Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Sociologie du personnel politique'
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Garraud, Philippe. "Intégration et différenciation dans le personnel politique français : l'exemple des maires urbains (1945-1984)." Bordeaux 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987BOR1D004.
Politics seem to be a more and more specialized activity which requires particular competences and becomes an occupation or a job. Through the study of men's activities who make profession of politics, across election notably, and under a form or an other, this research deals with mecanisms of formation of a political "class". The analysis of modes of recruitment, careers, action and legitimation conducts to put in a conspicuous position the norms which allow to conquer and to preserve political power. Their non respect or non internalization is sanctioned by the breakdown in the relationship of membership of group. Then it appears that French political elites form a specific social group, relatively homogeneous and unified, which is the product of processes of specialization, occupationalization and autonomization. The empirical study, based on quantitative methods but also many interviews, focuse on the five hundred greatest towns mayors of france since 1945
Hû, Grégory. "Les roses déracinées : transformation du recrutement du personnel socialiste : des logiques sociales aux logiques politiques (fin XIX-2012)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAG023/document.
This PhD dissertation examines the transformations in the recruitment of the French Socialist Party’s (PS) political personnel from the late nineteenth century to 2012. It shows how social logics of recruitment have been replaced by political ones, with a significant renewal of the party’s elected representatives and executives in the 1990s. The research is based on extensive fieldwork combining quantitative and qualitative methods (interviews, participant observation, archival work and prosopography). The first part describes the social rationales at work in the renewal of the PS’s political personnel from the late nineteenth century to the 1990s. The second part examines in closer detail the devaluation of the mobilized groups’ resources during the 1990s. Finally, the third and last part demonstrates how the reevaluation of political and party resources has transformed the recruitment and changed the elected representatives’ political capital
Bariot, Olivier Denèfle Sylvette. "Politiques urbaines et dépendance." Tours : SCD de l'université de Tours, 2008. http://www.applis.univ-tours.fr/scd/Sociologie/Master2/2008socio_Bariot_Olivier.pdf.
Troupel, Aurélia. "Disparités dans la parité : les effets de la loi du 6 juin 2000 sur la féminisation du personnel politique local et national." Nice, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006NICE0029.
The law of 6 June 2000, which obliges parties to field an equal number of male and female candidates, should have increased the number of women elected in politics. However, the parity law achieved very variable results, being most effective at the local and European levels whilst having little or no effect on the composition of the Senate and the National Assembly. To understand the reasons for these variations between the different levels of politics, several theories have been tested and a database has been created of female politicians (1958-2004). This research allows certain established ideas to be challenged and disputed. It is revealed that partisanship, changes to the electoral regulations and the presence of female incumbents are not sufficient to explain these variations. On the other hand, the prior feminisation of the elected assembly along with how restrictive the parity law is under the circumstances are both essential to the effective functioning of the law. Taken together, these elements show a perpetuation of the local/national cleavage (strongly and weakly feminised), as argued by Mariette Sineau
Thiam, Abdou Rahmane. "La sélection du personnel politique au Sénégal (1981-2001) : Contribution à l'étude de la professionnalisation politique de candidats à l'accès au parlement dans une démocratie hybride." Montpellier 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009MON10014.
Belorgey, Nicolas. "Réformer l'hôpital, soigner les patients : une sociologie ethnographique du nouveau management public." Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0173.
French authorities try since the middle 70s to « contain » health expenditures. Among others tools, they use those of New Public Management (NPM). Beyond its theory, what does this doctrine do for / to the hospitals and their patients? The current policy has been examined from a top-down perspective as weIl as a bottom-up one. The first entry -in the ethnographic sense -was in a government agency and then looked up at the private consulting agencies it appoints, hospitals and patients. The second one processed in the reverse order. Moreover, quantitative data have been analysed, stemming from two field-based questionnaires and administrative databases (n=1,8 million). Several results appear. 1) The policy is much more concerned with cost cutting than with quality enhancement. The government agency try to turn resource problems into organisation ones, i. E. To make physicians, nurses and so on, accountable for the troubles in the hospitals. 2) This policy may have real effects only if it is supported by intermediate actors, what in practice depend on their former socialisations. 3) The policy conflicts with hospital professionals, so that among them the established (in the sense of Norbert Elias) oppose it, and the outsiders cooperate more. 4) In the more « advanced » department of those inquired, a better« efficiency » meant a lower quality of the treatments delivered to the patients
Mucy, Margaret. "L'encastrement socio-politique et cognitif des pratiques de GRH en Martinique." Lyon 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003LYO33020.
Levilain, Hervé. "La dévolution de la charge des vieux : contribution à une sociologie de l'expertise et des classements techniques, scientifiques et sociaux." Paris 8, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA081433.
This thesis deals with the construction of a social reality : the + old' people dependence ;. It is focused on scientist hypotheses which + problematic ;, offer of service and system of measurement and classification will have put into form this issue and contributed to turn it into a current social issue. Since 1970, the reform of management concerning old people has led to a change of the competition system between the different pole of the management market. The low medical care finds expression in a debasement of + long sejour ; (nursing home). The dependence scales set up by geriatricians is the answer to a management logic and to a remedicalization (medical care or cure). Some epidemiological hypotheses have revealed the problem of old people at home have problem and in this way have universalized it. They take part to make the state discover that the family contributes to old people's support. These programs defending interest of home care or nursing home are based on different labels until cristallization of stakes by putting this issue on the political scene. These hypotheses use then the label + dependence ; in order to assure the programm's success. The law of 24/1/97 is dedicaced to one of these models. The geriatrician scale is an implement of fixing price and allowing benefits and it carries a management and market logic with. It shows the rationalization of the management market. This scale legitimated by scientist is a way to solve moral conflicts around the devolution of old people charge. It normalizes in this way relations to old people
Filion, Normand. "Domination culturelle et participation en entreprise : une étude empirique du pouvoir disciplinaire, de la légitimité substantielle et de la conformité sociale comme modalités culturelles de la domination politique en organisation." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994IEPP0033.
This empirical study formulates a new theory of domination. It is based on a qualitative analysis of participative systems in two work places differents by their structure. Technology and personnel. Cultural domination is induced by the political projets of participation which are based on virtue. Cultural domination is the way how authority is made easier and more fluent by the social construction of the conformity of the subordinates. The social conformity implies the submisision and the acceptance of the value and validity of the "substance" (appropriateness) of the decisions of management and hierarchy. This phenomenon had been called "substantial legitimacy". Cultural domination is a process of modernization and remodelling of political authority. The social construction of conformity can be based on detection, reinforcement and promotion of "conform" agents but cultural domination is mainly founded on a close link between substantial legitimacy and disciplinary power. This study also analyses the political construction of space which is made to facilitate organizational surveillance. On the personnel level, cultural domination causes social division. It deintegrate solidarity and far from increasing participation, it generate demobilization and disengagement
Gervais, Jérôme. "Une organisation confrontée à son institutionnalisation : Contribution à une sociologie du changement organisationnel : le cas de l'ANPE." Lille 1, 2005. https://ori-nuxeo.univ-lille1.fr/nuxeo/site/esupversions/ff041844-ddb2-43c8-8f77-fb1e7544b0f8.
Nollet, Jérémie. "Des décisions publiques « médiatiques » ? : sociologie de l’emprise du journalisme sur les politiques de sécurité sanitaire des aliments." Thesis, Lille 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010LIL20013/document.
Are public policies made by the media? This would-be influence of journalists over public decisions is common place among “decision-makers”. It is also assumed by Agenda-setting as well as social problems theorists. Yet, the real nature of the phenomenon is more complex: it follows different paths along several directions. It rests on the active and variable engagement of the politicians and high civil servants who produce decisions. Thus, the question needs to be rephrased: to what extent does the production of public decisions depend on the journalistic field? In order to elucidate this question, this doctoral thesis offers a sociological analysis of the specific logics which lead decision-makers (i.e. ministers’ personal staff, and representatives aswell as high civil servants,) to pay attention to media coverage in decision-making processes. The elaboration of this theoretical framework, at the crossroads of the sociologies of journalism and public action, is based on ananalysis of the handling of the mad cow disease by French officials during the 1990s. The ambition is to account for the very attention the holders of the executive power (namely, the Ministers of Agriculture, Consumption,Health, but also the Prime Minister and the President), the members of Parliament and high civil servants paid to media-related challenges within the practice of decision-making. Thus, it appears that the most “media dependent”decisions are the result of the handling of the most symbolic issues according to the logics of action of the most dependent agents on legitimization stakes in the journalistic field: the principal ministers and their advisers
Champaloux, Bernard. "L'espace social de la séropositivité en Equateur : organisation et pratiques de santé des personnes atteintes." Aix-Marseille 3, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999AIX32059.
Reto, Nathalie. "Les agents de proximité HLM : enjeux sociaux et institutionnels de la construction d'une profession." Rennes 2, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000REN20028.
The "social problem" posed by social housing neighbourhoods is presently leading social housing landlords, in common with many other institutions, to adopt new approaches to dealing with social issues. This had led to the development of estate-based approaches to the management of housing and an exxpansion of professional competencies. Here we examine the profession of the estate-based housing manager as a means of shedding light on social change at neighbourhood level and as an indicator of the way in which the intervention methods used by social housing organisations have evolved. By means of a historical review of the purpose of social housing in France and of the changes in the functions and profiles of concierges and caretakers, we set out the various paradigms which have shaped conceptions of their social role, and which today are marked by a repositioning of these purposes and of the work done by social housing staff as they face up to the problems posed by the crisis in neighbourhood level social infrastructure. We then draw on reflections from within sociology to propose an anthropological sociological approach to understanding the profession. This views the profession as a social phenomenon, and attemps to make links between the notions of a mechanism for delivering a " 'social contribution " and the process of " identity construction ". This approach makes it possible to treat the profession of the estate based social housing manager in terms of " social networking ", raising questions concerning the goals and limits of their remit, and the multiple competencies upon which they rely in order to provide for information flows to the landlord and residents, to provide overall monitoring and technical support services, and to promote residential harmony. It also makes it possible to understand the ongoing process of social labelling and boundary construction, which allows us to explore further the nature of their professional identity, as well as the status and position of the profession within the social housing organisation and within a socio-spatial context
Lambelet, Alexandre. "Entre logiques organisationnelles et vocation militante : les groupements suisses de défense des retraités en pratiques." Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010259.
Févrat, Noémie. "Le mandat de trop ? : La réélection des parlementaires et des maires en France et les conditions de sa remise en cause." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Avignon, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024AVIG1016.
The subject of this PhD combines the sociology of political staff on the one hand, and data extraction, processing and analysis on the other. It focuses on the longevity of political staff and electoral reforms limiting re-election in contemporary democracies. The draft law on the moralization of public life carried by the French Minister of Justice in early June 2017 provided for term limits by reducing to three the number of successive identical mandates for members of local executives and members of parliament. This measure of "political de-professionalization" included in La République en Marche's draft constitutional reform reopens a historic debate, once marked by Robespierre's eloquence, on the right democratic tempo and the alternative between rotation and competence of the elected representatives. The PhD combines quantitative objectivation and qualitative analysis: it aims to grasp the practices of long-term appropriation of representative mandates and executive functions, and the uses and effects of electoral longevity, in order to assess the controversies surrounding political professionalization that are preparing a possible limitation on re-electability in France. The aim is to place the project of term limits in the regulation of the elected profession in the history of democratic reformism and Western electoral politics, and to link this reflection on the temporalities of political representation to the renewed objectification of practices in terms of the stability and longevity of political personnel
Adam, Ilke. "Au-delà des modèles nationaux d'intégration: analyse des politiques d'intégration des personnes issues de l'immigration des entités fédérées belges." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210193.
Notre recherche a un premier objectif, d’ordre empirique, et un deuxième, d’ordre interprétatif. Premièrement, nous visons à décrire et à analyser l’élaboration des politiques d’intégration pour vérifier si ces politiques publiques sont effectivement guidées par des cadres de pensée différents. Nous avons cherché à observer où résident les principales différences entre les cadres de pensée, et si les politiques d’intégration sont caractérisées par de longues périodes de stabilité ou, au contraire, par des changements radicaux. Nous avons en effet démontré que les cadres de pensée guidant les politiques d’intégration des entités fédérées sont différents mais que les différences ne se situent pas au niveau de l’objectif d’homogénéité versus diversité culturelle mise en avant par l’assimilationnisme et le multiculturalisme, comme plus approprié pour arriver à une meilleure insertion sociale, économique et politique des immigrés et à la cohésion sociale, mais dans le degré d’interventionnisme d’Etat relatif à la dimension culturelle de l’intégration jugé nécessaire pour atteindre l’un ou l’autre de ces objectifs. Nous avons également mis en lumière que les politiques d’intégration en Belgique francophone sont caractérisées par une plus grande stabilité qu’en Flandre.
Deuxièmement, une fois que nous avions déterminé comment nous pouvons catégoriser les différentes politiques d’intégration au regard de leurs cadres de pensée dominants, et que nous avions déterminé si elles sont caractérisées par une longue période de stabilité ou, au contraire, par des changements radicaux, nous avons tenté de répondre au deuxième objectif de cette recherche, à savoir l’interprétation des différences essentielles. La différence quant aux cadres de pensée qui guident les politiques d’intégration a été interprété par des caractéristiques institutionnelles, à savoir les différents systèmes de partis menant à une politisation différente de la politique publique en question, de même que le différent engagement des entités fédérées belges dans un processus de (sub-)nation building.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Moreau, Christophe. "La jeunesse à travers ses raves : l'émergence à la personne et sa régulation par le monde adulte : le cas des fêtes techno." Rennes 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002REN20010.
The human person experiences, since adolescence, a period of singularity which permits, by recusing truths and principles of the "grown-up world", to better appropriate and integrate them. But for this opposition to make sense and to permit to "make society", on one hand the youth must be structurally able to negociate his being and social duty, and on the other hand, the "grown-̀up world" must be ready and attentive to this necessary negotiation, to this necessary exchange between generations. The "techno-party" phenomenon is a most fruitful model for broadening these hypotheses, because it shows on one hand a strong "singularisation" of young populations, and, on the other hand, a difficulty of the "grown-up world" to regulate, codify and order these festive practices who can be held legally but have become increasingly clandestine. The hypothesis that can be drawn is that if a society is not able to "negociate politically" with part of it's youth, these could accent their trend to singularisation, or even, in some cases, develop pathological tendencies as well in respect to personal structuration (their ability to negociate their relations to others, to regulate their desires by social codification) as to the more or less codified and ordered social context in which they live. This thesis is structured in four parts, who show in their turn a historical and sociological interrogation on youth, then a theoretical approach of the "mediation" model, after which we analyse the phenomenon of "techno parties" from the point of view of the young who build themselves in them, and from that of the institutional interventions
Beerli, Monique J. "Saving the saviors : an international political sociology of the professionalization of humanitarian security." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0033.
In recent years, a dominant discourse has emerged asserting that humanitarian work has become a dangerous profession. In response to growing insecurity in the field, humanitarian organizations have developed new security policies to better protect humanitarian staff and infrastructures. Drawing from Andrew Abbott’s historical sociology of professions and Pierre Bourdieu’s social theory of power, this thesis proposes an international political sociology of the professionalization of humanitarian security. To address the shortcomings of normative-functionalist explanations and poststructuralist critiques of humanitarian security, this thesis examines the conditions of possibility fostering the emergence of a microcosm of humanitarian security professionals. As a consequence of this transformation in the division of humanitarian labor, humanitarian organizations now classify some of world’s neediest populations as beyond the limits of reasonable sacrifice. In the production of this exclusion, humanitarian actors reconstruct “populations in need” as “dangerous populations.” By weighing the cost of the loss of a “humanitarian life” against the potential value of saving the lives of needy others, humanitarian actors contribute to the intensification of global divides in their quest for a common humanity. In sum, the imposition of security as a humanitarian logic of practice is analyzed as a driving force of the inversion of the humanitarian imperative to save lives and act in defense of a shared humanity. Contributing to debates on humanitarian security, this thesis also advances the study of international organizations, security, and transnational power elites
Duboc, Marie. "Contester sans organisations : stratégies de mobilisation, question sociale et espace de visibilité dans les grèves de l'industrie textile égyptienne 2004-2010." Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0123.
Through the study of workers' protests that took place between 2004 and 2010, this thesis aims to study the mechanisms of social protest, highlighting modes of organisation and mobilisation strategies at work. While between 2004 and 2010 over two million Egyptians protested at their workplaces without the involvement of the official union structure, which does not represent the interests of its members, and outside political parties or groups, there is a tension between the lack of organisations belonging to the formal framework of the political field and the use of modes of protest that are intimately associated with these organisations. Based on an ethnographic study in two cities in the Nile Delta (Mahalla al-Kubra and Shibin al-Kawm), this study makes the following hypothesis: despite the authoritarian context and the apparent lack of party or union structures, collective action is neither spontaneous nor disorganised, although these two adjectives are often juxtaposed with workers' demonstrations in the absence of a thorough understanding of their context. They are shaped by professional relations, bonds of sociability, dynamics of gender and class -- with class dynamics reconfigured in terms of a broader social cleavage -- and the construction of a local scale of protest that allows for engagement, disengagement and hesitation on the part of political parties and activist groups in these mobilisations
Wolff, Valérie. "La grande précarité au rythme de l’urgence : mobilisation du personnel autour du patient sans-abri dans un service hospitalier d’urgences." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAG036.
For many homeless people, emergency hospital services open to all continuous represent a privileged channel of recourse in seeking care, assistance or accommodation. However, due to overcrowding in emergency events, health policies are moving towards a restriction of the welcome to the kernel serious pathologies. The example of patient precarious situation then pushes its climax tensions that occur in these services, torn between their skills to treat life- threatening emergency and traditional hospitality function "all-comers". A fieldwork conducted in a hospital emergency department, shows the diversity of personal forms of mobilization around homeless patients in their dimensions both moral and organizational
Vincent, Fanny. "Un temps qui compte. Une sociologie ethnographique du travail « en 12 heures » à l’hôpital public." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PSLED047.
This thesis focuses on the development of 12 hours-shift work of nurses and nurses’ aides in public hospital since a decade. It considers the program as an indicator of public policy and work transformations. Drawing savings for the administrative heads of hospital and reducing the number of working days for nurses, this working time organization crystallises current issues of public hospital : new public management, intensification of work, aspiration of work/life balance of nurses. Defined in 2002 as an express exception of the maximum legal working time (due to the necessity of public service continuity), the standardization of the use of the program contributes to increase the gap between norms and practices. At the intersection of sociology of work, sociology of public policy and sociology of law, the thesis is based on a multi-sited 12 hours-shift work ethnography. It examines the conditions of emergence of the program and the way actors appropriate it. The thesis shows that beside the idea of an improvement of the service quality and the nurses’ satisfaction, the program goes with the intensification of work and contributes to the rationalization of hospital
Fortin, Julie. "Politiques familiales et natalité au Québec : limites et opportunités de l'intervention publique." Thesis, Université Laval, 2011. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2011/27810/27810.pdf.
Herman, Barbara. "Vie associative et participation politique des personnes issues de l'immigration: le cas des populations d'origine marocaine, turque et congolaise à Bruxelles." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209053.
Ce travail s’articule autour de deux questionnements de recherche. Le premier a pour objectif d’apporter des éléments nouveaux quant aux théories existantes portant sur la participation politique et l’engagement civique (capital social) des populations ethniques minoritaires. Il s’agit d’examiner, d’une part, la nature de la relation entre participation associative et politique et, d’autre part, certains processus explicatifs sous-jacents. Le second questionnement vise à fournir de nouvelles informations à propos de différentes populations d’origine étrangère dont la vie associative et politique aura été investiguée. Celles qui ont été choisies dans le cadre de cette thèse relèvent des immigrations, hors Union européenne, les plus nombreuses à Bruxelles. Il s’agit, en l’occurrence, des populations d’origine marocaine, turque et congolaise.
A partir de données quantitatives récoltées en 2009 auprès d’échantillons représentatifs de personnes issues de l’immigration marocaine, turque et congolaise à Bruxelles ainsi que d’un groupe contrôle non-issu de l’immigration, cette thèse apporte des éléments originaux à la fois au niveau théorique et empirique.
D’abord, nous avons pu confirmer le fait que le capital social est un facteur essentiel favorisant le développement de la participation politique, à la fois au niveau agrégé et individuel. De plus, nos résultats montrent également, en particulier au niveau individuel, que le capital social ethnique est un facteur plus important que le capital social multiethnique pour expliquer la participation politique des personnes issues de l’immigration. Contrairement à ce qui est parfois admis, le regroupement communautaire ne pousserait pas à l’institutionnalisation du repli ethnique mais, au contraire, lorsqu’il est organisé sous une forme associative, constituerait un tremplin vers la participation à la vie démocratique du pays d’accueil, offrant ainsi des opportunités civiques remarquables aux personnes qui en font partie.
Ensuite, malgré le large consensus au plan théorique qui existe à propos du rôle médiateur des confiances sociale et politique pour expliquer la relation entre le capital social et la participation politique, nos résultats sont loin d’étayer cette hypothèse :l’accumulation du capital social ne permet pas d’expliquer l’effet mobilisateur des associations bénévoles. Les aspects "non-normatifs" du capital social, tels que l’accès aux informations (politiques) ou aux compétences civiques, par exemple, pourraient être de meilleurs prédicteurs du comportement politique. De plus, pour les personnes issues de l’immigration, peu importe leur origine, leur participation associative est négativement associée à la confiance politique qui, elle, montre un lien négatif avec la participation politique. Cette constatation jette un nouvel éclairage quant au débat relatif aux causes et conséquences des faibles niveaux de confiance politique et étaye les études montrant que la confiance politique n’est pas systématiquement associée à une plus grande participation politique. En l’occurrence, un faible niveau de confiance pourrait augmenter la participation politique dans certaines situations à travers une nouvelle génération dite de "citoyens critiques".
Enfin, bien que nos résultats aient mis en évidence de nombreuses similitudes entre les populations étudiées, nous avons identifié diverses particularités liées aux origines nationales en interaction avec le contexte institutionnel et politique bruxellois, rejoignant ainsi la littérature liée à l’impact des structures d’opportunités politiques ainsi qu’aux spécificités des groupes de migrants pris en considération.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Piedagnel, Clémence. "Fabrique et usages de la convivialité par le management contemporain. Ethnographie au sein de deux entreprises." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Normandie, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023NORMR058.
In the context of human resources management, more and more companies are developing workplace friendliness systems and policies. While they are presented as evidence of companies ethical concerns, as a reaction to Taylorism – deemed dehumanising – this research is based on the hypothesis that workplace friendliness can also be used as a managerial tool to exert ‘compliance pressure’ (Brasseur, 2013, p.47).The investigation is based on three ethnographic surveys in a Parisian start-up, a sporting goods shop and at the same brand’s head office. It also calls on additional research into a workplace well-being label as well as professionals in the field of corporate conviviality known as ‘chief happiness officers’, ‘office managers’ and ‘happiness managers’. The study qualifies the idea of a managerial breakthrough through which the notion of ‘friendliness’ would have developed in opposition to Taylorism and, in light of developments in law and occupational health, it unveils an overall strategy aimed above all at enhancing work organisations’ image. By analysing all the ‘conviviality policies’ implemented in the workplaces observed, we can see that the ‘informal’ moments designed by senior managers as a means of obtaining new forms of cooperation from employees – whether individual through coaching for example, or collective through sporting or playful entertainment – make it possible to build a common culture and get employees to accept the organisation’s shortcomings. Employees react to these proposals and the associated injunctions in different ways, which can change over time: from commitment and mobilisation to distancing and resistance. Resistance is often more virulent the longer they have been with the company. In the same way that greenwashing is a term that criticises marketing processes used to enhance companies’ ecological image, this thesis explores what it calls ‘happywashing’ to describe that managerial interpretation of ethics, well-being and health at work
Lachèze-Pasquet, Pierre. "La formation du personnel hospitalier." Paris 1, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA010529.
Bertrand, Louis. "Norme, règle et individu dans les politiques locales du logement des personnes défavorisées." Phd thesis, Université Paris-Est, 2008. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00441394.
Contremoulin, Eddie. "Politique du territoire et territorialisation du politique." Caen, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991CAEN1081.
Ahmadi, Nassr. "Sociologie politique de la Révolution iranienne." Paris 5, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA05H087.
I began in 1990 for my doctorate in political sociology at the university of Sorbonne-France. The thesis starts with a short introduction, then it is divided in three parts which consist of ten chapters that sum up to 576 pages. The entire research is summed in a conclusive section, and the end the reference is dated. Then the doctrine of the Islamic regime and its campaign against the Iranian values socials is considered. The thesis provides the study of spread and expansion of the revolution through socio-political campaign against the united states, destruction of the Israel, and the settlement of Islamic regimes in the region, dictated by the doctrine of the Iranian Islamic regime, and the effort for the propose of unification of the society in accordance to the Shiite sect. The resulting transition of society and its class structures along with the elements inherited by the revolution are also studied. Relations of the government with religious minorities, the Islamic states and the occident is assessed. The connection an the distance between the society and the government is rationalized. Finally the society's expectations and its dream is described
El, Mossadak Ahmed. "Terrorisme et sociologie politique de l'International." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030097.
Terrorism has become an illness of the modern World-System. How to rethink the act of terrorism has become an urgent question because it seems that the non understanding is dominant if not triumphant. Thus the necessity to see the terrorist act "included and overcame rather than felt with fantasy". The American policy has remobilized the world around the security objectives to intervene in the international policy. American security policies, based on the reinforcement of exceptional juridical legislation on global techniques of surveillance and on the military mobilization, have led to public liberties, with unprecedented tutoring (USA Patriot Act, Project Patriot Act, Homeland of security, National Strategy of Security) and the establishment of a real international exception state. Refractory to the American antiterrorist logic "war against terrorism", the European Union members have claimed before to be their allies: "we will fight terrorism by the law and in the frame of law". This logic has quickly made the allies adopt the American model. In reality, it is the Arab World that has suffered the consequences of terrorism. The events of the September 11, 2001 have thrown projectors on Islam as a source of terrorism although the Arabs and Muslims were the first targets of Islamic terrorism, and the first to suffer the consequences. One of the effects of this situation is the mitigated and ambiguous reaction of the Arab and Muslim opinions about the September attack. It is in this context that most of the ArabWorld has been inscribed in "War against terrorism" without almost any motivation but with a lot of hesitation because of the pressure made by the international coalition and especially the American one. Indeed to side this position presupposes a recurrent reality in the Arabs political and strategic choices. The choice of "immobilism" of the "statuquo" and "the absence of the initiative" answers to constraints to be at the same time a target and at the center of the "war against terrorism"
Bardiès, Laure. "Deux siècles de sociologie militaire en France (1815-1991) : sociologie d'une sociologie." Toulouse 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008TOU10066.
Caporal-Ebersold, Eloise. "Language policy and practices in early childhood education and care (ECEC) : a case study of an english-french bilingual crèche in Strasbourg." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAC020/document.
This doctoral thesis focuses on the first parental English-French bilingual crèche established in the multilingual city of Strasbourg, France. Using an ethnographic approach, this research looks into the relationship of language policy with social factors. With the one person, one language (OPOL) policy as this ECEC setting’s identified language policy (LP), my aim is to understand its language policy processes. Primarily informed by Spolsky’s tripartite LP conceptualisation, I seek to analyse the following: the declared language policy or what the proponents say about how they manage languages; the perceived language policy or what they believe about OPOL; and the practiced language policy or what they do and how they implement the said LP. Moreover, following Johnson (2009), I also address the multilayered dimension of LP and look at the agents, goals, processes and discourses involved in the creation of this crèche. Moreover, this research endeavour aims to address a gap in LP studies that to a certain extent have focused on either family or formal educational settings
Bouttet, Flavien. "Organiser la pratique sportive des personnes handicapées : entrepreneurs et dynamiques institutionnelles dans la construction de l'action fédérale." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG032/document.
In the late 2000s, many mainstream sports federations are structured to organize a way of practicing sports for people with disabilities. International and local transformations promote this new form of federal action. The transformation of international and local sports organizations promotes this new form of federal action. On a national level, public policies also encourage the federations to be more invested with people with disabilities. However, the federal action organized for people with disabilities must also be understood through the commitment of individual actors. The analysis of seven federations, as institutions, demonstrates the construction of a new category of actors, often identified as 'disability referents' and that can be characterized as entrepreneurs within their federation. These actors, supported by their leaders, invest the organization of with the practice of sports by disabled people and rally a large number of federal actors to develop the projects. Highlighting these entrepreneurs’ social skills is also possible through the analysis of cooperation with actors outside the federation. The study of these relationships with specific federations or with the Ministry of Sports, especially through the “pôle ressources national sport et handicaps”, highlights struggles about how to organize the practice of sports by disabled people. These struggles reinforce the visibility and positioning of the actors involved in the process of federal commitments. They also allow the characterization of a national "sports and disabilities" space in full recombining in front of the challenge of integrating people with disabilities in the sports world
Abou, Zahab Mariam. "Sociologie politique de l'islam militant pakistanais contemporain." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0022.
Our research deals with Islamist groups which emerged in the 1980s and the 1990s in Pakistan, and particularly groups implicated in thez Sunni-Shia sectarian conflict. We assume that religion is only a pretext and that the conflict is the result of socio-economic tensions and of the rivalry between social groups competing for power at the local level. The security approach often dominant which highlights the instrumentalization of radical groups by the Pakistani State ignores the dynamics of a very complex society as well as the ideological framework and the historical continuity into which these groups inscribe themselves. We analyzed the dynamics and the causes of the violence through a study of the Sipah-e Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), a Sunni extremist group, in the context of Jhang (Punjab) using a framework borrowed from the social movement theory. This approach enabled us to build, from the Jhang paradigm, a model applicable to social dynamics in Pakistan. This model was applied to other movements : Shia groups, Pakistani taliban in the Tribal areas, Salafi groups and Afghan taliban
Piñeyro, Rosina. "La corruption entre le désir et la mort du politique." Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010669.
Trabut, Loïc. "Nouveaux salariés, nouveaux modèles : le maintien à domicile des personnes âgées dépendantes." Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00656226.
Gayraud, Laure. "La politique d'emploi des personnes handicapées Genèse et mise en œuvre d'une politique ordinaire (le cas de la Gironde)." Phd thesis, Université Victor Segalen - Bordeaux II, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00184150.
Sergent, Arnaud. "La politique forestière en mutation : une sociologie politique du rapport secteur - territoire." Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00833235.
Aldrin, Philippe. "La rumeur en politique : une sociologie de la prise de parole politique." Paris 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA010316.
Abrioux, Florence. "Pouvoirs locaux et politiques culturelles : changements et synergies dans le système culturel local." Paris 10, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA100181.
The cultural policies usually refer to the action of the State. This thesis is about analysing the role of the municipalities in the local cultural dynamics. The cultural system is composed of three different agents: the political, economical and social actors whose close collaboration generates a specific cultural environment. The political actor is however the core of our analysis because it triggers off a certain number of changes which modify the functioning of the local cultural system. The main political changes concern the municipalities which are at the root of a cultural policy which becomes an identify stake, a factor of influence and prestige, an object of communication. The territorial collectivities henceforth stand as actors which develop a cultural policy which is independant of the State. .
Goguen, Jacques. "Pour une sociologie politique des mouvements de jeunes." Paris 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA010288.
Abu, Sultan Ahmed Ali. "La sociologie politique d'Ibn Khaldoun et son actualité." Paris, EHESS, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993EHES0310.
Civilization is composed of the social, political, economic, cultural and spiritual components. What state is to civilization, form is to the matter, just like a container for contents. Thus the arab society is divided into three categories: homogeneous, communal and multiple, factors that influence the social and political stability. Ibn khaldoun considers that the espirit de corps is the first political nucleus; that is why the political power is represented by alliance emanating from esprits de corps. Excluding one or many of them upsets the entire equilibrium of the political system. The absence of such an alliance actually corresponds to the lack of parliamentary representation. Thus the political social conflicts which are going on in somalia, afghanistan, ex-yugoslavia and ex-soviet-union. . . Indicate the clear-sightedness of the author of prolegomenon (ibn khaldoun) in the field of multiplicity of esprits de corps, and lack of social, political, economic, and cultural representation
Zvobgo, Tafadzwa. "Sociologie politique de la violence électorale au Zimbabwe." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0171.
This dissertation studies the socio-political dynamics related to the control of what we refer to as war capital in the context of three presidential electoral periods from 2002 to 2013 in Zimbabwe. In addition, it examines the consequences of electoral violence on the country's institutions and electoral processes. Our approach focuses on clarifying how electoral violence occurs with respect to three key concepts: democracy, elections and voting. It identifies ZANU-PF perpetrators as the root cause of electoral violence. Through an analysis of ZANU-PF’s war capital, the nationalist movement and the anti-colonial war led to a political system in Zimbabwe where force and violence continue to be the primary means of ensuring mobilization and retribution during elections. Our main findings reveal that nationalist and guerrilla strategies implemented during the elections explain the triggering, proliferation and participation of protagonists in electoral violence. These strategies include the mobilisation of state actors and ZANU-PF supporters and the employment of ZANU-PF’s war capital. Furthermore, this study finds that electoral violence occurs primarily before the vote, during fragile stages of the electoral cycle of the presidential elections in Zimbabwe. The thesis also shows that the country's electoral institutions and processes reinforce and encourage the reproduction of electoral violence
Lénel, Pierre. "Quelle sociologie pour quelle démocratie ? : rationalité, politique, émancipation." Thesis, Paris, CNAM, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017CNAM1135.
" What sociology for which democracy? Political rationality and emancipation " has for ambition to question the links between the epistemology, the sociological theory and the posture or the kind of commitment of the sociologist in the city. It is a question of exploring the conditions of possibility of a critical, not ideological theory, but established in sociological reason. A first part, leaning on researches-actions, is interested in the question of the participation of the citizens. A first example, a sociology of the Theater of the oppressed, shows how this type of intervention can be interpreted as a device of political subjectivation. The second example raises the question of the participation from quite a different design of the social. On the occasion of the elaboration of a device of participation citizen on the territory of Feyzin, we tried to articulate a particular sociology (theory of the actor-network) and a design of the reason has a practice (with Vincent Descombes) to build a citizen Conference. In these two cases it is the links between sociological paradigm and modalities of democratic intervention that are examined. A more epistemological, second part, is interested in the functioning of the sociological discipline and presents three attempts of elaboration of a posture which aims at putting in its center the notion (and the practice) of « space of controversy ». The first example makes return on the German Quarrel of the social sciences because this quarrel is exemplary, at the same time of a controversy which tries to explore the various available arguments, at some point, but also, from a more substantial point of view, puts the foundations of two interpretations of the social world which are always active in the contemporary debates. The second is situated at a more theoretical level, and, from a colloquium which gathered various partisan authors of a theory of the activity to think of the work, of tent to bring to light a point of view of the activity which could be common to all these authors. The idea is rather simple : it is a question of contributing to build a cumulativity and a point all right the authors of which could claim to be (in particular in a political perspective). Finally, the third takes the risk of exploring what we sometimes call a point of view " postanthropocentric" (or " desanthropocentric ", the terms are far from being stabilized) in social sciences. If we take seriously the question of a deepening of the democracy, to where do we can go in this direction? What can mean for the sociology the idea to take into account the "non-human beings" ? It is so, by means of these multiple angles of attack, that this work suggests displaying our interrogation on the relations between epistemology, sociology and politics
Bertin, Jean Jacques. "Sociologie électorale et communautés locales." Bordeaux 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990BOR1D029.
The study of the evolution of cantonal elections during the vth republic shows a complete change. This cannot yet be considered as a stepping into line of local polls with national elections. An important distinction must be made between the change in the outline of the polls and the change in the candidates'speech, with is not so obvious. This evolutive process is founded on the transformation appearing in the electoral behaviour and on the strategies of the political parties towards the local polls. Meanwhile, certain areas still remain ardently traditional, emerging from the notion of local rooting of the candidates. Among them, the retiring candidates keep on playing a capital role. In order to grasp the evolution of cantonal election, it is essential to distinguish between rural polls and urban polls, something that is often neglected by general studies. These are influenced by the large variety of local situations which are conveyed at the time of cantonal elections. In spite of its pertinence, the model of "elections intermediaires" does not escape
Mabilon-Bonfils, Béatrice. "Méthodologie des sciences exactes et des sciences humaines : le cas de la sociologie du politique." Aix-Marseille 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993AIX32018.
Scientific activity is a social production because it is not independant of its objective conditions of production. Scientificity is a conquered right and a right de jure. So, relationship between exact sciences and social sciences are a nodal line to understand how social sciences are sciences. Historical forms of the debate between sciences of the center and sciences of the periphery explain how the rationality of social sciences was built. Daily scientific acts show that the process of scientific rationality can be looked with the paradigm of center and periphery
Sadaoui, Hamid. "Culture socio-politique et développement national : le cas des élites économiques algériennes." Paris 10, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA100141.
One of the underdevelopment aspects in Algeria is the socio-political life disarticulation. The socialist development model chosen by the political elites, is taken in charge, on the economic front, by other elites (economic). The confrontation of Algerian society structures, and official political discourse with economic elites thought, clears not only the aspects of the disarticulation, but necessity of a new approach of Algeria problems as well. The socio-political thought of the economic elites expresses conflictual attitudes and complicated situations. An inquiry within this social group, about economical, political, cultural institutions, and some tradition aspects, shows the complexity of social relations inherent to underdevelopment, in the way it is thought. Inadequate structures expresses many conflicts that characterize the Algerian socio-political life. This research tries to contribute to a political sociology of Algeria. It prefers the investigation, to speculative study, in order to avoid the mistake which consists to take a model of comprehension and forget the realities. These models have been built for the study of a specific society. If it brings many things about it, this doesn't mean that it will explain any problem, of any society in anytime
Hanique, Fabienne. "Les liens du sens : transformations des fonctionnements collectifs et de l'engagement subjectif au travail des guichetiers de La Poste impactés par la modernisation." Paris 7, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA070034.
Dawn of meanings : how the professional interaction and the internalized commitment to the work place are impacted by modern redeployment of clerical functions at the French public post office "La Poste". The object of this research is to show how the clerk's professional interaction and their internalized commitment to their function are transforming under the influence of modernization processes of public services. We have performed, during almost three years, an ethnographic study within a clinical approach on a team of clerks at a post office. Focusing on the analysis of technical, social and psychological conditiond of the work activity, this study shows the subjectivation process of these employees, and over, of employees at work. The study covers three areas revealing, beyond the structural evolutions, the modifications in the perception of this modernization. Finally, we find that this modernization impacts the organization and the representation of work as well as the thorough sense of activity
Meuret, Denis. "L'économie politique comme discours de gouvernement." Paris 9, 1985. https://portail.bu.dauphine.fr/fileviewer/index.php?doc=1985PA090108.
Lacasse, François. "Représentations, expertise économique et décisions politiques." Montpellier 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996MON10038.
To get their interests on the political agenda, lobbies propose biased, self-serving images of problems and of the impact of government action. These implicit models are confronted within the public sector by experts who are responsible for defining policy options presented to decision markers. The study of how economics, in this context, are used, misused and rejected leads to a questioning and a reformulation of public choice theory, particularly its revenue maximising assumptions which in bureaucracies are severely bounded by institutional structures and managerial imperatives. As well, the largely implicit assumption of discreet sub-governments as the normal decision for is of questionable usefulness. The assumptions that lobbies know that their problem definition is misleading and that the social benefits of the governmental actions demanded are minimal are shown to be unduly restrictive. As for the management of economic expertise within the bureaucracy, simply assuming self-interest by bureaucrats does not allow for reliable predictions; institutional monopoly on expertise and instruments as well as the trade-offs between change and stability in organizations provide a necessary complement to public choice theory
Cha, Nam Hee. "La Mobilisation paysanne dans la Corée contemporaine : 1920-1930." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010256.
What diffentiates the modern peasant movement from the traditional peasant movement is that, in the former, peasant radicalism does not develop only from structural conditions. With the emergence of the modern society, it is thanks to ideology, organization, and dedicated leaders that the peasant can be mobilized in the modern peasant movement which is aware of the political perspective and is against the established order. According to our study on the peasant mobilisation in contemporary korea. Peasants, in the course of change in the rural community due to the penetration of capitalist economy in the countryside, did not revolt as long as they could profit from the change. And, it was the independent middle peasants in the northeast area who were the most susceptible to the revolutionary movement. On the contrary, the peasans in the south where the commercial agriculture was developed, preferred to remain in an individual action or in moderate economic movements. For the first time in Korea, it was the communist organization which could mobilize the peasants in a political collective action