Academic literature on the topic 'Soldiers Pennsylvania Social conditions'

The results of a demographic profile of age, occupation, and prewar residence of western Pennsylvania soldiers—created from enlistment and muster rolls, and examined at enlistment, at the end of 1863, and after re-enlistment—when placed within the context of individual soldiers' letters and the social history of western Pennsylvania, show that soldiers with rural backgrounds and poor occupations re-enlisted at higher rates than soldiers with urban backgrounds and better occupations. The reason for the difference lies in the greater opportunities available to civilians in the city.

ObjectivesThe aim of this paper is to perform an evaluation of the social and living conditions of professional soldiers and their families in Poland at the beginning of the 21st century and two decades later.MethodsThe research methods used in this study are: literature analysis and review and the method of logical analysis and structure.ResultsThe analysis of the available sources allowed the author to draw the conclusion that the appropriate status level of a professional soldier may realistically contribute to the improvement of the overall state of social security of both the soldiers and their families, as well as of the capacity of the armed forces, provided, however, that the organisational and legal conditions are fully adjusted to their needs both during service and after termination.ConclusionsProfessional soldiers serve in the conditions that result from currently existing organisational, systemic, and legal solutions that secure the process of realisation of the tasks for: the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland, the state of Poland, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). The social and existential situation of professional soldiers and their families is influenced by numerous, different factors, both external (political or economic) and internal (departmental) ones, as well as those connected to the course of performing professional military service: the structure of the armed forces and the types of tasks performed in the country and abroad.

With the following two contributions the International Review of Social History hopes to focus scholarly attention on a rather neglected theme: the labour conditions of the ordinary foot soldiers in rebel armed forces. Although quite disparate in time, social setting, and method, both articles deal with the position and circumstances of common soldiers; both study these soldiers during a period of civil war; and both deal with rebel forces that were ultimately to emerge victorious and eventually be transformed into a regular army. Erik Swart's contribution on the soldiers in the army of the northern Netherlands is set in the late sixteenth century, just after the start of Holland's war of independence. Within a couple of years, the military underwent a comprehensive process of professionalization. The consequences for ordinary soldiers were far reaching: lower wages, fewer privileges, fewer rights, and an obligation to carry out digging work and other forms of manual labour. By contrast, their predecessors (the Landsknechts) had enjoyed a significantly higher status, with a system of organization not much different from that of nineteenth-century trade unions.

In eusocial insects (e.g., ants, bees, and termites), the roles of different castes are assigned to different individuals. These castes possess unique phenotypes that are specialized for specific tasks. The acquisition of sterile individuals with specific roles is considered a requirement for social evolution. In termites, the soldier is a sterile caste. In primitive taxa (family Archotermopsidae and Stolotermitidae), however, secondary reproductives (neotenic reproductives) with their mandibles developed into weapons (so-called reproductive soldiers, also termed as soldier-headed reproductives or soldier neotenics) have been reported. To understand the developmental mechanism of this unique caste, it is necessary to understand the environmental cues and developmental processes of reproductive soldiers under natural conditions. Here, we established efficient conditions to induce reproductive soldiers in Zootermopsis nevadensis. Male reproductive soldiers frequently developed after the removal of both the king and soldiers from an incipient colony. Similarly, high differentiation rates of male reproductive soldiers were observed after king-and-soldier separation treatment using wire mesh. However, no male reproductive soldiers were produced without direct interaction with the queen. These results suggest that male reproductive soldier development is repressed by direct physical interactions with both the king and soldiers and facilitated by direct physical interaction with the queen.

In connection with the increase in military conflicts and the deterioration of the geopolitical situation in the world, the study of the history of the Eastern Front of World War II and its consequences is more relevant than ever. In the first postwar years it was a difficult task for the state to solve the problems of front-line soldiers with employment and material conditions. The adaptation of demobilized soldiers was primarily associated with the economic and political state of the country. The paper examines the issues of adaptation and employment of demo-bilized soldiers of Bashkiria during the first postwar years. The author pays attention to then-existing problems and measures taken by the Soviet bodies of the republic. The postwar life of front-line soldiers of Bashkiria during the first postwar years has both great scientific and social significance. In the course of the study, the features of the postwar situation in the country as a whole and in the republic were studied, which determined the conditions for the adaptation of front-line soldiers and its results.

At the beginning of the 1990s the political and military global reality was radically transformed. It affected all spheres of socio-political life and was visible also in the armed forces. At the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, the Russian armed forces were still one of the most troubling military mechanisms in the world. In 2007 the Minister of Defense Anatoly Serdyukov decided to implement a broad military reform, which included (besides organizational issues and modernization of military equipment) also social issues. The aim of this article is to analyze the second stage of the armed forces reform in Russia (2010–2015) that entailed improvement of material status and livelihood of soldiers. The main research method used in this article was content analysis. A particularly important source was the study conducted by Irina Surkowa and articles published in Russian newspapers. The analysis showed that the reforms initiated by Serdyukov considerably improved the living conditions of the soldiers.

The work, written on the basis of diverse sources, literature and memoirs of contemporaries, shows the state of families of front-line soldiers in the conditions of the Great Patriotic War, as well as measures taken by party and state structures of various levels in Dagestan to provide normal living conditions for them. The article concludes that, despite the objective difficulties faced by many families of Red Army soldiers who found themselves in difficult living conditions, they were sympathetic to the problems characteristic of the war period. According to the author, the main forms of social assistance to the relatives of front-line soldiers in Dagestan during the war years were the payment of benefits, the provision of various benefits to disabled veterans and families of front-line soldiers, as well as the adoption of measures for their employment. Of no small importance was the help from enterprises and public organizations of Dagestan, which assumed part of the responsibility for the family members of the front-line soldiers, thereby solving everyday problems. The material used in the study shows that despite the existence of objective problems, support for military families was among the priorities of the country's leadership, thereby strengthening the faith of the Red Army soldiers in the victory over Nazism, and becoming one of the sources of the manifestation of the heroism of the people in the Great Patriotic War.

Abstract: As the climatic conditions are changing rapidly, the winters are getting much colder, especially in northern region and the western region of India. Since we developed a smart army jacket using control media devices such as, GPS, SENSORS in the jacket. The smart army jacket aims for providing reliable health monitoring as well as position tracking of soldier. Some of climatically conditions are led to unfortunate deaths of soldiers. This jacket can automatically sense the temperature inside, outside using temperature sensors. We are using coils for heating purpose and the temperature of the coil will depends on the outer temperature. GPS, the models used for communication purpose. Hence for monitoring the health and the heart rate of the soldier health monitoring equipment sensors are been establish in the jacket as well. In enemy territory soldiers not only have to deal with the physical threat, but also with stress and fatigue caused by protracted operations or lack of sleep. so for the security purpose we need a tool for remote soldier performance and health monitoring. so in this project a tool are implemented using bio medical sensors like heartbeat sensor, temperature sensor for health monitoring purpose by using the microcontroller.

Funny military music videos are popular videos featuring soldiers dancing to chart hits, usually parodying other Internet music video memes. This article is interested in the conditions of seeing these videos, of their being seen, in specific relation to their military-ness and their American-ness – US soldiers, on a US military base in occupied territory, dancing to US pop music, circulating on US social media sites, watched by a US public. This article claims that as insistent expressions of a popular, militarized, everyday culture, funny military music videos are exemplary assemblages of the visual conditions of the American military imaginary.

AbstractThis article reveals the range of tasks performed by military laborers in twentieth-century Bolivia, distinguishing between martial and nonmartial labor to understand how productive tasks became central to the military's mission. The detailed exploration of soldiers' laboring lives shows that their work as strikebreakers, builders, agriculturalists, and domestic servants reinforced social hierarchies and supported private capital. Despite hopes that military service would unify a diverse populace, soldiers on the indigenous end of the spectrum disproportionally performed the more abject labors. The first section charts the development of nonmartial labor and shows how some soldiers objected to working conditions by invoking the dissonance between martial discourse and nonmartial experiences. The article then turns to the increasing legibility of nonmartial labor in the aftermath of the Chaco War (1932–1935). The final section details the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement's efforts to fold the army into the 1952 Revolution by emphasizing soldiers' productive labor.

The upheavals of the cataclysm of the First World War reverberated through every comer of British society, how society was reconstructed afterwards is the subject of enormous critical debate. This study examines how masculinities were disrupted and. reconstructed during and after the war. It is a study of British men, previously civilians, who became servicemen in the First World War. It aims to map the continuities and discontinuities in the construction of their masculine identities during war and in its aftermath in the 1920s. Pioneered by feminist scholars concerned with analysing the historical construction of femininity, the study of gender relations has become a significant area of historical enquiry. This has resulted in a substantial body of historical scholarship on the history of masculinities and the increasing visibility of men as gendered subjects whose masculinities are lived and imagined. This thesis is informed by, and engages with, the histories of masculinities. It also draws on recent historical research on the cultural legacy of the war. The first chapter explores the subjectiver esponsesto becoming a soldier through an examination of personal memoirs; largely unpublished sources drawn from memories and written or recorded by men as narratives of their wartime experiences. The subject of the second chapter is shell shock. The outbreak of shell shock among the troops aroused anxieties about masculinity. The competing versions of masculinities which emerged in military and medical discourses is examined. Returning to individual memoirs, the chapter examines how men produced their own representations of the shell shocked man contesting other versions. Chapters 3 and 4 focus their attention on the relatively neglected subject of ex-servicemen's organisations and the collectivities of ex-servicemen. During and after the war a movement of ex-servicemen emerged to campaign for justice and fair treatment. Comradeship underpinned the attempt to forge an ex-serviceman identity and an examination of veterans' publications, a largely neglected source, has revealed the tensions and conflicts which contested this form of masculine identity. Masculine identities, as citizens and workers, presented a challenge to the potential for a unified, apolitical movement. Unemployment was a challenge to male identities traditionally secured through work and masculine codes of independence. Unlike many studies, this thesis intentionally straddles war and peace. It begins in 1914 and ends a decade later in a society restored to peace but still essentially in the shadow of war.

Thoughts, memories or stories are stored as images in our minds. These images are a collection of realistic as well as unrealistic pictures. They help us to experience, to communicate, and to remember. A vehicle that implies a strongly visual image is architecture. With the new century, industrial architecture became an image for power, energy, and movement But today the once blooming manufacturing industry reached a stage of transition, it is dying out Our environment, our needs, and we are constantly changing. How does this transition affect our needs, or environment, and us? Does it mean, that our images change, too? And if so, will this change affect our experiences, memories, and our communication? This thesis explores the transition by observing and influencing a distinctive architectural setting. To talk, write, discuss about an image, we need to translate it into language. The metaphor for the connection of the industrial world and power, energy, and motion is the "Dynamic Face".
Department of Architecture

Both academics and the makers of public policy have for a long time been interested in the study of urban politics, but the subject needs to be integrated with the process of urban growth and development. Too frequently, the urban polity is analyzed as an arena which passively reflects or mechanically responds to more fundamental changes in the urban social structure. In this work, case studies of political reform in Philadelphia at two periods, 1800 to 1854 and 1890 to 1915, develop a number of hypotheses about how the urban polity plays an influential role in shaping the process of urban growth and change. Both case studies begin with computer-assisted analyses of changes in the socio-economic and spatial structures of urban society. Such changes are often considered to be fundamental causes of urban political reform either because they altered political elites' interests in municipal government or because they created enormous new demands on existing municipal works and services. The studies show, however, that social structural changes cannot by themselves explain the course of urban political development in the city of Philadelphia. Concentrating primarily on the formulation and implementation of municipal public works, the studies show that in both periods, the course of political reform was often shaped by two things: the 'private' or selfish interests of political actors, and the fragmented financial, administrative and party structures of the urban polity. More important, the studies show how self-interested political activities, in a polity in which authority was highly fragmented, often had consequences which were far reaching in their impact on the structure and experience of urban life. Indeed, the first case study shows how urban politics shaped the process of social group formation in the industrializing city. The second case study shows how the structure and conduct of urban politics determined social groups' political power in the city. The conclusion then demonstrates how the case studies support a number of hypotheses about the relationship between urban politics and urban society which may be applied generally to analyses of the process of urban growth and change.

Thesis (MMil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the last forty years Africa has been one of the most conflict-ridden regions in the world, resulting in untold human suffering. It has been estimated that between 1955 and 1999 some nine to ten million people have died as a result of violent conflict in Africa. However, those suffering the most in these wars are not merely the defenceless victims of conflict, but also its active perpetrators. More than 120 000 children under the age of 18 years have been forced or recruited to participate in armed conflicts across Africa. Although the use of children in armed conflict is not a new phenomenon, it has never been as widespread and as brutal as during the past decade. Governmental organisations, non-governmental organisations, academic institutions, security institutes and the media have conducted extensive research on the phenomenon of child soldiers, specifically focusing on the demobilisation and reintegration of child combatants. Surprisingly, not much research has been conducted on why particular states are more prone to utilise these little soldiers than others. This thesis attempts to fill that gap by analysing the circumstances under which children are utilised as soldiers in Africa. This aim is divided into three subdivisions, namely to describe the type of states in which children are utilised as soldiers, to analyse the conflicts in which child soldiers are utilised, and to describe the socio-economic conditions that urge children to take up arms. An analysis of the child soldier-phenomenon suggests that it transpires in weak states. These states exhibit very distinct characteristics, including serious problems of legitimacy, the absence of one cohesive national identity, the presence of opposing local strongmen, high levels of institutional weakness, economic underdevelopment, and a vulnerability to external international forces. The weakness of these states is created by the fragmentation of social control amongst various social organisations, which is in turn caused by the expansion of the world economy from Europe and also by colonialism. This fragmentation poses immense challenges to state leaders and forces them to adopt very distinct political policies, which put certain limitations on the process of state-making. In response to this, leaders have adopted a number of social, political and economic strategies. These, together with the socio-economic conditions - specifically poverty - within weak states often create civil violence. These strategies include political centralisation, authoritarianism, ethnic politics, the manipulation of democratic processes and mechanisms, patronage politics and the manipulation of state economic structures and policies. However, in order to successfully execute these strategies, rulers need wealth-creating resources, which usually result in the exploitation of scarce natural resources. Warlords and local strongmen also exploit resources to purchase arms to combat both government forces and opposing strongmen. In addition, large international private companies cash in on the financial advantages accrued from conflict. This leads to the formation of entrenched war economies. In the end then, these wars becomean excuse to plunder natural resources for private enrichment. A very distinct characteristic of these conflicts is the widespread use of child soldiers. All the armed groups in Africa's wars, including government armed forces, paramilitary groups and armed opposition groups, are to a greater or lesser extent guilty of recruiting, forcefully conscripting, press-ganging and deploying child soldiers. However, states that utilise child soldiers all exhibit similar socio-economic characteristics. Poverty is endemic. Famine is widespread and magnifies the problems caused by war and poverty even further. The provision of medical and health care is insufficient because of the vast number of war wounded and the destruction of hospitals and clinics. This is also aggravated by the high numbers of HIV/AIDS sufferers. Schools are destroyed, educational systems are often poorly developed and illiteracy is widespread. In addition, due to years of war and civil unrest, millions of people are displaced and forced to become refugees. These socio-economic characteristics create the ideal breeding ground for the recruitment of child soldiers.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Oor die afgelope veertig jaar was Afrika een van die mees konflikgedrewe streke in die wêreld wat op onbeskryflike menslike lyding uitgeloop het. Dit is bereken dat tussen 1955 en 1999 ongeveer nege tot tien miljoen persone gesterf het as gevolg van die gewelddadige konflikte in Afrika. Maar diegene wat die meeste in sulke oorloë gely het, was nie maar net die weerlose slagoffers van die konflik nie, maar hulle was inderdaad ook aktiewe deelnemers daaraan. Meer as 120 000 kinders onder die ouderdom van 18 jaar is gedwing of gewerf om aan gewapende konflik regoor Afrika deel te neem. Alhoewel die deelname van kinders aan gewapende konflik nie 'n nuwe verskynsel is nie, was dit nog nooit so wydverspreid en so brutaal soos tydens die afgelope dekade nie. Regeringsorganisasies, nie-regeringsorganisasies, akademiese instellings, sekerheidsinstellings en die media het uitgebreide navorsing onderneem oor die verskynsel van kindersoldate, en spesifiek gefokus op die demobilisering en herintegrasie van kinderkrygers. Verbasend genoeg is nie veel navorsing gedoen oor waarom spesifieke state meer gereed staan om hierdie klein soldaatjies aan te wend as andere nie. Hierdie tesis poog om hierdie kennisgaping te vul deur die omstandighede waaronder kinders as soldate in Afrika aangewend word, te analiseer. Die doel hiermee word in drie onderafdelings verdeel, naamlik om die tipes state te beskryf waarin kinders as soldate aangewend word, om die konflikte te analiseer waarin kindersoldate gebruik word en ook om die sosio-ekonomiese omstandighede te beskryf wat kinders aanspoor om die wapen op te neem. 'n Analise van die kindersoldaatverskynsel dui aan dat dit in swak state voorkom. Hierdie state openbaar besonderse kenmerke, insluitende ernstige probleme rakende legitimiteit, die afwesigheid van 'n enkele samebindende nasionale identiteit, die aanwesigheid van plaaslike sterk leiers, hoë vlakke van institusionele swakhede, ekonomiese onderontwikkeling en In blootstelling aan eksterne internasionale kragte. Die swakhede van hierdie state het ontstaan deur die fragmentering van sosiale beheer onder verskeie sosiale organisasies, wat op hul beurt veroorsaak is deur die uitbreiding van die wêreldekonomie vanuit Europa en ook deur kolonialisme. Hierdie fragmentering gee aanleiding tot ontsaglike uitdagings vir staatsleiers en dwing hulle om onderskeidende politieke beleidsrigtings toe te pas wat weer sekere beperkings op die proses van staatsvorming plaas. In antwoord hierop het leiers 'n aantal sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese strategieë aanvaar. Tesame met die sosio-ekonomiese omstandighede - en spesifiek armoede - skep hierdie strategieë dikwels burgerlike geweld binne swak state. Sulke strategieë sluit in politieke sentralisasie, outoritêre oorheersing, etniese beleidsrigtings, die manipulering van demokratiese prosesse en meganismes, die politiek van beskerming en begunstiging, asook die manipulering van die staat se ekonomiese strukture en beleidsrigtings. Maar om hierdie strategieë suksesvol uit te voer, benodig die heersers welvaartskeppende hulpbronne wat gewoonlik uitloop op die uitbuiting van skaars natuurlike hulpbronne. Gewapende aanvoerders en plaaslike onderdrukkers plunder ook hulpbronne om wapens aan te skaf om sowel regeringsmagte asook opponerende onderdrukkers te beveg. Daarby trek internasionale private maatskappye ook voordeel uit die finansiële opbrengste wat uit konflik verkry word. Dit alles lei tot die totstandkoming van verskanste oorlogsekonomieë. In die finale analise word hierdie oorloë bloot 'n verskoning om natuurlike hulpbronne vir eie verryking te plunder. 'n Baie onderskeidende kenmerk van hierdie konflikte is die wydverspreide aanwending van kindersoldate. AI die gewapende groepe in Afrika se oorloë, insluitende regerings se gewapende magte, paramilitêre groepe en gewapende opposisiegroepe, is almal tot mindere of meerdere mate skuldig aan die werwing, gewelddadige rekrutering en aanwending en ook die ontplooiing van kindersoldate. State wat kindersoldate gebruik, toon almal soortgelyke sosio-ekonomiese kenmerke. Armoede is endemies. Hongersnood is wydverspreid en vererger die probleme wat deur oorloë en armoede veroorsaak is. Die voorsiening van mediese- en gesondheidsorg is onvoldoende as gevolg van die hoë aantal HIVNigslyers. Skole is vernietig, onderwysstelsels is dikwels onderontwikkeld en ongeletterdheid is wydverspreid. As gevolg van jare se oorloë en burgerlike onrus word miljoene mense verder ook uit hul huise gedryf en gedwing om vlugtelinge te word. Hierdie sosio-ekonomiese kenmerke skep die ideale teelaarde vir die werwing van kindersoldate.

This thesis uses the Victorian ideology of chivalric manlines to explain the class-oriented army hierarchy developed by volunteer soldiers from northern England during the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902. Newspaper reports, advertising, and popular fiction reveal a public mythology of imperial manliness and neo-chivalric ideals that was transferred onto civilian volunteers, creating an ideal warrior that satisfied a thirst for honour. This mythology created a world view in which northern communities, once supporters of the burgeoning peace movement, became committed supporters of parochial units of volunteer soldiers that fought in the newly expanded army. Soldiers' letters and diaries reveal that ingrained ideals of manliness and chivalry led to class-differentiated hierarchies within the army that mirrored those in civilian life. Contrary to the conclusions of some current historians, the Regular soldier remained in his traditional place at the bottom of the army structure, so that "the more things change, the more they remain the same."
vi, 138 leaves ; 29 cm.

An adequate supply of the right kinds of foods is critical to an army's success on the march and on the battlefield. Good food supplies and a dire lack of provisions have profound effects on the regulation, confidence, esprit de corps, and physical state of an army. The American War of Independence (1775-1783) provides a challenging case study of this principle. The relationship between food and troop morale has been previously discussed as just one of many factors that contributed to the success of the Continental Army, but has not been fully explored as a single issue in its own right. I argue that despite the failures of three provisioning system adopted by the Continental Congress - the Commissariat, the state system of specific supplies, and the contract system - the army did keep up its morale and achieve the victory that resulted in independence from Great Britain. The evidence reveals that despite the poor provisioning, the American army was fed in the field for eight years thanks largely to its ability to forage for its food. This foraging system, if it can be called a system, was adequate to sustain morale and perseverance.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Following the end of the American Civil War in 1865, thousands of Union veterans joined the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), the largest Union veterans' fraternal organization in the United States. Upwards of 25,000 Hoosier veterans were members in the Department of Indiana by 1890, including President Benjamin Harrison and General Lew Wallace. This thesis argues that Indiana GAR members met in fraternity to share and construct memories of the Civil War that helped make sense of the past and the present. Indiana GAR members took it upon themselves after the war to act as gatekeepers of Civil War memory in the Hoosier state, publicly arguing that important values they acquired through armed conflict—obedience to authority, duty, selflessness, honor, and love of country—were losing relevance in an increasingly industrialized society that seemingly valued selfishness, materialism, and political radicalism. This thesis explores the creation of Civil War memories and GAR identity, the historical origins of Memorial Day in Indiana, and the Indiana GAR's struggle to incorporate ideals of "patriotic instruction" in public school history classrooms throughout the state.

This chapter supports the broader argument against relying on an ethnic-specific narrative to analyze Irish American service. The politics and discipline within these regiments reflected the realities of the mass organization of men into citizen soldiers. Understanding military justice in Irish regiments shows how these units operated on the day-to-day basis. This focus allows the experiences of these soldiers to be contextualized as part of the broader war effort. Their experiences in maneuvering the systems of rank and military courts transcends ethnicity and yields fascinating insight into how these men behaved under wartime conditions. All three regiments in this study suffered, to some degree, from disorder. But this was typical within the larger context of the military justice, especially where circumstances promoted such behavior. Volunteers often understood their relationships with fellow soldiers personally rather than within the context of the broader social or political issues of the period.

Existing literature persistently refers to Hmong people in the 1960s as “illiterate.” Chapter 2 presents surviving pilots’ life experiences before they entered the Project Water Pump training program. The complex path that each took to secure a spot on the training roster was influenced by their family backgrounds, education levels, and work experiences. Some made their own decisions while others were thrust into service as a result of their social relations with military leaders. Their pretraining experiences reveal that it was their ability to read and write that enabled the several dozen individuals to participate in aviation training. Most were single young men looking for opportunities to improve their socioeconomic status. Some were married men who had been soldiers. The harsh conditions on the front line motivated them to seek what they thought were better working conditions.

In this chapter, the authors present the rapid rise of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) derived from a yearning to create and make widely available materials and conditions for participatory learning and creative space dedicated to the open education. Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) were developed to provide open, meaning unrestricted, online courses without higher education cost constraints to students. This new technological platform was embraced, developed, and offered by some of the country's leading universities and institutions including Harvard, University of Pennsylvania, Stanford, and Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Students may collaborate through strategic social media platforms such as LinkedIn, Facebook, and Twitter. Further, according to LeCounte et al. (2014), the social media partnerships have been found to offer competitive advantages in terms of low cost and tremendous visibility to both corporations and institutions of higher learning.

This chapter contends that the household needs to be considered as a crucial category of analysis to determine how French New Orleans society became racialized. As censuses demonstrate, the urban milieu brought people of all conditions and backgrounds together within small residential units. This intimate coexistence tempered the slave system which always involved personal interactions in the city. This closeness, however, did not entirely protect urban slaves from exploitation and violence. In both domestic households and residential institutions such as the hospitals and the Ursuline convent, various mechanisms were used to create social distance and maintain the racial divide. As for the soldiers who lived in the only residential institution which did not rely on slave labor—the barracks—they fought hard not to be confused with the enslaved.

The history of archaeology in Brazil has been divided into phases following different criteria. Most authors consider that archaeology should have its own disciplinary history, not tied to the overall political history of the country. A. Prous (1992) identified five periods and A. Mendonça de Souza (1991) followed the same disciplinary history approach, but proposed only four periods. The history of archaeology in Brazil should not, however, be considered independent from Brazilian history. Because the development of archaeology’s practice, theory, and methodology depends directly on the socio-political conditions in a given country, it is possible to relate the social practice of archaeology and political changes. As with any intellectual endeavour, archaeological activities are the result of social conditions and relations prevailing in different periods. Thus we can say that archaeology in Brazil went through seven phases: the colonial period (1500–1822); the Brazilian empire (1822–89); the early republic (1889–1920s); the formative period (1920–49); the inception of university research (1950–64); the military period, and the constitution of an archaeological establishment (1964–85); and current trends, democratic and pluralist archaeology (1985 onwards). There are few references in colonial sources to archaeological sites, although F. Cardim (1925) notes that shell mounds were identified in Brazil by their Tupi name sambaquis as early as 1583, and F. Coelho’s soldiers, as early as 1598, mention rock inscriptions (Prous 1992: 5). However, travellers and writers such as Y. d’Euvreux (1985), G. Soares (1944), G. Carvajal (1942), A. Thevet (1944) and H. Staden (1930), among others, described native inhabitants and their culture, furnishing a lot of data on Indian material culture. Thanks to these sources, it is possible to study native settlements while taking into full account the historic evidence relating to the following areas: the East Amazon basin area, Porro 1992; Taylor 1992; Erikson 1992; Wright 1992; the North Amazon region, Farage and Santilli 1992; Menéndez 1992; Amoroso 1992; the South Amazon area, Perrone-Moisés 1992; Franchetto 1992; Lopes da Silva 1992; the north-east, Paraíso 1992; Dantas, Sampaio, and Carvalho 1992; the south-west, Carvalho 1992; the south, Monteiro 1992; Kern 1982; the entire country, Fausto 1992.