analyze KIVA, the most important Person-to-Person microfinance organization from the perspective of social change, and we study how it has impacted on the nascent of a new wave of entrepreneurs known as digital entrepreneurial charity. Applied to KIVA, we analyze the impact of the digital space and its Internet-based Peer-to-Peer Lending to create social change in the poor, while alleviating the poverty thanks to solidarity and charity. This work concludes affirming that banking the poor and education, with the intensive use of Internet-based devices, is the best way to alleviate poverty in our digital and globalized economic world.

Nonprofit organizations are constantly challenged to find new ways of finding new donors and sources of funding for their solidarity actions. The traumatic events that occurred in the summer of 2017 in Portugal that caused more than 100 deaths consumed by the fires caused these organizations to have difficulties in coordinating the whole wave of solidarity generated in the community. In this sense, this study has developed a technological platform based exclusively on free technologies that allowed these entities to receive donations and manage this whole process. The application developed enables the reception of anonymous donations and monitoring the status of each donation. Furthermore, several requirements in terms of compatibility with mobile devices, usability, security, and privacy were implemented in the platform.

The growing environmental crisis and the proliferation of social inequality, with affective ties to the movements of predatory neoliberal globalization, desperately claim for the constitution of a truly sustainable future. To this end, it is essential to implement ethical, empathic, and cooperative behaviors and the reorientation of the market to consider the coexistence of human beings with nature in harmony. In this context, the global fashion system, characterized by mass production, low cost, and promoting excessive disposable consumption, devalues the natural diversity of the biosphere - from the extraction of raw materials to waste produced in the post-consumption - and contributes, directly and exponentially, to aggravate social inequalities and fracture, increasingly, the imbalance of ecosystems. The concept and practices of the Circular Economy have often been addressed to implement a sustainable production chain; however, it still neglects the social and cultural dimensions. Founded on the fashion production chain processes and their impacts on the lives of those who manufacture garments, on the community and environment in which we live, the purpose of this article is to present a sustainable model for designing and manufacturing fashion products. Social Economy values such as the social development of the people and communities involved, holistic development of the human being, diffusion of feelings of cooperation, respect, solidarity, and commitment, and, above all, ethical behaviors are the groundwork of this study. This framework absorbs characteristics of the Social Economy in the fashion industry and values sustainable human development supported by educational programs for workers, socially responsible sewing workshops, collaborative design, recognition of local knowledge, and social entrepreneurship. Furthermore, this model will empower the wage-earner community that produces fashion by participating in the design and development of apparel products. The methodology used included a literature review and analysis of reports; after identifying critical points of Social Economy theories, this study aims to provide a fairer model for developing products oriented towards the humanization of productive relations, transparency, and sustainability. Despite including SE's humanistic components to fulfill the CE's social gaps, this plan for Social Circularity can only overcome a few of the recurrent problems in fashion production. Standing as an in-progress framework requires both validation and deepening of socio-ecological aspects in implementing a holistic economy in its total multidimensionality.