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Journal articles on the topic 'Socio-politics'

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1

Manning, Peter K. "Information, Socio‐Technical Disasters and Politics." Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management 6, no. 2 (June 1998): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5973.00075.

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2

Mills, Albert J. "Reflections on the socio-politics of qualitative research." Qualitative Research in Organizations and Management: An International Journal 10, no. 4 (December 7, 2015): 325–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/qrom-07-2015-1304.

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Purpose – A focus on the socio-politics of qualitative research and, given the space available, to raise more questions than answers. In other words, the author wants to be more speculative then definitive. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is grounded in a sociology of knowledge approach known as ANTi-History. Findings – The development of qualitative methods is grounded in the socio-politics of knowledge production. Research limitations/implications – The focus chosen – ANTi-History – is selected in exclusion to other potential approaches. Practical implications – To encourage researchers to include socio-politics in understanding the production of qualitative research methods. Social implications – Identification of the socio-politics that underlie qualitative approaches. Originality/value – The paper is rooted in a developing approach to the socio-politics of knowledge of the past.
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Gautam, Bhim Lal. "Language politics in Nepal: A socio-historical overview." Journal of World Languages 7, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jwl-2021-0010.

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Abstract This paper aims to outline the language politics in Nepal by focusing on the influences and expansions shifted from Global North to the Global South. Based on a small-scale case study of interviews and various political movements and legislative documents, this paper discusses linguistic diversity and multilingualism, globalization, and their impacts on Nepal’s linguistic landscapes. It finds that the language politics in Nepal has been shifted and changed throughout history because of different governmental and political changes. Different ideas have emerged because of globalization and neoliberal impacts which are responsible for language contact, shift, and change in Nepalese society. It concludes that the diversified politics and multilingualism in Nepal have been functioning as a double-edged sword, which on the one hand promotes and preserves linguistic and cultural diversity and on the other hand squeezes the size of diversity by vitalizing the Nepali and English languages through contact and globalization.
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4

Valenzuela, Luis, A. Angell, B. Pollack, L. Bethell, D. Hojman, and T. R. Scully. "Chilean Politics and Socio-Economic Development Since Independence." Bulletin of Latin American Research 13, no. 3 (September 1994): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338513.

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5

Gero, Joan M. "Socio-Politics and the Woman-at-Home Ideology." American Antiquity 50, no. 2 (April 1985): 342–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/280492.

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Archaeologists, as explorers and discoverers, have maintained the myth of objective research far longer than have researchers in other social science disciplines. Focused on action, the “cowboys of science” (Alaskan bumper sticker 1981) have dabbled little in self-reflective criticism.Now at 50, however, the discipline is becoming aware that our notions of the past, our epistemologies, our research emphases, the methods we employ in our research, and the interpretations we bring to and distill from our investigations, are far from value-neutral.
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6

Mayes, Christopher. "Hope in health: the socio-politics of optimism." Health Sociology Review 25, no. 2 (April 18, 2016): 217–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14461242.2016.1160754.

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7

Efendi, Muhsin, Hasan Basri, Alzikri Fahkrurraji, and Yusmika Indah. "The Hegemony of Uken-Toa Socio-Politics in the Regional Head Elections in Aceh Tengah." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 13, no. 2 (October 15, 2022): 206–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.206-226.

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The purpose of this study was to investigate the hegemony of Uken-Toa socio-politics in the regional head elections in Central Aceh. In addition, this study also attempted to determine the factors that cause the occurrence of Uken-Toa socio-politics in every election held in Central Aceh. In this study, the researchers focused on the topics of local politics, identity politics, regional elections, and socio-politics. The type of this study was phenomenological and ethnographical research by describing the patterns of values, behavior, beliefs, language, reality, and experiences undergone by individuals. Moreover, the data were collected through interviews, observations, and literature review. Results of this study indicated that the influence of Uken-Toa socio-politics will be always present during the regional head elections in Central Aceh. This means that competition between community groups is unavoidable in the Gayo people. In addition, this practice, which proces actors who represent Belah-Uken and those who represent Belah Toa, greatly affects the victory of the candidates in every regional head election held in Central Aceh. This kind of political practice even has occurred from the past until the current era. Moreover, it has an impact on the system of governance run by the elected regional heads, in this case, the regent and deputy regent of Central Aceh. In other words, this practice indicates how massive a socio-political power is in the local political order of Central Aceh as a political instrument. This Uken-Toa socio-political power in the Gayo community has been formed with long historical, cultural, and political dynamics. This political practice presents the competition between political actors from Belah Uken and Belah Toa, which are influenced by the values of Uken and Toa’s lives. Through this study, the researchers recommend to political elites and the public to avoid Uken-Toa socio-politics to create political harmony and a stable government system. In addition, it is to provide opportunities for other political actors not affiliated with those groups.
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8

T, Ratih Himamatul Azizah. "Geliat Politik Islam Lokal di Indonesia Tahun 1998-2021 (Studi Politik Islam Daerah Kediri, Aceh Dan Sumenep." Asketik 5, no. 1 (July 31, 2021): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/ask.v5i1.3362.

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This article examines Islamic political governance in Indonesia. Islamic political revival began in the reform era. Reform era provides democratic space for national political parties and local political parties in exploring democracy in the regions. Islamic politics in the region has different forms in carrying it out and does not lose the side of locality because it is in accordance with the socio-cultural conditions of the local community. Islamic politics in kediri by adjusting the socio-cultural condition the people tidak kagetan so that the form of Islamic politics kediri is an tolerant. Politics Islamic in sumenep etnic islam politics with the philosophy “bhuppa’, bhabu’, guru, rato” the from of leadership respect the kiai as a teacher and rules. Islamic politics in aceh with characteristics maintains Islamic politics in accordance with Allah provisions.
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Himamatul Azizah T, Ratih. "GELIAT POLITIK ISLAM LOKAL DI INDONESIA TAHUN 1998-2021: STUDI POLITIK ISLAM DAERAH KEDIRI, ACEH DAN SUMENEP." ASKETIK 5, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/asketik.v5i1.121.

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This article examines Islamic political governance in Indonesia. Islamic political revival began in the reform era. Reform era provides democratic space for national political parties and local political parties in exploring democracy in the regions. Islamic politics in the region has different forms in carrying it out and does not lose the side of locality because it is in accordance with the socio-cultural conditions of the local community. Islamic politics in kediri by adjusting the socio-cultural condition the people tidak kagetan so that the form of Islamic politics kediri is an tolerant. Politics Islamic in sumenep etnic islam politics with the philosophy “bhuppa’, bhabu’, guru, rato” the from of leadership respect the kiai as a teacher and rules. Islamic politics in aceh with characteristics maintains Islamic politics in accordance with Allah provisions.
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10

Venter, Francois. "Politics, socio-economic issues and culture in constitutional adjudication." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 6, no. 2 (July 10, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2003/v6i2a2861.

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In dealing with the influence of political considerations on the Constitutional Court's interpretation and application of the Bill of Rights it appears to be useful to first consider the meaning of "politics" in the judicial context, then to determine the considerations when politics are alleged to require the recusal of a judge and lastly to describe the Constitutional Court's position on judges and politics.
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11

Ravochkin, Nikita Nikolaevich. "The correlation between politics and law: socio-philosophical analysis." Философская мысль, no. 4 (April 2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8728.2020.4.32498.

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This article carries out a socio-philosophical analysis of interaction between the phenomena of politics and law. The goal of this work consist in the review of the existing correlations between politics and law. The subject of research is the correlations between politics and law. For achieving the set goal, the history of the question is considered. The author presents integral and differential characteristics of the two indicated categories. The definition to the concept of “political-legal institution” is provided alongside the modern classification by various grounds. The novelty is substantiated by the fact that there are virtually no philosophical writings on the analysis of correlations between politics and law. The formulated conclusions have theoretical and practical importance: reflect the characteristics of politics and law; confirm the justification of their institutional realization; underline the duality of nature of the political-legal institutions; propose classification of political-legal institutions for clearer understanding of the vectors of institutional transformations and emergence of neoforms in the context of current global development.
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12

Zubielevitch, Elena, Helena D. Cooper–Thomas, and Gordon W. Cheung. "The (socio) politics of misfit: a moderated-mediation model." Journal of Managerial Psychology 36, no. 2 (March 2, 2021): 138–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmp-05-2020-0256.

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PurposeThe growing instability of the labor market will almost certainly result in more employees whose values misfit with their organization’s. This paper draws from the exit-neglect-voice-loyalty model to examine a broader range of responses to misfit; explores sociopolitical resources as the mechanisms through which misfit transmits its effects and investigates job mobility as a boundary condition enhancing or constraining responses to misfit.Design/methodology/approachA novel model (N = 152 New Zealand employees) examined links from misfit to two sociopolitical resources (perceived influence and organizational responsiveness) and from these to exit-neglect-voice-loyalty moderated by job mobility. Supplemental analyses examine moderated-mediation.FindingsMisfit negatively predicted both sociopolitical resources, perceived influence and organizational responsiveness. Moderated-mediation analyses showed that the constructive reactions to misfit (voice and loyalty) were predicted conditionally at low levels of job mobility and indirectly via the respective sociopolitical resources. In contrast, destructive reactions to misfit (exit and neglect) were predicted directly, with neglect predicted at high levels of job mobility.Research limitations/implicationsImplications for human resource practitioners highlight the deleterious repercussions of misfit but also include the conditions under which misfit employees may attempt to constructively salvage their employment relationship.Originality/valueThis study integrates a broader set of concurrent responses to misfit using the exit-neglect-voice-loyalty typology, as well as introducing sociopolitical perspectives to the literature on misfit.
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13

Rocha, Cinthia Creatini da. "From socio-politics to kinship dynamics among the Kaingang." Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 8, no. 2 (December 2011): 359–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1809-43412011000200016.

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This article is based on ethnographic data on the social and political organization of a Kaingang collective that is currently requesting the demarcation of the Terra Indígena Sêgu [Sêgu Indigenous Land] (in Rio Grande do Sul State in southern Brazil). Ethnographic data observed in various indigenous Kaingang lands in southern Brazil point to an intricate and rhizomatic network of social relations within and between groups and families, which, beyond their locations of origin or residence, articulate socio-cosmic-political principles that mark distinct processes of reciprocities and divisions. Here, the movement for land claims and internal tensions within the collectives either result in distancings or approximations that are translated into principles of inclusion or exclusion of individuals and groups in relation to territories that are already occupied and or being claimed. Thus, if for non-Kaingang the Kaingang- as for other Amerindian populations - project an ethnic identity based on the idea of a generalized kinship, at the level of their intra- and inter-group relations, the fluidity with which the ties among those who are considered relatives (kanhkó) or not, can be easily made or unmade, strengthened or broken.
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14

Garrety, Karin, and Richard Badham. "The Politics of Socio-technical Intervention: An Interactionist View." Technology Analysis & Strategic Management 12, no. 1 (March 2000): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/095373200107265.

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15

Petras, James. "Anti-imperialist politics: Class formation and socio-political action." Journal of Contemporary Asia 34, no. 2 (January 2004): 186–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472330480000041.

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16

Esguerra, Alejandro. "Future objects: tracing the socio-material politics of anticipation." Sustainability Science 14, no. 4 (March 15, 2019): 963–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11625-019-00670-3.

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17

Karam, Savo. "Byron’s Politics in “The Giaour”: A Socio-Political Speculation." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 39 (September 2014): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.39.77.

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Historically, Europe was fearful of the remarkably swift expansion of the Ottoman Empire in the 16th century. And it was not until the middle of the 18th century that the brutal struggle between Europeans and Turks ended; but the West then still situated Turkey in an indelible, despotic frame despite the fact that some scholars instigated an interest in Oriental culture. Western literature had for centuries portrayed the East in an aggressive and bigoted manner; this hostile perception distanced the West from the Orient. A new political situation prevailed as the West began a political propaganda to dominate the weak East; that political and even literary propaganda was the main thrust for the Western colonial ambitions. Several British men of letters directly or indirectly contributed to this propaganda during the 18th and 19th centuries, but not Lord Byron, who used his Oriental tales, and specifically “The Giaour,” to broaden his political horizon in order to re-evaluate both state and global affairs and to reveal to Eastern and Western readers his impartial stance towards European and Turkish policies. In this work, I contend that Byron’s political ideology was prompted by not only an idealistic Romantic spirit but also by a realistic one, as well. And although “The Giaour” is political par excellence, yet it does not reveal any colonial, imperial schemes, contrary to what a number of critics think. Peter Cochran believes that “The Giaour” is “… a metaphor for western imperialist expansion into and forcible domination of eastern countries” (Cochran Byron and Orientalism 2), while deceitfully supporting nations desiring autonomy in the Occident. Cochran discerns in Byron’s tale the Western longing for subjugating and governing the East. This study, however, proves that Byron’s 1st Oriental tale after his return from his 1st Oriental tour is emblematic of his concern with liberalism and with admiration for the East, thus deviating from the popular imperialism that existed at the time.
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18

Davis, Theodore J. "The Politics of Race and Educational Disparities in Delaware’s Public Schools." Education and Urban Society 49, no. 2 (July 27, 2016): 135–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0013124516633503.

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Delaware has long played a pivotal role in the nation’s struggle to end school segregation and promote educational equality. This article discusses racial disparities in educational achievement and outcomes by examining the state’s political history and the politics of race in public education. This article explores educational disparities from a socio-political perspective, which takes into consideration the direct and indirect influence of historical, political, socio-economic, and socio-cultural events on educational achievements and outcomes in the state. It finds that Black students in urban areas are influenced more by the politics of race in public education than Black students in non-urban school environments in the state. It also shows that the educational achievement and outcomes of Black students are influenced more by the politics of race than White students. It suggests that the politics of race in public education is influenced by political factors that extend well beyond those associated with the process of educating.
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Mas'oed, Mohtar, and Amalinda Savirani. "Financing Politics in Indonesia." PCD Journal 3, no. 1-2 (June 7, 2017): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25741.

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This paper aims to map out practices of political financing in Indonesia from the political to the socio-historical perspective. Arguing about the party financing and the corruption of politicians and the parties, this paper also proposes about strategies at the individual level for performing financing politics, as well as factors that help to explain their performance. It compares cases in three different periods of Indonesian history: the post-independence, the Suharto (New Order) era, and reformasi after the fall of Suharto in 1998. This paper discusses and analyses the financing politics belonging to the political and socio-historical perspective, the issue of financing politics, the results of mapping students theses from three universities in Java together with relevant papers by LIPI (the Indonesian Sciences Institute), and directly presents three case studies of individual performing financing politics. Two of the case studies concern with politicians from the post-independence and Suharto era, while the third concerns a member of the city of Solo's local parliament. This paper shows how financing politics would be no longer relevant, as the cultural capital, political capital, and social capital also may contribute in supporting one's political career.
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Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman, and Olarinmoye Adeyinka Wulemat. "FROM KITCHEN TO CORRIDOR OF POWER: YORUBA WOMEN BREAKING THROUGH PATRIARCHAL POLITICS IN SOUTH-WESTERN NIGERIA." Gender Questions 1, no. 1 (September 20, 2016): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-8457/1545.

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Since the 1990s, a number of socio-cultural agencies have played a significant role in the rise of Yoruba women in civil politics. Amongst these are the increasing value of monogamy and women’s greater access to Western education; the culture of first ladies in government; and female socio-economic empowerment through paid labour. Despite their increasing participation, women are still marginalised in elective politics. Using the ethnographic methods of key informant interviews, observation and focus group discussions and a theoretical analysis of patriarchy, this article examines gender relations in Yoruba politics and in the nationalist movement in south-western Nigeria. The rise of Yoruba women in politics in south-western Nigeria is discussed, along with the factors influencing women’s participation in civil politics. The study concludes that patriarchal politics still exists in the Yoruba political system. Factors inhibiting the total collapse of patriarchal politics in south-western Nigeria include the nature of Yoruba politics; women being pitted against women in politics; gender stereotypes and household labour. Thus, to make Yoruba politics friendlier to all, it would be desirable to create more political openings for women.
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Bork-Hüffer, Tabea, and Simon Alexander Peth. "Arrival or Transient Spaces? Differentiated Politics of Mobilities, Socio-Technological Orderings and Migrants’ Socio-Spatial Embeddedness." Urban Planning 5, no. 3 (July 28, 2020): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v5i3.2988.

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<p>For the last decade there has been a lively debate on urban arrival spaces. Saunders’ (2011) widely received book <em>Arrival Cities</em> can be seen as catalyst of this debate. Taking a hitherto largely unexplored comparative approach, based on two empirical research studies on migrant workers and highly-skilled migrants in Singapore, this study debates the notion of arrival cities and spaces and argues for a differentiated perspective on the complex and interdependent processes of spatially and socially arriving. By comparing how the politics of mobilities, migration management and differential inclusion influence the migration trajectories of workers and professionals we argue that the concept of transient spaces might be a more fruitful approach for understanding the differentiated processes of arriving and (not) becoming socio-spatially embedded. In order to educe the relevance of a processual perspective, and for a systematic comparison, we apply four analytical dimensions that shed light on the process of migrating, arriving, and passing through. These four dimensions comprise (1) arriving, (2) settling, (3) mingling locally and translocally, and (4) planning ahead for future mobilities. We argue that the scholarship on politics of mobilities needs to take note of the combined effects of states’ and companies’ neoliberal politics of mobility throughout the migration process, and of the increasing relevance of socio-technological orderings, which imprint migrants’ socio-spatial embedding.</p>
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Tsakiris, Manos, Neza Vehar, and Raffaele Tucciarelli. "Visceral politics: a theoretical and empirical proof of concept." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 376, no. 1822 (February 22, 2021): 20200142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2020.0142.

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While the study of affect and emotion has a long history in psychological sciences and neuroscience, the very question of how visceral states have come to the forefront of politics remains poorly understood. The concept of visceral politics captures how the physiological nature of our engagement with the social world influences how we make decisions, just as socio-political forces recruit our physiology to influence our socio-political behaviour. This line of research attempts to bridge the psychophysiological mechanisms that are responsible for our affective states with the historical socio-cultural context in which such states are experienced. We review findings and hypotheses at the intersections of life sciences, social sciences and humanities to shed light on how and why people come to experience such emotions in politics and what if any are their behavioural consequences. To answer these questions, we provide insights from predictive coding accounts of interoception and emotion and a proof of concept experiment to highlight the role of visceral states in political behaviour. This article is part of the theme issue ‘The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms’.
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Fadly Sabran, Mohamad. "Video Art as a Propaganda Medium of the Socio-Politics." International Journal of Creative Multimedia 1, no. 1 (May 18, 2020): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33093/ijcm.2020.1.1.4.

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Television is a popular medium that is used as a propaganda tool in spreading ideologies. As such, the continuous propagation of ideologies through television fiddles with the sentiment of the public over time. This is obvious through various media campaigns that was broadcasted through television during the 14th general election of Malaysia in 2018. These media campaigns propagate the idea of ‘change’ by presenting audio-visual information that instigates a euphoric reaction. ‘Beauty (fool) of destruction’ is an experimental video art prompted by such propagation and its effect on society.This essay discusses the creation of the video work and its adaptation of the Malay proverb ‘Indah Khabar dari Rupa’ as a reaction to the political campaigns of the 14th general election. Specifically, it examines video as an avenue for responding towards the wield of ideology on electronic media and as a medium of expression for new forms of art making
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Brym, Robert J., and Baruch Kimmerling. "Zionism and Territory: The Socio-Territorial Dimensions of Zionist Politics." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 11, no. 1 (1986): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3340454.

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Fuller, Louise. "Religion, politics and socio-cultural change in twentieth-century ireland." European Legacy 10, no. 1 (February 2005): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1084877052000321976.

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Scrase, Ivan, and Adrian Smith. "The (non-)politics of managing low carbon socio-technical transitions." Environmental Politics 18, no. 5 (September 2009): 707–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644010903157008.

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Peace, William J. "I. Leslie A. White and the Socio-Politics of War." Histories of Anthropology Annual 3, no. 1 (2007): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/haa.0.0034.

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Hume, Robert D. "The Socio-Politics of London Comedy from Jonson to Steele." Huntington Library Quarterly 74, no. 2 (June 2011): 187–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hlq.2011.74.2.187.

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Revathy, S., and Dr T. Senthamarai. "A Study of Socio-Political Manipulation in Bhisham Sahni’s Tamas." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 7, no. 4 (2022): 074–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.74.11.

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Ernest Benn, said that, “Politics is the art of looking for trouble, finding it everywhere, diagnosing it incorrectly and applying the wrong remedies.” As the lines suggested, Tamas, elucidates the tragic politics behind communal riots by generating a false violation. The notable themes of Tamas include institutional violence, religious identity, communal politics and female centric assaults. This novel addresses the outcome of institutionalised violence and imposed ethnic conflict. The objective of the paper is to analyse socio-political manipulation and communal clashes in Tamas.
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Sharda, Mridula. "WHERE THE POWER RESIDES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF GUJARAT AND HIMACHAL PRADESH STATE ELECTIONS 2017." International Journal of Advanced Research 8, no. 10 (October 31, 2020): 1311–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/11970.

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Gujarat and Himanchal these are the two states where elections held for the State Assembly simultaneously in 2017. Both the states have different socio-economic set ups besides that in their political institutions and processes there are some common characteristics. Bi-party system, gender inequality in political arena, accommodative trend of the diverse interest within the two parties and strong party leadership are prominent features of the state politics in both the states. Paper is an attempt to analyse the trends of state politics by comparing the socio economics ecologies and their impact on the state politics in Gujarat and Himachal. Entire study is based on the secondary data and personal observations of the researchers as primary data.
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Hansen, Henrik Lindberg. "Interreligious Dialogue and Politics in Revolutionary Egypt." Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 9, no. 2 (February 5, 2017): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v9i2.25350.

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This article analyses the socio-political dynamics of religious belonging in Egyptian society prior to the revolution and how these have been carried into the revolutionary flux with a focus on official dialogue. Official dialogue, it is argued, is a dialogue form specific to Egyptian society and politics used as a way of negotiating interreligious relations and political ties. First the Egyptian concept of official dialogue as a socio-political phenomenon will be analysed applying theories from sociology and political science, followed by an analysis of how interreligious relations and official dialogue was influenced by the upheaval in socio-political structures following the 2011 revolution.
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Vico, Sanja. "‘Globalized difference’: Identity politics on social media." Journal of Global Diaspora 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/gdm_00004_1.

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By drawing on an ethnographic study of digital communication practices of Serbian Londoners, this article identifies a new form of subtle spontaneous identity politics on social media that seeks to reassert national identity and present it both as an exotic difference and as cosmopolitan. It argues that this form of identity politics has been brought about thanks to social surveillance on social media, the context of London ‐ as a global city ‐ and the particular socio-historical position of the Serbian national identity. Thus, this article contributes to the socio-technical approach to social media, which considers both technical properties of social media and a range of social factors, including users’ agency, in understanding the social consequences of social media. The article concludes that this identity politics is ambivalent in its character ‐ while it is a source of empowerment, it also tends to commodify difference.
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Laia, Martinus, Heri Kusmanto, and Warjio Warjio. "Pengaruh Politik Uang dan Status Sosial Ekonomi terhadap Partisipasi Masyarakat dalam Pemilihan Legislatif 2019." PERSPEKTIF 10, no. 2 (July 8, 2021): 416–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v10i2.4602.

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In the 2019 simultaneous general elections held throughout Indonesia, the level of community participation in the lolomatua sub-district, Kabuparen South Nias, especially in the legislative elections reached 76% who had exercised their voting rights. This study aims to analyze the influence of money politics and socio-economic status on the level of participation. The theories used to explain the problems in this study are money politics, political exchange, political behavior, rational choice, socioeconomic status and participation. Furthermore, the research method used is a quantitative method with a descriptive approach which intends to explain the causal relationship and the influence between variables through hypothesis testing. The number of samples in this study were 100 respondents with a margin of error (error margin) of 10%. In the 2019 legislative elections, especially in the Lolomatua sub-district, money politics and the level of community participation had a positive influence and had a significant effect and the socio-economic status and level of participation had a positive and significant impact. Furthermore, the magnitude of the influence of money politics and socio-economic status together / simultaneously is 57%, which means that it has a strong influence on the level of public participation in voting.
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Ahmed, Fatima, and Mustapha Alhaji Ali. "Politics of Godfatherism and its Implication on Socio-Economic and Political Development of Nigeria." American International Journal of Social Science Research 4, no. 1 (March 29, 2019): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/aijssr.v4i1.243.

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In contemporary democracy politics of godfatherism has become a universal issue in the political development of many countries Nigeria inclusive. The paper studied the implication of politics of godfatherism on the socio-economic and political development of Nigeria. Certainly, the politics of godfatherism have entered every hook and crannies of the nation and have affected the political structure of the country. This paper is qualitative in nature; data were obtained from secondary sources where numerous articles, newspapers, magazines, books reports, and archives were systematically reviewed. In elucidating the topic under examination, the researcher used Elite theory. This theory was advocated by Vilfredo Pareto in 1935, the postulation of the theory is that elites are replaced by another group of elites, meaning that the majority are unavoidably governed by the minority. The study found that the politics of godfatherism has a negative impact on the socio-economic and political development of the nation by confining power in the hands of the few elites at the expense of the masses (electorates). This has affected the socio-economic and political development of the nation, and by extension led to inter-party and intra-party defections, decamping’s and conflicts among the party members. Therefore, the study recommends the implementation of the direct primary election in the selecting candidate into elective positions. In addition to that, INEC should make a law that will discourage money politics and should as well punish the culprit involved in such an illegal political act.
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35

Sanchez, Luis Manuel. "Darwin’s politics of selection." Politics and the Life Sciences 38, no. 1 (2019): 72–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2019.1.

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The uses of natural selection argument in politics have been constant since Charles Darwin’s times. They have also been varied. The readings of Darwin’s theory range from the most radically individualist views, as in orthodox socio-Darwinism, to the most communitarian, as in Peter Kropotkin’s and other socialist perspectives. This essay argues that such diverse, contradictory, and sometimes even outrageous political derivations from Darwin’s theory may be partially explained by some incompleteness and ambivalences underlying Darwin’s concepts. “Natural selection,” “struggle for existence,” and “survival of the fittest” are open concepts and may suggest some hierarchical and segregationist interpretations. Circumstantially, Darwin accepted social “checks,” such as discouraging marriage of “lower” individuals to prevent them from reproducing, in a vein of Malthusian politics. This makes Darwin’s theory of selection by struggle collide with his theory of social instincts, by which he explains the origins of morality. It also favors reading Darwin’sOn the Origin of SpeciesorThe Descent of Manfrom opposite, mostly ideological perspectives. Darwin’s position is ambivalent, although hardly unreasonable. The recognition he makes of social instincts, as well as the use of the concept of artificial selection, entails accepting the role of human consciousness, by which social evolution cannot be reduced to natural evolution, as socio-Darwinians did next and as some neo-Darwinists seem to repeat. On these grounds, this essay argues the inadequacy of the conventional model of natural selection for understanding politics. If we want to describe politics in Darwin’s language,artificialrather thannatural selectionwould be the concept that performs better for explaining the courses of politics in real society.
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36

Khalid, Haleema, Muhammad Shahbaz, and Behzad Anwar. "Politicotainment: Fictionalizing Politics in Pakistani Cinema." Global Regional Review II, no. I (December 30, 2017): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).19.

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This article aims to investigate Maalik, Pakistani political thriller as the product of ‘politicotainment’, a genre combining politics and entertainment. Keeping in view the nexus of politics, media and language, Discourse Historical Approach from the perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis with a particular focus on media, discourse, and society is employed. Maalik, is exceptional movie because it is explicitly related to real life socio-political and socio-cultural events of Pakistan; its focus on social and political issues such as exploitation of power and corrupt political system shifts the focus towards the ownership of Pakistan and accepting responsibilities. Therefore, the film connects the emerging political discourse in Pakistan with the rising public pulse against corruption and call for accountability. This research provides insights regarding the discursive construction of contemporary Pakistani narrative in the time of national crisis in order to reveal the projected and recontextualized norms in the context of Pakistan.
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37

Oriakhi, Felix O. U., and Sylvester Odion Akhaine. "Class Politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: Myths and Realities." Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 7, no. 4 (April 10, 2022): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sjhss.2022.v07i04.002.

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Mainstream and dominant global north-influenced social science scholarship in contemporary Nigeria dismisses the class factor in both socio-political engineering and scholarship as non-existent. While the chief priests of this brand of social science scholarship denies its liberal origins, undercurrents and ferments and claim to be neutral in its investigations, the dialectical-historical materialist method of social investigation prioritizes the class question. This study, an interrogation of the place of class in the politics of the Fourth Republic in Nigeria, examines the social forces which shape and direct current politics in the country, and why the country’s socio-economic, cultural and political development continue to fall into bouts of epilepsies and create a number of millions of citizens at the bottom level of society. But the study restates the fact that it may seemingly be unscientific for ultra-left thinking to centralize Nigerian politics mainly on class forces.
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38

Oriakhi, Felix O. U., and Sylvester Odion Akhaine. "Class Politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: Myths and Realities." Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 7, no. 4 (April 10, 2022): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sjhss.2022.v07i04.002.

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Mainstream and dominant global north-influenced social science scholarship in contemporary Nigeria dismisses the class factor in both socio-political engineering and scholarship as non-existent. While the chief priests of this brand of social science scholarship denies its liberal origins, undercurrents and ferments and claim to be neutral in its investigations, the dialectical-historical materialist method of social investigation prioritizes the class question. This study, an interrogation of the place of class in the politics of the Fourth Republic in Nigeria, examines the social forces which shape and direct current politics in the country, and why the country’s socio-economic, cultural and political development continue to fall into bouts of epilepsies and create a number of millions of citizens at the bottom level of society. But the study restates the fact that it may seemingly be unscientific for ultra-left thinking to centralize Nigerian politics mainly on class forces.
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39

Trusova, Natalia, and Pavel Klimenko. "Building of socio-economic politics in the context of regional safety." Economic Annals-ХХI 157, no. 3-4(1) (May 2016): 38–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21003/ea.v157-0011.

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40

Noble-Frapin, Ben. "The Role of Islam in Sudanese Politics: a Socio-Historical Perspective." Irish Studies in International Affairs 20, no. 1 (2009): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2009.0010.

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41

Browman, HU, and KI Stergiou. "Politics and socio-economics of ecosystem-based management of marine resources." Marine Ecology Progress Series 300 (2005): 241–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3354/meps300241.

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42

Müller, Martin. "Assemblages and Actor-networks: Rethinking Socio-material Power, Politics and Space." Geography Compass 9, no. 1 (January 2015): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gec3.12192.

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43

Spaaij, Ramón, and Carles Viñas. "Passion, politics and violence: A socio‐historical analysis of Spanish ultras." Soccer & Society 6, no. 1 (March 2005): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1466097052000337034.

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44

Acuña, Roger Merino. "The politics of extractive governance: Indigenous peoples and socio-environmental conflicts." Extractive Industries and Society 2, no. 1 (January 2015): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2014.11.007.

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45

Noble-Frapin, Ben. "The Role of Islam in Sudanese Politics: a Socio-Historical Perspective." Irish Studies in International Affairs 20, no. -1 (January 1, 2009): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2009.20.69.

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46

Rutherford, Jonathan, and Olivier Coutard. "Urban Energy Transitions: Places, Processes and Politics of Socio-technical Change." Urban Studies 51, no. 7 (April 22, 2014): 1353–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098013500090.

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47

Ekmekci, Faruk. "Understanding Kurdish ethno-nationalism in Turkey: socio-economy, religion, and politics." Ethnic and Racial Studies 34, no. 9 (September 2011): 1608–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2010.538425.

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48

Hird, Myra J. "Waste, Environmental Politics and Dis/Engaged Publics." Theory, Culture & Society 34, no. 2-3 (June 29, 2015): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276414565717.

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Waste is a major global environmental issue that assembles socio-cultural and bio-geological processes in complex indeterminate relationships. Drawing on three case studies, this article explores the shifting environmental politics concerned with waste’s material, economic, political, and cultural ‘management’. The Canadian case studies – determining a new waste management technology in a mid-sized city in central Ontario, an open dump in a remote Nunavut community, and an abandoned gold mine in the Northwest Territories – suggest waste occasions particular material and political mobilizations. Landfill leachate, colonialism, disinterested publics, freezing arsenic, global corporate investments, country food, land claims, neoliberal governance, permafrost, ravens, and a host of other socio-material forces both empower and thwart ‘management’ politics. Through these case studies, this article explores Isabelle Stengers’s assertion that participating citizenship is an ‘Empty Great Idea’, and a provocation to consider the contexts in which waste may generate acquiescent or objecting publics.
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49

Manning, Nathan. "Tensions in Young People's Conceptualisation and Practice of Politics." Sociological Research Online 15, no. 4 (November 2010): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2256.

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Young people have been characterised as apathetic and disengaged from mainstream politics. This discourse draws upon a narrow, regulatory and hegemonic model of politics that centres on parliamentary politics. This paper reports findings from a qualitative study of young people drawn from across the political spectrum that also found most participants to adhere to this dominant model of politics. However, this conceptualisation of politics did not match their forms of socio-political engagement, instead it generated a series of tensions and worked to discount their actions as not ‘genuine’ or ‘real’ politics. It is argued that this narrow, regulatory model of politics does not reflect contemporary social conditions and actually militates against young people understanding themselves as political actors and beings.
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50

Hodson, Mike, and Andrew McMeekin. "Global technology companies and the politics of urban socio-technical imaginaries in the digital age: Processual proxies, Trojan horses and global beachheads." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 53, no. 6 (March 16, 2021): 1391–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x211002194.

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In this paper, we take the concept of ‘new urban spaces’ as our jumping off point to engage with the efforts of Alphabet/Google affiliate Sidewalk Labs to cultivate a new integrated digital and infrastructural urban space on the Toronto waterfront. We interrogate the process and politics of imagining this new, digital urban space as an urban socio-technical imaginary. The paper critically examines the central role of ‘big tech’ in producing the urban socio-technical imaginary not as a snapshot but, rather, as a ‘process of becoming’. This processual focus on the role of big tech allows us to develop three interrelated analytical contributions. First, we generate in-depth understanding of the proxy politics of urban socio-technical imaginaries in constituting new digital urban spaces. Second, we argue that an urban socio-technical imaginary was used as a Trojan horse to promote private experimentation with urban governance. Third, we demonstrate attempts to imagine a global beachhead via ‘the global model’ of a new digital urban space predicated on the digital control of integrated urban infrastructure systems.
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