Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Sociologie de la guerre'
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Zhu, Yuan-Fa. "La sociologie française d'après-guerre." Paris 4, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA040215.
Bridji, Fateh. "Les appelés de la guerre d'Algérie : sociologie d'une mémoire." Nantes, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004NANT3009.
The memory of the conscripts during the Algerian War is apprehended from sociologically built up problematics. The first part of the thesis tries to define the colonial, military and warlike triple context. As far as the conscripts' experience could only be analysed if reintroduced in this context perspective, the second part of this work consists in the confrontation of the resuts given by the first one and obtained by the historians with those coming from an original interview. Hence, their specific position within the "civilian" social structure and the military resocialization they had to undergo have particularly subjected these young conscripts to State censure. The effects of symbolic violence legitimately exercised by the State and guarantor for official representation of past and present reality (as objective History), thus, operate the agreement between the State control censure and the silence of former young conscripts about a long repressed past
Lanno, Régis. "Une sociologie de la littérature appliquée aux oeuvres : Maurice Blanchot, de l'entre-deux-guerres à la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAG031.
The aim of this work is to define the conditions of possibility of a sociological approach applied to literary works. That approach is illustrated by the analysis of political and literary articles, and novels of the writer Maurice Blanchot, from the inter-war period to the end of the Second World War. We define sociology of literary works as an approach that must be able to produce knowledge about both content and style. We postulate that the theoretical framework of interpretive sociology is the most likely to answer the epistemological and methodological obstacles of such a perspective. We try to evidence that the understanding of the literary works and the literary practice of Blanchot can be achieved by the reconstruction of his socialization experiences: his family history, his relation to his body, to illness and to love. We also postulate that his political commitment at the far right and his radical view of literary practice are based on the same existential unease
Dominique, Josie. "Machines de guerre et Appareils d’État : sociologie historique des forces armées à Madagascar." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH175.
Our research work aims to develop a historical sociology of the armed forces in order to understand the civil-military relations prevailing in Madagascar. These forces contribute as much to the establishment of political powers as they do to their defeat. To understand this tension, we have chosen to draw inspiration from the approach relating to the theory of the war machine and the capture device of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Gattari. To do this, our main hypothesis is that, since the 19th century, the State has been forming and reproducing itself in the confrontation between its capture apparatus and the various war machines. We propose to test this hypothesis on three cases: first, the situation of Mainty warriors, royal servants and first military officials and the conquest of Madagascar by the Royal Army of Madagascar in the 19th century; second, the non-recognition of the Malagasy armed forces by the State in the insurrectional war of 1947; third, the training of officers at the Antsirabe Military Academy. Based on the specific treatment of these three cases, general intelligibilities will be built to allow us to model the civil-military relations that have prevailed in Madagascar since the nineteenth century. Through the analysis of the continuities and ruptures of this military history, our research clarifies the link between the Malagasy armed forces and the State apparatus from the pre-colonial period to the current republican period. This research work is based on archival documents collected in France and Madagascar, as well as empirical data collected following a series of interviews with military officers
Loez, André. ""Si cette putain de guerre pouvait finir" : histoire et sociologie des mutins de 1917." Montpellier 3, 2009. https://www-numeriquepremium-com.ezpaarse.univ-paris1.fr/content/books/9782070355235.
This dissertation studies the mutinies of 1917 as a social movement within the French army. It endeavors to reconstuct the social and symbolic framework of obedience which ensures combatants' participation and obedience in the war before 1917, then discusses the contexts of spring 1917, when multiple news and events (military advance then failure, stikes, Russian revolution, pacifist conference in Stockholm) open up the possibility for a collective action against the war. The intensity with which war is refused is reevaluated, through a description of disobedient soldiers' practices ( desertion, demonstration, unrest, refusal to march to the front lines), and a study of the mutineers' attempts to reach Paris in order to discuss or enforce peace talks. These actions are led by soldiers whose social characteristics (youth and level of qualification) differ from that of most combatants. They employ protest techniques and practices available in civilian life, improvising disobedience while officers and the military institution attempt to suppress and repress their movement. Finally, a study of the vocabulary and languages of protest deployed by mutineers permits to understand the originalities of their action within the political cultures of contemporary France
Haffar, Maha Kamel. "Les attitudes culturelles des Libanais durant la guerre civile." Paris 5, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA05H029.
A sociological and anthropological analysis of the behaviours of lebanese people during the civil war shows us that the war is not only military acts, but also it is a daily battle with a lot of problems like how to eat, to have electricity, water, gaz or bread, and how to save itself from bombs and from the action of many militias
Schimel, Anne. "L'expérience des Brigades rouges de 1968 à 1978 : analyse de l'échec d'une politique de rupture et d'une conception réductrice du conflit." Lyon 2, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997LYO20029.
A terrorist act releases on the behaviour of failure with the system, here a democracy, so that to modify not only the institutions but more, some measures came into force in the country (the town, the area, the whole country). Usually this kind of acts show, not only a break policy, but also, a reduced idea of an interior state conflict. The example of the aldo moro's knidapping and murder in rome in 1978, represents an illustration of what happened before by similar events in germany, and about what will occur next in other european countries. These kind of events shows three key points : the new figure of the mediatic hero, on the inernational stage : the terrorist, - on the same stage the "crusader judge", a new profile of an examining magistrate. - the political change of a democratic government, in order to defend and protect himself against the terrorism will be able to produce "special laws"
Martinot-Leroy, Rémy. "La contestation de la dissuasion dans l'armée de terre : l'atome et la guerre subversive dans les travaux des officiers de l'Ecole supérieure de guerre, 1962-1975." Paris 1, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA010274.
2 000 caractères maximum espaces compris. En cas de dépassement la coupure sera automatique. Each year, a few dozen officers, aged about 40, are admitted at the Staff army college (Ecole supérieure de guerre de l'armée de terre) after a drastic selection. Each officer must produce an individual dissertation (thèse individuelle) at the end of the first year. Twenty per cent of these speak of subversive warfare. In some cases, this last term sometimes appears more than three times in the whole memorandum. We will call this phenomenon "textual traces". The reader can deduce that the author favours the subversive war more than the deterrent, even if it is not directly dealt with. Whereas subversive warfare was part of the study programme before 1962, it has completely disappeared from the documents printed by the college since then. There's a discrepancy between the discourse of the staff army college teachers ; focused on nuclear deterrent, and some of the pupils'; state of mind based on subversive warfare. For many of them, it remains more important than deterrent. This opinion usually appears in "textual traces" such as the classification nuclear war/classic war/subversive war ; often used by the trainees but never found in official documents. In 1968, the college authority suppressed the individual memoranda. However, contest still exists in collective reports (grande commission) although topics are determined by the above-mentioned authority. Textual traces were less obvious but present until 1975. We identified this "soft contest" only by using the notion of "textual trace". We also must consider another kind of documents which is the school year journal (album de promotion). Written by the "pupils" and meant only for themselves, this unauthorised source tells the story of the two years spent at the staff army college in a humourus tone and supports the following idea : some trainees actually thought the subversive war to be the most important conflict to prepare although most of them wouldn't admit it publicly. Date et signature de l'auteur
Dabila, Antony. "L'affrontement guerrier. Une étude sociologique comparée." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040132/document.
War is twice a social process. On the one hand, the efficiency of the inner workings of each group involved defines what can be called, by extending a common sense word, the "strength" of an army. On the other hand, struggle and confrontation follow a social logic, the agon and violent opposition one, to achieving political goals. If the first aspect has been extensively treated by contemporary sociology, the second has not received the attention it deserved. According to the fundamental hypothesis that we unwind in this work, the opposition of forces created upstream by belligerent groups is not a mechanical opposition, as the opposition of two natural forces. To understand the military confrontation, we must add the logic of ruse (or artifice) to the logic of strength. Based on the division of the military activity as a triple dichotomy (Offensive/Defensive, Strategy/Tactic, Direct Approach/Indirect Approach), this work aims to establish a grammar of military action, detached from all political and diplomatic considerations. Its purpose is to understand what are the real ends of the military confrontation, ends for which the policy must build the means of its power
Southcott, Chris. "La Nation et l'appareil militaire : la guerre et les images nationales canadiennes : 1899-1919." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37601349s.
Debos, Marielle. "Des combattants entre deux guerres : sociologie politique du métier des armes au Tchad." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009IEPP0037.
How does bearing arms become a regular form of expressing contestation and a way of life? Based on ten months of fieldwork carriedout in Chad, the objective of my dissertation research has been to understand why and how arms-bearing has become a craft practicedby soldiers, rebels, and road bandits. The boundaries among these statuses are blurred, such that they can be held alternately or simultaneously by a single individual. This thesis analyses as a craft the activities carried out by individuals, who live from the gun and who have learned and developed specific sets of knowledge and practical expertise, as well as modes of justification regarding war and violent extortion. My approach aims to situate conflicts within broader temporalities to understand what is at stake beyond times and spaces of war. First, I show that the craft of arms has been a social institution over the past century because it is linked not only to warbut also to a political economy and a mode of government, which are characterized by violence. Second, I argue that this craft isregulated by rules and boundaries: while the statuses of individuals are fluid, the military sphere itself is structured by powerful social and political hierarchies. Third, I reflect on how a paradoxically non-disciplinary army and a state shaped by a violent historical trajectory are governed. The political sociology of the craft of arms shows that patterns which are not directly linked to war are crucial to analyze conflicts and post-conflict situations
Amiel, Bastien. "La tentation partisane : le Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire : une entreprise politique en construction entre " Libération " et " Guerre Froide"." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100038.
From a combination between historical sociology of politics and sociology of interaction between intellectuals and political field, this thesis looks back at the creation and the few months of existence of the Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire. Launched on February 1948 by authors, commentators, socialist parliamentarians and political and union activists, the R.D.R. aimed at rallying around the refusal of taking sides between soviet and Atlantic bloc. Based on a collective biography complemented by a statistic and sociographical approach, we brought to light the social particularity of its members as well as their respective status in 1948. Permeability between the political field and this of symbolic properties production, explains the collective partisan temptation underlying the R.D.R.’s creation. The thorough study of the mobilization in the process shows that the multiple attempts to institutionalize the group failed to stabilize a repertoire of contention. It is as if the R.D.R.’s mobilization was only efficient for its intellectual members and as if, instead of a political party, they only succeeded in creating a “collective intellectual”. Contextualizing the R.D.R. in an extensive history of the relationships between political and intellectual fields reveals how the specific situation between France's liberation and the “cold war” allowed such an attempt to overstep the symbolic boundaries within the field of power. Given up the exclusive approach of the R.D.R. as a failure, it is the matters related to the political involvement of intellectuals that this thesis unveils
Didier, Emmanuel. "De l'échantillon à la population : sociologie de la généralisation par sondage aux États-Unis avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale." ENSMP, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000ENMP0964.
Blom, Amélie. "La violence d’Etat en partage : le Pakistan et la privatisation de la guerre au Cachemire (1947-2007)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018IEPP0042.
This thesis makes the case for a contextualized approach to jihadist violence. From an analysis of politico-religious movements based in Pakistan and engaged in an armed struggle in the disputed territory of Kashmir, it investigates the conditions – related to the historical, political and social context – that can explain this particular form of political radicalization. The argumentation rests on a large analytical spectrum, in terms of timeframe, disciplinary fields and empirical focus. The first hypothesis, of a methodological nature, is that the complexity of the process should be apprehended through an approach mixing the historical sociology of the state and the political sociology of mobilisation. Jihadist movements are indeed understood as being part of a long-term “state-authorized privatization of extra-territorial violence”, a practice that proves to be a structural property of the trajectory of the Pakistani state since 1947. The second hypothesis, based places the focus on the perspective of the army, the militias, and the recruits so as the highlight the ambivalent nature of the relations between these different actors. Links between the military and the militias vary from ideological agreement to “collusive transactions” to conflict. Relations between combatants and armed groups are not stable either. The lack of transitivity between different phases of radicalisation (recruitment, training, self-sacrificial violence) suggests that at each step, the narratives and emotions mobilized by entrepreneurs of violence can clash with those that actually mobilize recruits. Hence the importance of bridging the processual approach of militancy with emotions studies
Hlinovsky, Olga. "Contribution à l'élaboration d'une problématique sociologique de la guerre." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0028/NQ32643.pdf.
Binam-Bikoï, Auguste Cabral. "La sociologie des mobilisations partisanes au Cameroun : les partis politiques dans l'action collective en contexte de libéralisation post guerre froide." Bordeaux 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010BOR40012.
The return to multiparty politics in Africa has generated renewed interest of researchers in social sciences for collective action. In the case of countries like Cameroon, the ending of one-party politics triggered contestations of the established order. This context of vulnerability leads to civil disobedience (operation "ghost towns"). Institutional reforms followed and lead to the first multiparty elections in 1992 (legislation on 1st March, the presidential October 11). Other dates will follow, includind, in 1997, 2002 and 2004. In these processes that may experts xcall democratic transitions, political parties are the forefront of mobilisations and other forms of collective action. Yet polically identified object and key players in changes attributed to the "global time" period, the parties still are left aside in policy analysis in Africa. The need for a new focus of politics in Africa justifies an analysis of parties as an object of research in light of collective mobilisation in Cameroon since the liberalisation after the Cold War. This current research work questions the sociological logics by which political parties rally behind the veil of democratic propaganda, popular internationally. On the one hand, it estimates the burden of hegemony, both external and sociocultural on collective action amongst the parties and, on the other hand, this work highlights the strategies and modes of coordination around the conventions of political competition
Andréo, Marilyne. "Sociologie de la Résistance dans le Gard, le Vaucluse et les Bouches-du-Rhône." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018MON30090/document.
With 3 departments, sociological analyse of the résistants : geographical origin and social origin of the resistants, familial situation, professional situation during the war, the age when they joigned the Resistance, their organisation, their actions, their sacrifice for the liberation or not, medals, what they became after the conflict (profession, political action, participation on an association)
Leleu, Jean-Luc. "Soldats politiques en guerre : sociologie, organisations, rôles et comportements de la Waffen-SS en considération particulière de leur présence en Europe de l'Ouest : 1940-1945." Caen, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005CAEN1419.
Sidi, Moussa Nedjib. "Devenirs messalistes (1925-2013) : Sociologie historique d'une aristocratie révolutionnaire." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010349.
This thesis proposes a sociology of the revolutionary commitment and, more strangely, the revolutionary trajectories in colonial situation and the colonial trajectories in revolutionary situation. Us objective is to understand how colonized Algerians become revolutionary, how they make the revolution and how they try to remain in it faithful to the independence of Algeria. By taking for object the leaders of the current of Messali Hadj members of revolutionary national council (CNR). In summer1954, we try to go too far chronological traditionally associated with the "Algerian War" ta study the making of revolutionary aristocracy attached to the partisan shape and ta his historic leader. Without reducing the becoming messalists in the rate of their symbolic leader, pioneer of the nationalism since the inter War period, we underline the situational character of the messalian charisma. This research invites ID consider all the work of the protagonists interested in the trajectory of the Algerian revolution (anticolonialists, strengths of repression, rival organizations) and to pay attention on the effects of structure in the analysis. For that purpose, institutional and private archives were consulted, as well as the militant press and magazines published on several decades. Interviews were realized with activists and their descendants in Algeria and in France
Doual, Tassoum L. "Les mutations socio-économiques et la situation des femmes au Tchad pendant la guerre civile." Paris 7, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA070072.
The aim of this thesis is to study the social economical mutation and the situation of the women of chad during the civil war. The first part of the work is focus on the precolonial economical system. This analyse makes it possible to emphasize on the role of the family basic united of production, to show complementary to between men and women end more to show the important, the role of women in statuts in this society. The taking in to accounted in the second part of the theis of the historical, economical, and the political context premetted to show the mal adjustment of the administration end the economy which generated dumbnesses the handling of these desatisfaction by political men entailed civil war. The end of the second part is the description of women situation after the independance, the general social statuts : dowry, wedding, poligamy, divorce, widowing, and their resistance in an environment in complete mutation. At last, the third part of the work approaches upheaveals occured during the civil war and especially crime and bloody repressions under the hissen habre government. It analyses also the consequences of the civil war : spontaniose, destructuration and restauration. It shoose
Concha-Monardes, Raúl. "Aux origines du Royaume du Chili : stratégies impériales, systèmes de défense et guerre indienne (1529-1650)." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010610.
This thesis deals with the history of Chile between 1529 and 1650. The research is centered on the strategic importance of chile and on the role it played as as an organized territory in the defense of the spanish empire against english and dutch corsair attacks. Within the boundaries set up by the vice royalty in Lima for the defense of the empire in the south pacific, this chilean defense system is described both on land (coastal fortifications) and sea (armada). The reinforcement of the spanish sovereignty on Chile was not an easy task due to the poverty of the territory, the resistance of the indians and the failings of the spanish army. Thus this research describes the Indian war, the military and economic difficulties of the occupation, as well as the military systems set up in chile to fight the natives and to defend the territory from corsair forays. The strategic importance of chile forced Spain to send soldiers, supplies and funds to strengthen its position. This lead to consequences in its internal development on the demographic, economic and social levels. The aim of this research is to demonstrate the importance of the strategic factor in orden to interpret the history of Chile as a whole
Raquidel, Charlotte. "Chefs de guerre dans le Maine et ses abords durant la guerre de Cent Ans." Thesis, Le Mans, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LEMA3007.
The study focuses on a social group, the warlords, its borders and its actions in the Maine and its surroundings during the Hundred Years War.It raises questions about the relationships between these characters to kings and princes when they perform acts of military, judicial and policies in a legal framework but also the illegal acts. It raises the question of the relevance of the choice made concerning its geographical basis that placed in the heart tensions that hit western Maine county and its surroundings that suffered from the passage of Foreign companies and end up being largely occupied by the EngIish. The group mainly includes English (Scottish, Welsh...), the "Navarra" and French pulled at a given time between Armagnacs and Burgundians. The panel ranks, statutes and warlords titles are very different. One discerns two major stratas. The basis of recruitment is that of the small rural nobility or the bourgeoisie, while the highest shares are reserved for those high noble spheres which are the blood princes. These warlords have great local and regional importance but they also play in a more general way, a major role in the company's structure creating noble customs, ideology and habits integrating into related standards their group with a specific social, especially during tournaments with achieving recumbent, epitaphs and other forms of eschatological trace. These warlords are creating dynamic military and up ward social mobility stategies both at the heart of the military sphere but also policy, and as part of prince and / or royal courts. They have a prominent place in the genesis and development of the monarchical state and the construction of the royal and prince army
Waquet, Arnaud. "Football en guerre : l’acculturation sportive de la population française pendant la Grande Guerre (1914-1919)." Thesis, Lyon 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010LYO10271.
During the First World War, France knew an intense development of sport who marked a turning point in French sport and cultural history. Indeed, on the Western front, the interpenetration between Allied soldiers, who had a modern sporting culture, and the French civilians and soldiers, educated by patriotic gymnastic, elicited a sporting acculturation and a modernization of the French cultural and sporting model. Through the study of football and using an anthropo-historic analysis framework, this doctoral work focused on the effects of the interpenetration of different cultural groups in the transformation of “sport in war”. After describing the French sporting trend before contact, seven studies showed the results of primary, symbolic and in-group contacts on the French sporting acculturation. We analysed a) the construction of an intercultural and sporting melting pot during war in France, b) the dissemination of football within the Poilus, c) the development of football in British garrison towns, d) the legitimatization and mediatization of football during the war, e) the reinforcement of international dimensions of French football, f) the construction of sporting masculinity during the war, and g) the ruralisation of football in army zones. A wide-range of sources were consulted to obtain the current results. The British and French military archives, several personal notebooks of soldiers, and regimental registers were the basis of our study. Moreover, the national sporting press, the local press of army zones and the press of the trenches were consulted to follow the theoretical framework and to obtain additional information about football during the war. Finally, audio, photo and video recordings of British and French armies were analysed to support our comments and attest the French passion for sport during the war. To conclude, this doctoral thesis defined football as a feature of the culture of the Great War, and the sporting winner of the First World War
Codaccioni, Vanessa. "Punir les opposants : une sociologie historique des "procès politiques" : les interactions répressives entre le PCF et l'État (1947-1962)." Paris 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA010309.
Sakhi, Montassir. "L’État et la révolution : discours et contre-discours du jihad : Irak, Syrie, France." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA080053.
Based on three contemporary political sequences (anti-terrorism in France, the Syrian revolution, and the territorialized government of the Islamic State), this thesis aims on providing answers to the two following questions: what is jihad the name of? What does it produce per se and through the measures that are opposed to its deployment? In other words, the exploration of the theological-political discourse is conducted through the words of the people and in close connection with the renewal of sovereignty through antiterrorist measures. The defended thesis is based on fieldworks in France, Iraq, Morocco, and on the Turkish-Syrian borders, both among those who emigrated to the Islamic State (ISIS) and within the population that experienced the rise of its territorialized government starting in 2014. A first approach to the theological-political Islamic practice intends to demonstrate the refoundation of state apparatus through an interpretation of religious discourse, at a time of unprecedented colonial brutalization of the Iraqi society. This first approach is coupled with an inquiry of the Syrian Revolution whose utopian dimension, while proceeding from the same Islamic tradition, is however notably different from the rationality of the state and its national discourse. A society of counter-conduct was indeed founded, which affirmation is then fully critical of the modern mechanisms of territorial government (school, prison, police, border management, etc.). In other words, the thesis aims at shedding light on a sequence both spatially (Irak and Syria) and historically defined (2011-2017): it will highlight the variety and deepness of multiple collective experiments, in connection with their respective connection to the state, revolution and war
Duso-Bauduin, Stephen. "L'aigle et le qilin : sociologie des représentations stratégiques américaines de la Chine à partir de la guerre du Golfe et sous les mandats de Clinton." Paris, EHESS, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EHES0028.
This PhD dissertation studies the american strategic representations of China, starting with the first missionaries and tradesmen in China in the 19th century, then reaching its climax with the Nixon-Kissinger years. It focuses on the dynamic of strategic representations of China during the two Clinton terms, analysing the shift from the concepts of China as "strategic partner" and "friend" to the concepts of "peer competitor" and "strategic competitor". The nucleus of this research is the in-depth study of the institutions and pressure groups shaping the dominant strategic representations of China in the United States. The actors shaping American policies towards China range from political actors to various economic interest groups and conflicting social forces. This dissertation unveils the prevailing economic interests but also dwells on secondary actors like the human right NGOs, the paranoid strategists spreading the "yellow peril" image, and the chinese-americans who build a schizophrenic representation of China. Finally, the PhD develops the "soft power" theory, studying the role of American fiction in making or spreading strategic images of China
Breton, Catherine. "Socialisation des descendants de parents résistants déportés de France dans les camps de concentration pendant la seconde guerre mondiale." Paris 10, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA100037.
General objective: to study the influence of concentration camp hardships on family socialization and on the personalization of the descendants born after the end of the war. 4 themes are presented as follows: 1) biographical dynamics of the prisoner; 2) existence of a family sub-culture; 3) values passed on to the descendants; 4) characteristics of the descendants ‘self-image. Methodology: qualitative study of 15 families with the support of semi-directed interviews and questionnaires. Quantitative study of 60 (other) descendants with the support of questionnaires. This work shows that the passing on has not simply been produced by the direct relations between the parent and the descendant but depends especially on the level of integration of the parent into the prisoners community. The descendants have built up their social identities by being confronted with a cultural heritage, which might be passed on more or less deliberately. One notices the same phenomenon of social repetition and political passing on, but I have emphasized that the descendants who have had to interact permanently and differently with 3 experiential levels; -the calling-up of facts, memories, values associated with imprisonment; -the everyday way of life specific to the families; -the social context of the prisoners community with its emblems, its symbols, its rituals, have become aware
Paris, de Bollardiere Hervé. "Les Gens du bord : Pour une sociologie des pratiques soucieuse de l'histoire." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSES024.
This thesis discusses the relationship between the dynamics of social transformation of communities of experience and the dynamics of subjectivation in the course of militant, civic or urban action, of actors emerging in different circumstances, and who try to influence their context of action.How the action of the actor engaged in a process of subjectivation to the encounter of the other makes return to his world or environment, and also to that of the other? Everything here is about borders and limits, history and memory in action. This thesis explore the work of the “les gens du bord”, passers of bright memory, passers of material and symbolic borders, throught various field materials and situations.Three types of experience with high socio-historical stakes are intrigued: that of the generations heirs of North African immigration from lower-income neighborhoods; that of anti-war activists in the former Yugoslavia; that of Roma migrants in France and that of a Romanian Rumanian activist movement.Rather than a comparative approach, it is a matter of decentering by working on their critical potential.The narrative path of this research on each of the experiences explored combines intrigue of the city and intrigue of social transformation. The decentering makes it possible to revisit the terms of the citadinity-citizenship-nationality relationship in the various fields.It is by borrowing from both urban sociology and an anthropology of the subject inspired by hermeneutics that we attempt here the experience of a sociology of practices concerned with the history, whose horizon would be to think an ecology of practices and not only an ecology of social groups
Zima, Amélie. "Penser le changement en relations internationales : le cas du premier élargissement post-guerre froide de l'OTAN (1989-1999)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100123.
In order to analyse the dynamics that make change possible change in international relations, this dissertation studies the adhesion of three Central European countries to NATO in 1999. The analysis deals with the factors that allow the switch from the status of enemy to partner or ally. By doing this, the thesis builds on the hypothesis that these evolutions are dependent on a socialization process. However a lack of interactions and of reconciliation, a political use of the past or non-mutual recognition between States can hinder the process. What’s more change is influenced by domestic dynamics. In order to join NATO, Central Eastern European countries modified their institutional and political orders. But this process was not the result of the very pressures of NATO. If the Atlantic Alliance wanted to export a liberal and democratic model and took over the competencies and practices of other organizations, it did not have the tools and the institutional knowledge to do so. So the paths towards adhesion were marked out by three dynamics: a strong concurrency between candidate countries, the singularity of each national way due to domestic political games and the heritage of communism and the politicization of the Atlantic issue as a tool to legitimize or stigmatise. This process shows that there was not a strict equivalence between post-communist transformations and the adhesions. Hence this study suggests that the analysis of change in international relations should take into account the influence of painful pasts and of the domestic arenas
Morando, Camille. "Peinture, dessin, sculpture et littérature : autour du Collège de Sociologie pendant l'entre-deux-guerres." Paris 4, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA040144.
Pajon, Alexandre. "Les sociologues français de l'entre-deux-guerres et la tentation du politique /." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997IEPP0026.
If French sociology, between the two world wars, did not really reached the triumph its instagators expected, it nevertheless played a major role in political and intellectual life. A sample of 101 French sociologists and the study of their biographies make it possible to assess their influence. A majority of them became involved in politics ; they were left or right wings, in workers' or employers' trade-unions, but they were involved. And their subject became involved too. We can distinguish several groups which do not exactly fit sociological schools. The age, the former training of the sociologists were also important. First of them, the sociologists f social peace: radicals or opportunists, durkheimian or heirs of le play's school, they were faithful to the Third Republic. They tried to sociologically base solidarism (C. Bougle, A. Bayet, Levy-Bruhl, Izoulet, G. Risler J. Wilbois, P. De Rousiers). The socialists, the largest group, disputed the French republican economic, social and political structures. But, because they also shared the durkheimian heritage and did not accept the marxist economism, they found it very difficult to renew their doctrine (M. Mauss, H. Levy-Bruhl, M. Déat, C. Levi-Strauss). The non-conformists grounded their ideas on ethnology and the study of things sacred (J. Soustelle, R. Caillois, M. Leiris). They refused any political action in the frames of traditional political parties, so their action remained on the fringe of politics. Sociologists of the rupture stood on the extremes of politics. On the one hand were the communists who denied that conservative sociology could challenge marxism ; they postponed the time one could be both a sociologist and a marxist till after 1945 (G. Friedmann). On the other hand, one found the monarchists, the uncomprimising catholics, sometimes "scientists of the races", they all served reactionnary projects. They prepared many arguments of the doctrine of the Vichy government
Barbosa, da Silva Andrade Cibele. "Le Brésil entre le mythe et l´idéal : la réception de l´œuvre de Gilberto Freyre en France dans l´après-guerre." Thesis, Paris 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA040126.
The objective of this thesis was to study the reception of the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre’s works in France after the Second World War. Going from the starting point of the enthusiasm of Freyre’s reception by experts like Lucien Febvre, Fernand Braudel and Roger Bastide, among others, we sought to attain better comprehension of the reasons that convinced these intellectuals to highlight the importance of the work Maîtres et Esclaves as a function of their own debates. What we advocate as a hypothesis in this thesis is that, contrary to what might be thought about Freyre’s reception in France, it was not primarily related to viewing Brazil as exotic (although the work made a contribution in this respect) or even to Freyre’s historiographic contribution as a supposed precursor of the epistemological innovations made by the historians of Annales. We have instead shown that it is only possible to comprehend Freyre’s acceptance in France by taking into consideration the historical contingencies of the period, full of factors of a political-ideological, epistemological, cultural and scientific nature, and those of institutional and personal nature, such as the study of the sociability network that Freyre constructed with prominent intellectuals within the French scene or his presence in international forums like UNESCO. Based on epistolary, textual and iconographic documentation, we have sought to identify, along general lines, the ways in which Freyre’s ideas fitted in with and interacted with different levels of expectations in France in the 1950s
Guibert-Lassalle, Anne. "Identités, guerres et conflits dans le livre pour enfants." Thesis, Lille 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LIL12010/document.
In the publishing field, contents are submitted both to a collective desire for standardization and to a commercial need for innovation. War, a much awkward topic, is a useful terrain to evaluate how children books cope with current social norms and picture them. Adult actors in publishing for the youth want, with more or less awareness, to perpetuate a social pattern incorporated when they were children. This behavior has a conservatory, or even archaistic, effect on their art work. This mimetic trend is strengthened by the literary and iconographic ethos of youth literature. The storyteller’s nostalgia, as we chose to name it, open a gap between a partly out-of-date socialization message, which is fostered by youth literature, and the need for an updated socialization, demanded by social groups. The processes of production and creation in publishing for the youth in France since 1980 have been studied according to the sociology of artworks and the phenomenological and interactionist perspective borrowed from Erving Goffman’s frame analysis. The corpus consists of 300 fiction books for children under 12. This group fits with the first step in the socialization process according to Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann. In order to avoid searching ethical echoes in a feebly rationalized cultural activity, analysis tools are meant to explain technical gestures. They take part in a comprehensive approach of consensus and trouble among actors
Valerio, Marta. "Le traitement des prisonniers de guerre en Égypte sous le Nouvel Empire." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30069.
The purpose of this study is to describe the main characteristics of treatment of prisoners of war, during the New Kingdom. The period chosen coincides with the arrival of a large number of foreign prisoners in Egypt as a result of the belligerent activities against the populations of Syria-Palestine, Nubia or Libya. At the same time, the goods brought from these countries allowed the realisation of numerous monumental works requiring labour to build and maintain them. Prisoners were incorporated in this framework, taken from their country, carried in Egypt as trophies, but also and especially used as a work force. The evidence presented in this thesis shows that the condition of prisoner was temporary and ceased after the arrival in Egypt. Through the analysis of written and iconographic sources, this work seeks to determine the distribution of these new inhabitants in the country, the different institutions (such as temples and the army) or the individuals that employed them, and the social and economic consequences of this phenomenon. Moreover, the way prisoners are cited in the sources reveals their role in the royal ideology and its reflections in private or literary sources
Gibault, Michèle. "Consciences révoltées et pratiques de résistance des soldats américains pendant la Guerre du Vietnam : histoire du mouvement G.I." Paris 8, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA080913.
A movement of revolt that crystallized into organized resistance developed in the united states armed forces during the vietnam war, both in vietnam and in american military bases in the united states and abroad. Its extension in space and time, its nature of "quasi-mutiny" and its low visibility have permitted authorities to downplay its importance and pass it off as mere "troubles". On the contrary, here we have a mass political movement, with numerous organizations and a gi press of about 300 papers in all, led by rank and file soldiers, in time of war. The gi movement was multi-racial; it opposed the war, fought for democratic rights in the military and had a strong anti-military and even anti-imperialistic orientation. As the war changed, the revolt extended from the army and the marine corps to the air force and the navy. It lasted for about 8 years, with 4 years of greater intensity, until it quieted down after 1974 and eventually disappeared with the passing of a bill sponsored by senator strom thurmond in 1977, barring all organizing activity in the military. The study proposes a history and a sociological and political analysis of the gi movement
Touze, Vincent. "La crise des missiles de Cuba." Aix-Marseille 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009AIX32078.
The study's aim is to analyse decisions in the light of international relations (IR) theories. The introduction and theorical part define the method, that of the confrontation with three models and that of the historian. The study's takes the side of the rational-realist model. Too often one ignores that it puts the emphasis on diplomacy, bounded rationality and psychological factors and is anchored in a historical approach. Graham Allison's organizational models are contested as being under-productive. The doctrine of the organizations was not oriented that way and did not reject rationality; its authors were also the ones of the bounded rationaloity concept. The ideal-psychological model does not have the innovative character to which it presents, despite the constructivism and realism already integrates this model to a large extent. In the second part the decision to install the missiles is market by power politics resulting from historical factors. The American reaction was predicted by a tactic that failed due to faulty leadership. The American decision for a nuclear ultimatum is so explained in the third part as a power politics decision, in a regional and cold-war double logic and the play of an organization inclined towards such a policy. The settlement of the crisis (fourth part) is governed by the power relationships installed from the very start of the crisis, resulting from pre-existing tendencies and tactical positions influenced by social opinion. The conclusion carries a warning against the reification of archive material and the illusion of finding reality in details that only reproduce psychological meanderings
Shtembari, Arber. "Après la guerre : Mobilisations et luttes pour la reconnaissance. Contribution à une analyse sociohistorique de la construction de l'Etat au Kosovo (1945-2012)." Thesis, Limoges, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIMO0057.
This thesis examines jointly, the mobilizations and the classification struggles of the post-war groups in Kosovo after 1999, focusing on the access procedures toward their legal and legitimate recognition. It also analyzes the State formation process in Kosovo and the production of its symbolic forms of consecration. Two main contributions of this work are: First, it highlights a number of issues on post-war groups formation, identification, lifestyles and definition (civils victims, war veterans, war prisoners, families of missing persons, etc.) needing reflection and it questions the conventional wisdom. Second, it examines the complex relationships between the symbolic domination work of the State in Kosovo and the struggles of post-war groups in freeing from their social condition
Zvobgo, Tafadzwa. "Sociologie politique de la violence électorale au Zimbabwe." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0171.
This dissertation studies the socio-political dynamics related to the control of what we refer to as war capital in the context of three presidential electoral periods from 2002 to 2013 in Zimbabwe. In addition, it examines the consequences of electoral violence on the country's institutions and electoral processes. Our approach focuses on clarifying how electoral violence occurs with respect to three key concepts: democracy, elections and voting. It identifies ZANU-PF perpetrators as the root cause of electoral violence. Through an analysis of ZANU-PF’s war capital, the nationalist movement and the anti-colonial war led to a political system in Zimbabwe where force and violence continue to be the primary means of ensuring mobilization and retribution during elections. Our main findings reveal that nationalist and guerrilla strategies implemented during the elections explain the triggering, proliferation and participation of protagonists in electoral violence. These strategies include the mobilisation of state actors and ZANU-PF supporters and the employment of ZANU-PF’s war capital. Furthermore, this study finds that electoral violence occurs primarily before the vote, during fragile stages of the electoral cycle of the presidential elections in Zimbabwe. The thesis also shows that the country's electoral institutions and processes reinforce and encourage the reproduction of electoral violence
Barbosa, da Silva Andrade Cibele. "Le Brésil entre le mythe et l´idéal : la réception de l´œuvre de Gilberto Freyre en France dans l´après-guerre." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA040126.
The objective of this thesis was to study the reception of the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre’s works in France after the Second World War. Going from the starting point of the enthusiasm of Freyre’s reception by experts like Lucien Febvre, Fernand Braudel and Roger Bastide, among others, we sought to attain better comprehension of the reasons that convinced these intellectuals to highlight the importance of the work Maîtres et Esclaves as a function of their own debates. What we advocate as a hypothesis in this thesis is that, contrary to what might be thought about Freyre’s reception in France, it was not primarily related to viewing Brazil as exotic (although the work made a contribution in this respect) or even to Freyre’s historiographic contribution as a supposed precursor of the epistemological innovations made by the historians of Annales. We have instead shown that it is only possible to comprehend Freyre’s acceptance in France by taking into consideration the historical contingencies of the period, full of factors of a political-ideological, epistemological, cultural and scientific nature, and those of institutional and personal nature, such as the study of the sociability network that Freyre constructed with prominent intellectuals within the French scene or his presence in international forums like UNESCO. Based on epistolary, textual and iconographic documentation, we have sought to identify, along general lines, the ways in which Freyre’s ideas fitted in with and interacted with different levels of expectations in France in the 1950s
Eröss, Gábor. "L'art de l'histoire : sociologie culturelle comparée de l'image-passé : représentations de l'Histoire et de la Mémoire dans le cinéma français et hongrois (1958-2002)." Paris, EHESS, 2003. http://www.harmatheque.com.bases-doc.univ-lorraine.fr/ebook/9782343080635.
The main question is whether national cultures have a specific representation of History. My focus is on the films and the field of film production in France and Hungary. The construction of "authentic" History implies external strategies (Historians, debates), and a verisimilitude based on the tacit knowledge of spectators and on the filmic canon of parable-like, elliptic and metonymic representations of the past in absentia. History in Cinema is either invisible or anachonistic. Two main attitudes towards the Past take shape in both countries. These are sociological and cinematographic at the same time. History-image is the weakening filmic shape of the Past of nation and State; Memory-image is the framework of collective identities : generations, ethnic and cultural minorities or the artists themselves. Patterns of filmmaking lend narratives of the past a European frame, particulary in films dealing with the World War II and Holocaust. Cinema becomes an independent social system, representing History in a specific way : the Past-Image
Dubarry, Thibaut. "La guerre en temps de paix ? : violences dans la société civile (ganstérisme de masse, terrorisme, émeutes) et militarisation des dispositifs de pacification : la France, l'Afrique du Sud et les Etats-Unis en perspective." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0022.
This Ph. D dissertation analyses violence in 3 societies: South Africa, France and the United States. I defend the thesis that even gangsterism, terrorism and riots are perceived a a new form of war, we assist to a process of pacification and to a demilitarization of repression
Ntarumanga, Mazzetto Souavis Francesca <1989>. "BURUNDI PAESE DELLE MILLE COLLINE. OLTRE LE GUERRE ETNICHE. VERSO UN PROCESSO DI INTEGRAZIONE." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3649.
Gatien, Emmanuelle. "Prétendre à l'excellence : prix journalistiques et transformations du journalisme." Toulouse 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010TOU10028.
The question of journalism transformations is based on journalistic awards (Albert Londres prize, Bayeux-Calvados war-correspondent prize, Angers Scoop and Journalism Festival) considered as places of identity construction. Valorisation registers used by journalists (valorization by action, skill or objectivity, for instance), and shifts that occur between these different registers, may reveal more global evolutions of the profession. The point is to understand the part played by prizes as official (collective) recognition and as constructive elements (at a more individual level) of journalists' "strategic identity". Studying these prizes amounts to enlighten the (symbolic and economic) journalistic recognition which is at stake. The question of the journalist's place and its recognition is indeed raised, at a time when journalists themselves are more and more involved in pondering over the profession. Thus the point is to go over the prizes' origins while enhancing the various historical reasons which would enable to explain their emergence, before grasping (especially by interviews with prizewinners and jury members, by a study of records on the letters and CV of the Albert Londres funds, as well as an ethnographic study of the prize deliberations and of the making of the awards) what is really at stake in the selection of the candidates : while defining the agents' position within this field, the award implicitly reveals the "appropriate" definition of the journalist too, by selecting ou refusing
Sabot, Jean-Yves. "L'entrée d'une génération en politique et la formation d'une élite : le syndicalisme étudiant et la guerre d'Algérie." Grenoble 2, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994GRE21018.
In 1956, le figaro coined the phrase "one big union of students" when referring to unef (national union of french students). The expression is dated ; it nonetheless has some relevance for the study of the algerian war generation. Student unionism, represented by unef, is not specific to this generation. On the contrary, it gained all its prestige after its leaders stepped down. On the other hand, the union's hegemony in university circles, its ideological inspiration, its role, its functioning and the political context lent it an identity which it did not entirely have before the conflict and partly lost with it. Such an ephemeral "existence" constitutes the vehicle of a specific formation which is original and uneqsualled in unef's history. Its impetus spurred a generation into politics and, in this very confined context, a future elite took shape with a vocatioin involving both politics and the administration of public affairs. This thesis endeavours to depict the mpodes of union socialization for a generation of students at a time of colonial war, using the example of two unef chapters ("associations generales d'etudiants") in grenoble and dijon. It also attemps to establish the longlastingness of a model of political initiation by tracing the individual itineraries of its local and national leaders. Using a series of case studies, it establishes a correlation between the sanctions of the local chapters and the political or
Charillon, Frédéric. "Etats et acteurs non étatiques en France et en Grande-Bretagne dans la Guerre du Golfe : politique étrangére et stratégies non étatiques." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996IEPP0016.
Who were the actors of the gulf conflict? Who are, in general, the actors of a conflict, beyond the states, beyon the official foreign policies? What is the nature of these actors, what are their goals, what are their relations? By encomp assing, without restriction, all the actors that are liable to being heard on the world scene, beyond the mere diplomatic sphere, the second gulf war casts a new light on the political processes of the post cold war era. The raise of humanitarian NGO's, religious groups, firms, individuals, their presence within international organisations, their interaction with the official foreign policy, lead us to a new grammar of the "world affairs"
Pomarede, Julien. "Mises en scène et stratégies d'internationalisation de la "lutte contre le terrorisme" :Guerre, surveillance et armements à l'OTAN après le 11 septembre 2001." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/277568.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Dzassabi, Gilbert. "Les problèmes de sécurité en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) : un révélateur de guerre et de paix en Afrique." Bordeaux 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005BOR40005.
Chatillon, Sébastien. "Les combattants haut-savoyards de la grande guerre dans la société, 1889-1940." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO20040.
In the present context of commemoration marking the centenary of the Great War, the first world conflict, long overshadowed by the powerful impression of the Second World War, draws a renewal of attention among the general public. In the 1990's, University studies started to reinterpret the 1914 War within sociology, placing the common soldier at the center of concerns. Long ignored by classic historiography, the conscript is now the focus of numerous studies on not only his daily life but as well his behaviour and perceptions in addition to his sociological environment.Anchored in the strong-natured French department of Haute-Savoie, this study aims at retracing the life and progress of the fighters in the light of local administrative archives - especially of military records which richness has been up-to-date largely ignored - in order to recall the voices of their original testimonies. The history of the Haut-Savoyard as a combatant begins in facts as early as the Belle Époque. Haute-Savoie then showed a singular face within the realm of the "Great Nation" it had only joined in 1860 : a land of traditions, agrarian and catholic, it holds a strategic position at the heart of the Alpine massif. Its conscripts were to meet the national administration for the first time in the context of fulfilling their military obligations, before being absorbed by an implacable drafting system which mission was to feed the State with the soldiers needed for the Great War effort.The Haut-Savoyards' war experience can be estimated as much through their military fate as through their insights of the events, without neglecting their bond with the "home front" furthermore. After the armistice and demobilisation, these veterans illustrated themselves through active militancy : they ambitioned to build a better world in respect of the "great dead", ardently remembered and celebrated by the Haut-Savoyard society and communities
Bellec, Audrey. "Les Parisiennes en 1939-1940, de l'évacuation à l'exode : un quotidien inédit." Paris 7, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA070055.
The May-June 1940 exodus represents the major popular event of the Second World War in France. Its existence has long been left in the dark as it is considered to be the symbol of defeat. The main aim of this study is to provide a social reading of events which have so far mostly been analysed from a military or politico-historical point of view. This study adds a gender dimension to the problem, showing that women were in fact the main actor of that event. Women, children and the elderly constituted the core of the frightened population that fled the German troops. In 1939-1940, the parisiennes are in constant motion: evacuated, expelled, choosing to move on, forced into emergency exodus, etc. The urgency and the direction of their movement depends on the current state of the conflict that opposes France and Germany. In spite of themselves, women find themselves on the forefront of the war, having to face a situation unheard of all social points of reference are gone, their responsibilities tenfold, their children and their elders in their charge. Millions of women become heads of family for an unknown period of time. They face a new reality: evacuation, exodus and repatriation
Belkiter, Hanifa. "Conséquences de la guerre et de la paix sur l'intégration des harkis et de leurs familles : étude historico-sociologique." Montpellier 3, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996MON30069.
The investigation is hang round two big pivots : the harkis and the war of algeria on the one hand, the ex-harkis and their family after war on the other hand. The method to collection the information is the biography of persons concerned and members of their family. The first part wants to present the conflict and protagonists. His ambition aim at doing a description of the story of the harkis and the close relations when the war happen. The historical information take a big place but the persons concerned brings their point of view about events whom they would have no control. The second part studies what happened to this population when they arrived in metropolis and their integration to french society. The original question is : "what are the consequences of war and peace (1954-1975) on integration of the harkis and their family in france". The answers are search from family, nationality, identity and community construction. The definitive exile had to reconstruct a social identity while his legal identity is not really changed. The integration to the reception society must succeed if an integration to a community is developed