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1
Williams, Robert. "Libertarian politics : a socio-cultural investigation." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/26952/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a case study of Libertarian Party (LP) electioneering in the American bellwether State of Ohio. Officially established in 1972, America's growing LP currently ranks first amongst third parties in their electoral challenge to Democrats and Republicans. Nonetheless, growing duopolist hegemony in the form of the U.S. two-party system has greatly diminished a long and lively history of third party resistance. A survey of American cultural logics and political economy from colonial forms to garrison state constructions together reveal an ideology of party duopoly to serve elite hegemony. The thesis then moves to examine the manner in which Old Right proto-libertarians coalesced into a Libertarian movement. As a socio-cultural investigation of unwanted segments formerly with the Republican Party and their struggles with one another to socially construct the LP, this study is rare. Whilst highlighting interactionist complexities amongst Libertarian segments, the employment of a Rothbardian conflict perspective serves to illuminate a formerly prominent segment within the Libertarian movement. Non-Rothbardian conflict perspectives in synthesis with theories of culture are also drawn upon to broadly interrogate three major segments in their collective social constructions of Libertarian electioneering: classical liberal proponents of small involuntary government, Randian advocates of limited involuntary government, and Rothbardian purists for voluntary government. How the rationalisation of corporative cultural logics impacts upon shared meanings, social constructions, and practices of LP electioneering is also explored. The central argument in this thesis is that segments vie for power to define libertarianism and the LP, but do so within culturally determined codes and parameters. The resulting interpretation in this thesis demonstrates how seemingly paradoxical social constructions of electioneering as Libertarian emerge from corporative ationalisation. Nonetheless, corporative organisational reforms have overcome a range of differentiating factors to achieve greater cooperation between remaining segments after a recent exodus of purists. The result of the corporative turn in Libertarian politics led to rising prominence for an ideology of electability that invariably reinforces the status quo.
2
Brand, Jacobus Frederick Daniel (Danie). "Courts, socio-economic rights and transformative politics." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1333.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (LLD (Public Law))—University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH SUMMARY: The point of departure of this dissertation is that transformation in South Africa depends on transformative politics – extra-institutional, substantive, oppositional, transformation-oriented politics. One challenge South Africa’s constitution therefore poses to courts is to take account of the impact of adjudication on transformative politics. The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the relationship between adjudication and transformative politics within a specific context – adjudication of socio-economic rights cases. This relationship is commonly described in a positive light – either that adjudication of socio-economic rights cases promotes transformative politics by giving impoverished people access to the basic resources required for political participation; or that adjudication of such cases is in itself a space for transformative politics. Although there is much truth in both these descriptions, both under-estimate the extent to which adjudication also limits transformative politics. This dissertation focuses on the extent to which adjudication limits transformative politics – it comprises an analysis of socio-economic rights cases with the aim of showing how adjudication of these cases, despite positive results, also limited transformative politics. The theoretical aspects of this problem are outlined in the first chapter. After a description of the body of case law on which the analysis focuses two chapters follow in which two ways in which adjudication limits transformative politics are investigated. The first traces how courts in socio-economic rights cases participate in discourses about impoverishment that tend to describe the problem as non-political – specifically how courts tend to describe impoverishment as technical rather than political in nature; and how courts implicitly legitimise in their judgments liberal-capitalist views of impoverishment that insist that impoverishment is best addressed through the unregulated market. Then follows a chapter investigating how views of legal interpretation in terms of which legal materials have a certain and determinable meaning that can be mechanically found by courts limit transformative politics by insulating adjudication from critique and emphasising finality in adjudication. Throughout it is shown how courts can mitigate the limiting effects of adjudication, by legitimating the political agency of impoverished people, by using remedies requiring political engagement between opponents and postponing closure in adjudication, and by adopting a different approach to interpretation, that emphasises the pliability and relative indeterminacy of legal materials. Despite this, the conclusion of the dissertation is that courts can never wholly avoid the limiting impact of adjudication on transformative politics, but should rather aim to remain continually aware of it.
AFRIKAANS OPSOMMING: Die uitgangspunt van hierdie proefskrif is dat transformasie in Suid-Afrika afhang van transformatiewe politiek – buite-institusionele, substantiewe, opposisionele, transformasie-gerigte politiek. Een eis wat Suid-Afrika se grondwet daarom aan howe stel, is om ag te slaan op die impak van beregting op transformatiewe politiek. Die doel van hierdie proefskrif is om die verhouding tussen beregting en transformatiewe politiek binne ‘n spesifieke konteks – beregting van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte – te ondersoek. Meeste beskouinge van hierdie verhouding beskryf dit in ‘n positiewe lig - óf dat die beregting van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte transformatiewe politiek bevorder deur vir verarmde mense toegang tot basiese lewensmiddele te bewerkstellig sodat hulle aan politieke optrede kan deelneem; óf dat beregting van sulke sake opsigself ‘n spasie is vir transformatiewe politiek. Hoewel daar waarheid steek in beide beskrywings, onderskat hulle die mate waartoe beregting ook transformatiewe politiek kan beperk. Hierdie proefskrif fokus op hoe beregting transformatiewe politiek beperk - dit behels ‘n analise van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte met die doel om te wys hoe beregting van hierdie sake, ten spyte van kennelik positiewe gevolge ook transformatiewe politiek beperk het. Die teoretiese vergestalting van hierdie probleem word in die eerste hoofstuk beskou. Na ‘n beskrywing van die liggaam van regspraak waarop die analise fokus volg twee hoofstukke waarin twee maniere waarop beregting transformatiewe politiek beperk ondersoek word. Die eerste beskou hoe howe in sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte deelneem aan diskoerse oor verarming wat neig om hierdie probleem as non-polities te beskryf - spesifiek hoe howe neig om hierdie problem as tegnies eerder as polities van aard te beskryf; en hoe howe liberaal-kapitalistiese sieninge van verarming, ingevolge waarvan verarming deur die ongereguleerde mark aangespreek behoort te word, implisiet in hul uitsprake legitimeer. Dan volg ‘n hoofstuk wat naspeur hoe sieninge van regsinterpretasie ingevolge waarvan regsmateriaal ‘n sekere en vasstelbare betekenis het wat meganies deur howe gevind word, transformatiewe politieke optrede beperk deur die openheid van beregting vir kritiek te beperk en finaliteit in beregting in die hand te werk. Deurgaans word gewys hoe howe die beperkende effek van beregting kan teëwerk, deur die politike agentskap van verarmde mense te legitimeer, deur remedies te gebruik wat politieke onderhandeling tussen opponente bewerkstellig en finale oplossings uitstel, en deur ‘n ander benadering tot interpretasie, wat die buigsaamheid en relatiewe onbepaalbaarheid van regsmateriaal erken, te omarm. Tog is die gevolgtrekking van die proefskrif dat howe nooit die beperkende effek van beregting op transformatiewe politiek geheel kan vermy nie, maar eerder deurgaans daarop bedag moet wees.
3
au, T. Carroll@murdoch edu, and Toby James Carroll. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.113619.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the
World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the
promotion of a new form of neoliberalism socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN)
which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington
consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade
liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal
markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously
specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It
stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions.
Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very
environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes
important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in
an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus:
insufficient progress in reform implementation.
SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy
matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the
implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing
less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable
clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at
extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC,
it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and
deeply embed policy which make it distinct.
Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the
underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations
between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within
these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A
feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of
these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means
that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what
occurs on the ground.
4
Carroll, Toby. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.113619.
Full text
5
Wallis, Robert J. "Autoarchaeology and neo-shamanism : the socio-politics of ecstasy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300822.
Full text
6
Rush, Peter. "The trials of men : sexuality and socio-legal politics." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20162.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis describes the ways in which it has been demanded that men put their masculine sexuality in question. This demand and the various responses to it are traced, not at a general level, but by way of several in-depth studies of particular problematiosations in contemporary sexual politics. The studies are prefaced by an initial chapter. It describes the emergence of men's groups, the inscription of their discourse by the law of narrative in the academic genre of men's studies, and the parallel refusal of narrative meaning by an anti-representational genre of male feminist criticism. As such, the chapter provides a context for the analysis of the law of masculinity and sexual difference in the subsequent chapters. At the same time, it introduces in more general terms the debates and theoretical resources that inform the thesis. The resources are primarily post-structuralist - and in particular, the ways in which it radicalises the implications of a general theory of language for the human sciences. The 'sciences' which provide the thesis with its privileged interlocutors are feminism, psychoanalysis, queer theory and legal theory. Each of the subsequent essays are however not designed as illustrations of a post-structuralist approach. Rather, they are essays which attempt to contribute to the analysis of the intersections of law and sexual politics. In this respect, discrete problematisations are addressed in depth.
7
Carroll, Toby James. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism." Thesis, Carroll, Toby James (2007) The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/506/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the promotion of a new form of neoliberalism - socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN) - which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions. Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus: insufficient progress in reform implementation.
SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC, it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and deeply embed policy which make it distinct.
Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what occurs on the ground.
8
Carroll, Toby James. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism." Carroll, Toby James (2007) The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/506/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the promotion of a new form of neoliberalism - socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN) - which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions. Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus: insufficient progress in reform implementation.
SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC, it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and deeply embed policy which make it distinct.
Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what occurs on the ground.
9
Middleton, K. "Marriages and funerals : Some aspects of Karembola political symbolism (South Madagascar)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.480525.
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10
Debies-Carl, Jeffrey S. "Building a Better Tomorrow: Punk Rock and the Socio-Politics of Place." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1253037189.
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Brugh, Christopher Scott. "Theravāda “Missionary Activity”: Exploring the Secular Features of Socio-Politics and Ethics." TopSCHOLAR®, 2019. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/3119.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to comprehensively explore Theravāda missionary activity. The philological, textual, theoretical, and ethnographic methods used to investigate the historical, sociopolitical, religious, and ethical aspects of early Theravāda, the U.S. Vipassanā (Insight) meditation movement, and modern Burmese Theravāda revealed nuanced meanings in the descriptions of these adherents’ endeavors with respect to proselytizing, converting, and the concept of missionary religions. By exploring the secular features that contributed to their religious appearances, a more developed contextualization of Theravāda “activity” reshapes understandings of the larger concept of missionary religions. I argue that what has been maintained in the establishment of early Theravāda, and continuance of Theravāda thereafter, is the preservation of a secular activity with respect to resolving diverse sociopolitical and ethical tensions through religious articulations and practices of tolerance and egalitarianism.
In brief, the first chapter is a philological study on the Pāli word “desetha” or “preach.” The word desetha, and thus its meaning, is traced to its Prākritic form—a contemporaneous language more likely spoken by Gotama Buddha—to posit a more accurate translation for this word. Next, a theoretical examination into early Theravāda’s sociopolitical, ethical, and religious environment demonstrates the larger secular, rather than religious, features that contributed to this ancient movement’s emergence. A contextual analysis comparing the emergence and establishment of the “secular” U.S. Vipassanā (Insight) meditation movement to that of early Theravāda follows, in order to explore how the former aligns with Theravāda missionizing. Lastly, an ethnographic study on Burmese Buddhist monastics is presented. In relation to missionary activity, the Abhidhamma, a Buddhist doctrinal system, not only provides Burmese Buddhist monastics with a system of applied ethics that shapes how they interact with Buddhists and non-Buddhists in America, but also helps to explain the larger concern of viewing such activity as strictly “religious.”
12
Karagouni, Villy. "Voices of dissent : interpenetrations of aesthetics and socio-politics in three modernist case-studies." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3713/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the interpenetrations of aesthetic and socio-political issues in three modernist novels by John Dos Passos, Jean Rhys, and Samuel Beckett. It aims to argue for the importance of theory and the retrieval of voices of dissent in contemporary modernist studies. Theodor Adorno’s aesthetic theory, Raymond William’s cultural critique, and the contemporary conceptualizations of Jacques Rancière, Isobel Armstrong, and Jean-Michel Rabaté are applied to the primary texts in an attempt to uncover dissenting qualities at both a textual and contextual level. In this process, the thesis also addresses the ways in which each text and author can be seen to challenge the socio-literary landscape of their time. One of the premises upon which this study has been predicated is that the particularities of modernist form can be reconsidered and reappraised with the help provided by theorists who remind us of the political import and even the radicalism of literary aesthetics. Numerous texts could be refreshingly reassessed in contemporary modernist studies, if approached from reconciliatory angles that acknowledge the value of contradiction as an intrinsic feature of critique in the process of reevaluating the socio-political relevance of modernist aesthetics. In particular, the retrieval of voices of dissent against the social, economic, and political contexts of modernist narratives is indispensable to the attempt to envisage and nurture a socially responsive and responsible modernist studies in the twenty-first century. In the three chapters of this dissertation, Manhattan Transfer, Voyage in the Dark, and Murphy are seen to critique the status quo within modern capitalist metropolises and give dissent a variety of voices. The overarching aim of this thesis is to account for the elements that compose this variety. At the same time, all three of the case-studies have been approached from analytical perspectives that recognize and emphasize not only the necessity, but also the radical limitations and failures of dissent. These limitations and failures are often seen to be enciphered in the interpenetrations between the texts’ aesthetics and socio-politics, as well as conditioned by the textual and semantic effects of contradiction. Within a newly envisaged, socially responsive and responsible modernist aesthetic, the radicalism of critique can be illuminated by the radicalism of aesthetic frameworks. It is my hope that the analyses undertaken in this thesis, along with the aesthetic and critical theories that have assisted them, can be seen to partake of such contemporary concerns.
13
Herman, Ana-Maria Aurora. "The remediation of the MUM App : reconfiguring the museum and its socio-cultural politics." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2016. http://research.gold.ac.uk/19471/.
Full textAbstract:
This research study traces the ‘remediation’ (Bolter and Grusin, 2000) of a ‘digital’ display, the McCord Museum’s MTL Urban Museum App, exploring the role of digital media technologies, among other heterogeneous actors, in ‘reconfiguring’ (Suchman, 2007) subjects, objects, practices and spaces while inspecting the socio- cultural politics of these processes. Drawing on a theoretical framework that brings together new media studies, actor-network theory, feminist writing in science and technology studies, the sociology of art and spatial studies, this thesis traces how the App was remediated and examines how it is used in practice. The study first investigates how the App was (re)made by looking at the actors involved. The thesis unveils emerging relations between the Museum and commercial organisations, technology platforms, infrastructures, collections and visitors; and the competing social, cultural, economic and political interests among these heterogeneous actors shows a changing set of negotiations in the Museum’s display practices. Next the study examines how the App is used in two novel practices: viewing collections in ‘augmented reality’ and managing the App’s display using Google Analytics. In examining how the App is used in practice, the thesis also reveals the App’s role, among other (unexpected) actors, in precariously rescripting and/or reclassifying objects, subjects and practices, as well as reordering and rewriting urban spaces. By exploring the role of the App along with these other actors in such practices and processes the thesis also looks to contribute to particular debates on agency.
14
Nyirabikali, Gaudence. "Promoting Socio-Economic Development through Regional Integration - The Politics of Regional Economic Communities in Africa." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-206.
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Regional integration has gained momentum since the 1980s and throughout the world. The new regionalism process prevailing since differs from the old one by its multidimensionality covering economic, political, social, and cultural issues within a regional setting. While the old regionalism focused on market protection using a range of tariff and non tariff barriers, the New Regionalism is reinforced by the globalisation effects and strives for efficiency in production, and market access. Using the New Regionalisms Approach, the aim of this thesis is to appreciate the actual levels of regional integration in Africa and explore plausible ways of deepening the integration process with the view that regional integration can promote socio-economic development, provided a pro-development approach is privileged in the conception and implementation of the regional integration process. Focusing on SADC as a representative regional economic community, a qualitative content analysis is used for data collection while policy analysis is carried out using the Institutional Analysis and Development framework. The results of this study reveal discrepancies between policy formulation and policy implementation when it comes to enhancing the pro-developmental aspects in the unfolding regional integration process. In spite that shortcomings in past experiences triggered dramatic structural reforms ranging from the reorganisation of the Organisation of African Unity into the African Union, the creation of NEPAD, to structural reforms within regional economic communities with the example of the 2001 restructuring of SADC, empirical evidence shows that little change has occurred at the operational level. Moreover, even policy formulation at the collective-action level still lacks concrete strategies and plans for harmonisation and implementation of regional initiatives. Some of the strategies for deepening the regional integration process would include prioritising regional commitments to external ones and improving policy formulation as well as establishing linkages between different regional policies and strategies.
15
Lee, Chi-keung, and 李自強. "Pai-fang: gateways to history and socio-politics of indigenous villages in the New Territories." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50716074.
Full textAbstract:
In the past few decades, there are quite a number of Pai-fangs built in the indigenous villages of the New Territories in Hong Kong and the number appears to be on the rise. The phenomenon of having so many pai-fangs in NT indigenous villages in Hong Kong could not be coincidental. They must be built as a result of some negotiation among different stakeholders – the villagers must agree, or at least do not object to the erection of pai-fang in their neighborhood; the government must also agree as they very likely take up government land and many different government departments need to be involved to build the structure.
Pai-fang (牌坊) (literally archway) is a traditional form of Chinese architecture that is a physical gateway to a village. In the past few decades, there were quite a few pai-fangs built in the indigenous villages of the New Territories (NT)1 in Hong Kong and the number appeared to be on the rise. This kind of architecture neither provides physical accommodation for living or storage nor do they provide temporary shelter like a pavilion. In addition, the pai-fangs in Hong Kong are not aesthetically distinguished, especially when compared with those in Chinatowns or in the tourism spots in other countries. Nonetheless, they are increasingly popular in the NT indigenous villages in Hong Kong. It would appear that there are other reasons attributed to their origins and their increased popularity in Hong Kong other than their function or their aesthetic value. In a practical modern society like Hong Kong, when land and resource is scare, who would provide funding to build such architecture and who would find value in such architecture?
The research issue is to address the phenomenon of pai-fang proliferation in the NT indigenous villages which may reflect some historical and socio-political factors in Hong Kong. Indeed, not much work has been done so far on researching pai-fangs in general in Hong Kong, not to mention research focusing on the recent trend in the increasing number of pai-fangs in the NT indigenous villages. Obviously, there is a gap in this area and this dissertation aims to cover the gap in this research by investigating into the reasons for the proliferation of pai-fang in NT indigenous villages, which may reflect some underlying historical and socio-political factors that are unique to Hong Kong.
1 For the sake of definition covered by this dissertation, the indigenous villages of New Territories exclude the indigenous villages in the Outlying Islands and New Kowloon.
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Pieri, Zacharias Peter. "The contentious politics of socio-political engagement : the transformation of the Tablighi Jamaat in London." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3743.
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The thesis examines the extent to which the Tablighi Jamaat (TJ) as an Islamic, theocratic and social movement has negotiated and adapted to the British context, especially London in the post 7/7 period. TJ is the largest Islamic movement in the word and is characterised as an isolationist, disengaged, salvation oriented, apolitical organisation. The London branch of TJ has ambitions to construct a headquarter mosque in London – a project facing opposition across a spectrum of British society, and brandished as the “mega mosque”. As a means of ensuring the success of their project, London TJ leaders have embarked on a process of socio-political engagement aiming to demonstrate that the movement has changed its modes of operation, and trying to curtail allegations of radicalisation, after reports of terrorists passing through TJ mosques. Extensive observation research and interviews with TJ leaders, grassroots members and others involved in the on going contestation of the project, explain the adoption of the new strategy from the perspective of an elite and instrumentally aware leadership. In essence how the new strategy has been justified and re-framed, making it acceptable to a wider audience. The Public Inquiry over Enforcement Action of TJ’s mosque in Newham allowed for both TJ and opponents to highlight wider issues surrounding TJ and its stance towards engagement and commitment to community cohesion. Engagement may have initially been a tick-box exercise for London TJ leaders, but interacting with the wider community has had a transformative effect. TJ Leaders in London have emerged as a practical minded, demonstrating adaptability to local contexts, ensuring the survival of the movement. The durability of this, given the conservative and revivalist nature of the movement, will be a test of time.
17
Pereira, José Roberto Gabriel. "Judicial decision in hostile environments : judges, executives, and the public in Argentina (2004-2010)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:77e42a70-016e-466e-b726-4cc300bc9070.
Full textAbstract:
The central argument of this work is that the level of aggression of judges sitting in vulnerable courts is a function of their attempt to protect the institutional security of such courts. I argue that in contexts characterised by a lack of a culture of judicial independence, by high levels of judicial delegitimisation, and a high level of public visibility of judicial affairs, judges will attempt to simultaneously construct public support and avoid political conflicts with the Government. As a result, judicial decisions are driven by judges’ calculations of both the public’s reaction and the Government’s reaction to their rulings. I claim the level of aggression of judges’ interventions will increase when the Government's tolerance to decisions against its preferences was is higher and the public appears to be more supportive. I empirically test this theory using the case of Argentine Supreme Court Justices between July 2004 and September 2010. The findings confirm the theoretical expectations according to which judges are simultaneously concerned with the construction of public support and the avoidance of conflicts with the Government. In addition, my study shows three relevant patterns in terms of judicial behaviour. First, the Justices increased their level of aggression by using different modes of involvement when the public appeared to be more supportive and the Government’s tolerance higher during the period under study. Second, the decreased level of aggression occurred by altering the features of the same remedy in response to the political conditions in which decisions were issued. Third, existing legal constraints prevented Justices from being more aggressive.
18
Cuthbert, Alexander Rankine. "Ideology and urban planning : the case of Hong Kong." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243979.
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Nciri, Aida. "The divergent diffusion of district energy systems in France and Alberta : state politics and the socio-material and socio-spatial construction of low-carbon transitions." Thesis, Paris Est, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PESC2192.
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Comment différentes structures étatiques, et différents contextes socio-matériels dans le secteur énergétique et en milieu urbain expliquent l’inégale diffusion des réseaux de chaleur urbain (RCU) en France et en Alberta (Canada) entre 2000 et 2014 ? Afin de répondre à cette question, cette thèse analyse les processus de transitions bas-carbone à travers un prisme socio-spatial et socio-matériel qui prend en compte les enjeux de pouvoir et le rôle des structures étatiques. A la fois infrastructure énergétique et urbaine, les RCUs permettent d’explorer les imbrications des gouvernances des transitions bas-carbone, énergétique et urbaine. Cette recherche s’appuie sur trois contributions théoriques : 1) les récents travaux menés par les (urban) Transitions Studies, 2) une conception lefevbrienne de la « production de l’espace », et 3) la notion d’approche strategico-relationelle de pouvoir étatique (strategic-relational approach of state power) développé par Jessop. A travers une recherche comparant différents niveaux de gouvernement, nous examinons l’inégale construction des politiques énergétiques bas-carbone en France et en Alberta, ainsi que leurs articulations avec les structures étatiques, et les systèmes énergétiques et de gouvernance urbaine propres à chaque pays. Afin de contourner les écueils liés à une comparaison inter-niveaux, telles l’incommensurabilité et la comparaison factice, nous mobilisons le cadre d’analyse Territoire-Place-Echelle-Réseau (Territory-Place-Scale-Network framework, TPSN) développés par Jessop et al. (2008). Équipée de ces solides outils théoriques et méthodologiques, nous démontrons que le niveau provincial au Canada, et le niveau national en France, sont les niveaux qui dominent l’action publique et la construction des politiques énergétiques et de gouvernance urbaine. Malgré des pouvoirs équivalents, le gouvernement français et le gouvernement albertain ont développé des politiques publiques très différentes sur les transitions bas-carbone, mettant en relief l’exercice sélectif des compétences étatiques détenues par chaque juridiction. Chaque niveau de gouvernement a différemment impliqué les collectivités urbaines, et se distingue par leur mode d’intervention. En France, les RCUs ont été activement soutenus dans les politiques énergétiques bas-carbone (state-sponsored) menées au niveau national, activant de nouveaux canaux de croissance pour les grands énergéticiens compatibles avec les configurations socio-matérielles dominantes. En Alberta, les RCUs s’inscrivent dans une politique publique d’expérimentation financée par les niveaux fédéral et provincial (state funded experiment), qui a échoué à activer de nouveaux canaux de croissance pour les énergéticiens locaux. Les RCUs se sont avérés incompatibles avec les configurations socio-matérielles dominant la province. Nous concluons que la construction sélective des politiques bas-carbone en France et en Alberta dépend des intérêts matériels des acteurs énergétiques et étatiques dominants. En d’autres termes, l’État ne cherche pas systématiquement à réduire les émissions de gaz à effet-de-serre. Il cherche plutôt à reproduire un status-quo, en adaptant les politiques publiques bas-carbone aux configurations socio-matérielles existantes. A travers cette discussion, nous soutenons que les structures étatiques et le cadre d’analyse TPSN permettent d’enrichir la théorisation de l’espace et des relations de pouvoir dans les (urban) Transition StudiesHow do different state structures and urban and energy socio-material contexts explain the uneven diffusion of district energy systems (DES) in urban areas of France and Alberta between 2000 and 2014 ? To answer this question, this thesis analyses the processes inherent to low-carbon energy transitions through socio-spatial and socio-material lenses, considering power relations and state structure. At the intersection of urban planning and energy systems, DES proves practical to explore the nexus between low-carbon governance, energy governance, and urban governance. Theoretical frameworks employed in the analysis include 1) recent contributions from (urban) transition studies and socio-technical systems ; 2) a Lefebvrian conceptualisation of socio-space and social changes ; and 3) Jessop’s (1990, 2008) strategic-relational approach of state power. An original inter-scale comparative research allows for examining the uneven construction of low-carbon energy policies in France and Alberta, and their relations with state structures, and existing urban and energy systems. Jessop et al.’s Territory-Place-Scale-Network (TPSN) framework is mobilised to overcome the issues of commensurability and spontaneous comparison. These theoretical and methodological approaches provide a robust demonstration that the provincial scale in Canada, and the national scale in France, are the scales dominating the construction of low-carbon energy transitions and urban governance. Despite similar state powers, French and Albertan governments developed different state policies on low-carbon transition, highlighting selectivity in the exercise of state capacities. They differently engaged and enabled local urban governments and developed different state interventions on DES. In France, state-sponsored DES activated new channels of growth compatible with existing dominant socio-materialities; in Alberta, state-funded DES experiments failed to activate new channels of growth compatible with dominant socio-materialities. This thesis posits that selective construction of low-carbon policies depends on the material interests of dominant energy and state actors. In other words, the state does not seek to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by all means. Rather, it seeks to reproduce dominant socio-material status quo, adapting low-carbon policies to existing socio-material configuration. Ultimately, this thesis validates how the concepts of state structure and the TPSN framework can enrich the theorisation of space and power relations for (urban) transition studies
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Polyzoudi, Archondia. "The display of archaeology in museums of Northern Greece : the socio-politics and poetics of museum narratives." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610491.
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Wilhelm, Benjamin Verfasser], Oliver [Gutachter] [Kessler, and Ronen [Gutachter] Palan. "Politics of financial regulation : socio-political perspectives on (shadow) banking / Benjamin Wilhelm ; Gutachter: Oliver Kessler, Ronen Palan." Erfurt : Universität Erfurt, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1215915527/34.
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Bennett, Alexander Campbell. "The Cultural Politics of Proprietorship: The Socio-historical Evolution of Japanese Swordsmanship and its Correlation with Cultural Nationalism." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/6869.
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This thesis provides a detailed socio-historical analysis of the evolutionary process of traditional Japanese swordsmanship (kenjutsu) from the inception of distinct martial schools (bugei-ryuha) in the fourteenth century, to its gradual progression into a modern competitive sport (kendo), and a subject of study in the current Japanese education system. The following questions with regards to the development of Japanese swordsmanship were analysed: 1) How did schools dedicated to the study of martial arts (bugei-ryuha) evolve, and why was the sword so important to the early traditions? 2) What was the process in which kenjutsu become “civilised”, and how did it relate to class identity in the Tokugawa period (1600-1868)? 3) In what way did kenjutsu transmute when class distinctions and national isolationist policies (sakoku) were abolished in the Meiji period (1868–1912)? 4) What were the cultural and political influences in the rise of “state” and “popular” nationalism, and how did they affect the “re-invention” and manipulation of kendo in the first half of the twentieth century? 5) How did post-war private and national cultural policy affect the reinstatement of kendo and its usefulness in inculcating a sense of “Japaneseness”? 6) What are the nationalistic motivations, and perceived dangers of the international propagation of kendo with regards to cultural propriotership?
Through applying socio-historical concepts such as Norbert Elias’s “civilising process” and Eric Hobsbawm’s “invention of tradition”, as well as various descriptions of nationalism to the evolution of kendo, this thesis demonstrates how the martial art has continued to maintain a connection with
the past, while simultaneously developing into a symbolic and discursive form of traditional culture representing a “cultural ethos” considered to be a manifestation of “Japaneseness”. Ultimately, kendo can be described as a kind of participatory based mind-body Nihonjinron. Japan’s current reaction as it ponders the repercussions if it were to somehow lose its status as the suzerain nation of kendo,
i.e. as exclusive owners of kendo - a martial art perceived as one of the most representative forms of
traditional Japanese culture – is also assessed in this thesis.
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Hamman, Amy. "Faith and politics: The socio-political discourses engaged by Mexican ex-voto paintings from the nineteenth-century and beyond." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5274/.
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The Universalis Ecclesiae of 1508 authorized Spanish colonization of the Americas in return for the conversion of native populations to Christianity. From its inception therefore, the Mexican nation lived an alliance between Church and State. This alliance promoted the transfer of Castilian Catholicism to American shores. Catholic practices, specifically the ex-voto tradition, visualize this intermingling of religion and politics. The ex-voto is a devotional painting that expresses gratitude to a religious figure for his/her intervention in a moment of peril. It is commissioned by the devotee as a means of direct communication to the divine. This project analyzes 40 Mexican ex-votos for their reflection of political issues in Mexico. I assert that the Mexican ex-votos engage discussions of social politics. To support this argument, visualizations of socio-political discourses such as the Virgin of Guadalupe as a national religious symbol, police action and economic disparity were examined.
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Joseph, Nithya. "The socio-politics of producing silk and accumulating gold in a South Indian town through the liberalisation reform period." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH088.
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Cette thèse traitera de l'impact des réformes de libéralisation sur un cluster de production de soie vieux de deux siècles, situé à Ramanagaram, une ville du sud de l'Inde. Dans ce cluster, les propriétaires d'unités de production et les travailleurs, issus de groupes sociaux marginalisés, sont engagés dans l'extraction de fils de soie brute dans de petites unités à domicile. Cette thèse présente une étude sectorielle localisée afin de comprendre les diverses façons dont le néolibéralisme a façonné les politiques et les processus de production et d'accumulation dans l'économie indienneThis thesis discusses the impact of liberalisation reforms on a two century old silk reeling cluster, in a South Indian town called Ramanagaram, where production unit owners and hired workers from marginalised social groups are engaged in the extraction of raw silk thread in home-based units. It presents a localized, sector-based study that contributes to understanding the diverse ways in which neoliberalism has entered policy and has impacted production and accumulation in the Indian economy
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Novy, Andreas, Lukas Lengauer, and de Souza Daniela Coimbra. "Vienna in an emerging trans-border region. Socioeconomic development in Central Europe." Institut für Regional- und Umweltwirtschaft, WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2008. http://epub.wu.ac.at/832/1/document.pdf.
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Drawing upon a periodisation of socio-economic development based on the regulation approach, the paper conducts a historical spatial development analysis of Vienna in its broader territory and multi-level perspective. The National context and the East-West cleavages mark the geography of the study. This periodisation is the basis to understand the strategies of Vienna in changing territorialities, the social forces and discourses that are reflected in the present context of Europeanisation, internationalisation and integration of border regions. A critical institutionalist approach is used to analyse the hegemonic liberal and populist discourses and strategies. The lessons taken in this section build the path to outline windows of opportunity for progressive politics, which are sketch out in the last section of the article. The ideas exposed in the paper are partial results of broader research carried out in the frame of DEMOLOGOS, an EU financed project. (authors' abstract)Series: SRE - Discussion Papers
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Pazderka, Julie. "An Undefined Race: The Growth Debate between China and India." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194534.
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In an effort to define which country will succeed in being the first of the two, I have given much attention to the East India Trade Company (EIC) and its influence on both India and China and the impact it has had on the social, political and economic change in both countries. While both countries have started off the same in the first half of the 20th century, their economic difference began with Xiaopings' rule in the late 70's of the 20th century. He is the one responsible for the opening of China, allowing it to have a steady takeoff and accelerate post-Cold War. India on the other hand has been in fear of foreign exploitation due to the EIC, making their development substantially slower. Religious and regional issues are a reason for India to not have enough focus on their human capital and their multi-party government, resulting in an inability to focus on the necessary reformation of the 'red tapes'. Another domestic policy missing in India, but strong in China is human capital, which is a private matter in India, while China has highly invested in it since The Great Leap Forward. Understanding the governance and economic policies of both countries provides an insight to both countries and supports my reasoning as to why I believe that China will - despite its' slowdown, be ahead of the race.
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Ali, Yahia. "The politics of shaping space : a socio-political approach to the narrative of space production in Slemani, Iraqi Kurdistan, between 2003 and 2013." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/22090/.
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This PhD offers an insight into the powers that governed processes of space production in the city of Slemani, the Kurdistan region of Iraq. It concentrates on the decade proceeding the US-led war which consequently overthrew Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003. In addition to exploring the role of power, the thesis proposes an alternative strategy for political space making; a strategy which grew out of both the literature review and the subsequent analysis of the forces of productivity which exist in the city. The research studies the built environment within the Kurdish context, choosing to take an atypical socio-political approach which is developed in relation to western literature. An original conceptual framework is largely constructed through the use of ‘elite’ theory as well as Henri Lefebvre’s readings of space. Both of these scholarly concepts help to set the scene for an empirical investigation. The methodology is designed from a qualitative perspective, which in turn curates an approach centred on case studies. These studies highlight three spatial categories which differ in scale and feature the following: investment-driven projects, government-sponsored construction and privately-sponsored housing. The objective behind splitting the cases into three categories ranging from macro to micro scales was to reveal how social forces interact on different levels. These cases were chosen according to the power of their producers, as well as their physical properties (cost, location and scale). Data was collected through the methods of ‘mapping controversies’ and questionnaires. It was then analysed from a thematic lens with the support of three techniques: story configuration, mapping and descriptive analysis. The thesis concludes that certain intellectual, business and political decision makers exerted significant influence over processes of shaping the built environment, leaving extremely narrow opportunity for the rest of the inhabitants of the city to involve. This mode of spatial production has prompted unprecedented urban segregation because it resulted in the creation of ‘abstract spaces’, which are detached from their social, natural and historical contexts. Interestingly, power relations among social groups changed according to the scale of space: the city inhabitants did not challenge the authority of decision makers who had repurposed and commodified urban lands. However, important to note, is that these same inhabitants reacted and opposed decision makers when it came to the negotiation of their private spaces. This, generally speaking, indicates that the inhabitants paid more attention and were perhaps more invested in the nature of their private interests rather than public concerns. The politics of shaping space in Slemani, and other Kurdish cities, has been heavily criticised by numerous voices including academics and some urban officials, who have appealed for comprehensive alternatives. Therefore, this PhD proposes two sets of reforms: one is tangible and targets formal and informal governing structures, and the second is intangible. The latter has an ideological nature and aims to improve social consciousness in regard to space making. Similarly, it also encourages the local community to question the multiplicity of power structures which are commonly taken for granted. In a broad sense, the thesis contributes to theoretical, methodological and pragmatic arguments. Each of them is derived from one of the main components of this research. The theoretical contribution is related to the literature chapter and the pragmatic to the empirical study. Moreover, the methodological input is focused on creating a novel empirical approach based on the complex philosophical works of Lefebvre, who has been criticised by his scholars for not introducing a well-defined methodology. The thesis also customises the method of ‘mapping controversies’ in order to suit the scope of the research. The pragmatic contribution is divided into two levels: the actual and the alternate. The first is related to the role of identifying the underlying nature of the politics of spatial configuration in the context of Slemani, and the second is connected to the propositions that have been made as alternatives to the specific political approach found in the city or beyond it. In other words, Slemani is viewed here as a typical symbol of the urban transformations which have occurred in other cities within Iraqi Kurdistan, namely Erbil and Dohuk. Thus, the outcomes of this work can be mobilised elsewhere in the region, or even potentially outside this geographical territory.
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Crown, Juno. "Home of the Japanese Heart : Socio-historical Contextualization of Gender Politics, Commodity Animism and Super State-Nationalism of Japanese Modernity through the Indigenous Faith." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-364779.
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This thesis aims to contextualize gender politics, nationalism, and animism as interconnected cultural patterns reflecting 19th century acculturation and post-WWII national reconstruction of Japan. In particular, state-nationalism, hegemonic femininity, commodity animism, uniform fetishsm, and power structure are analyzed through the symbolisms and discourse of the Japanese indigenous faith: Shinto, female practitioners, and followers. There are two points of ideological and linguistic rupture in modern Japan: late-19th century and mid-20th century, in which a large part of this thesis is dedicated to for a holistic contextualization in accordance to historical narrative and events. Materials for this thesis were collected through three separate occasions of field research: winter of 2016 to 2017, summer of 2017, and the spring of 2018 where participant- observation, semi-structured interviews across different platforms, internet ethnography, and archival data analysis were combined. The thesis is separated into three parts: super state- nationalism, gender politics, and commodity animism, and each chapter has its own thematic focus for analysis while the ideological shifts are explained largely based on Ideological State Apparatus and subjectivity. The development of the several thousand year old faith is the preoccupation of this thesis in an attempt to interpret the collective identities, tendencies, and patterns of Japanese modernity.
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Melaku, Misganaw Tadesse. "Social and political history of Wollo Province in Ethiopia: 1769-1916." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7290.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDWollo, formerly referred to as ―Bete Amhara,‖ refers to a region of Amharic-speaking Christians. It was one of the oldest provinces of Ethiopia; located in the north-eastern part of Ethiopia at the cross- roads of the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Sudan, and central and Southern Ethiopia. Its geostrategic central position has made it a historical focal point of historical dynamics in Ethiopia. Due to its geostrategic position, many writers of the medieval period referred to Wollo as the ―center and the heartland of the Abyssinian Empire. On account of these, major historical battles among political, social, and religious forces occurred in this region leaving their own mark on it and the nature of the Ethiopian state. Before the sixteenth century, Wollo had been a center of history, political administration, religion, and religious education. As a result, numerous historical events have taken place in this province. Due to such factors, it was part of the historically dominant regions in Ethiopia. However, after the sixteenth century we see a decline in the position of Wollo. A province which was part of the center, afterwards the sixteenth century, had been downgraded to the periphery following its domination by Islam and Oromo, which were two subjects of marginalization in Ethiopian historiography. Thereafter, the province was relegated from the country‘s political ground and historical narration due to ethnic, religious, and political backgrounds. In the earliest recordings of the historically dominant groups of Ethiopia, Wollo was not properly represented as it was regarded as a Muslim and Oromo province. In much of the recently recorded literature on the subaltern groups in the post-1991 period, the internal events of Wollo have been ignored. Therefore, both in the past and recently, the socio-political history of Wollo province has never been given due regard. Despite the fact that Wollo bears elements of both the historically dominant and historical subaltern of Ethiopia, it has not been provided proper representation by the narrative of the historically dominant groups, as it is not given proper place in the emergent history of the subaltern in Post-1991 Ethiopia. This paradox of Wollo belonging to both but not given due attention and representation is the corridor leading to explore the dark sides of Ethiopian historiography. Thus, this study attempts to examine why, how and in what way Wollo has been neglected from the country‘s political ground and historical narration. It will also try to reconstruct the social and political history of the province in the period under study.
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Sobreiro, Filho José [UNESP]. "Contribuição à construção de uma teoria geográfica sobre movimentos socioespaciais e contentious politics: produção do espaço, redes e lógica-racionalidade espaço-temporal no Brasil e Argentina." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/143908.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
Neste trabalho, apresentamos um conjunto de reflexões cujo objetivo é de contribuir para a construção de uma teoria geográfica sobre movimentos socioespaciais e contentious politics. Assim, partimos dos principais conceitos geográficos (espaço, território, rede, lugar e escala) e das reflexões sobre movimentos socioespaciais e socioterritoriais, contentious politics, socio-spatial posicionality, convergence space e terrains of resistance, bem como da teoria da produção do espaço, para apresentar um modelo explicativo eminentemente geográfico. Tempo e espaço apresentam-se indissociáveis desde o remontar histórico dos conflitos até a própria análise dos conflitos contemporâneos. Por fim, o desfecho deste trabalho tem a nossa contribuição teórica, denominada por lógica-racionalidade espaço-temporal, lastreada na análise movimentos socioespaciais e casos de contentious politics no Brasil e Argentina.
In this thesis, we present a set of reflections whose objective is to contribute to the construction of a geographical theory of socio-spatial movements and contentious politics. Hence we set out and use the key geographical concepts (space, territory, network, place and scale) and reflections on socio-spatial and socio-territorial movements, contentious politics, socio-spatial positionality, convergence space and terrains of resistance, as well as the theory of production of space to present an eminently geographic explanatory model. Time and space are presented as inseparable from the history of the conflict as well in the analysis of contemporary conflicts. Finally, the outcome of this work is our theoretical contribution, called spatial-time logic-rationality, based in the analysis of the socio-spatial movements and cases of contentious politics in Brazil and Argentina.
FAPESP: 2013/22180-0
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Ступіна, Л. Е. "Соціальне підприємництво та перспективи його розвитку в Україні." Thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2016. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/49440.
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Хоча розвиток соціального підприємництва в Україні – це тривалий процес,
масштаб і темпи якого неможливо прогнозувати, однак цей процес можна
пришвидшити, якщо проводити активну соціально-економічну політику,
розглядати формування соціального підприємництва як важливий самостійний
напрям політики соціально-економічних реформ, залучати більшої уваги
широких аудиторій. Зростання активності громадян через створення
соціальних підприємств, їх співпраця з владою дозволить розпочати в Україні
вирішення такої надзвичайно актуальної проблеми, як побудова соціальної
держави і громадянського суспільства.
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Garnham, Lisa Mimika. "Politics, place, health : an exploration of the relationship between socio-political change and public health in the town of Clydebank, framed by the problematic of the 'Scottish Effect'." Thesis, University of the West of Scotland, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.731779.
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Niklasson, Elisabeth. "Funding Matters : Archaeology and the Political Economy of the Past in the EU." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antikens kultur, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-124091.
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The aim of this thesis is to show how Europe is constructed at the intersection between archaeology, money and politics within EU cultural actions. Ever since the 1970s, the European Community has invested money and prestige in the idea of a common cultural heritage for Europe. Alongside symbolic attributes such as the flag and anthem, archaeological sites have been used as rhetorical fuel to create a sense of European belonging, much like in national identity building. As a result, archaeologists and heritage professionals have benefitted from EU funding for restoration of sites, training schools and cooperation projects since 1976. In order to address this mutual engagement, the research in this thesis explores the ways that EU grant systems in culture have fostered specific approaches to Europeanness, and how supported projects have responded to notions about a common heritage. By considering EU officials, expert reviewers, consultants and archaeologists as co-creators of the frameworks they participate in, this study raises the idea of financial ties as a place of interaction. The study takes an ethnographic approach and uses discourse analysis and tools from Actor-Network Theory. The material consists of observations made during an internship at the European Commission, 41 interviews with different actors, as well as policy documents, budgets and collected information about 160 supported projects with archaeological themes. This research demonstrates how the expectations linked to archaeology have turned it into both a problem and a promise in the search for a 'usable past' for the EU. On the one hand, archaeology has functioned as an anchor, mooring the notion of a common heritage to something solid. On the other, because of its strong commitment to nationhood, what archaeology claims for its own has often undermined the very idea of a shared European inheritance. Projects benefitting from EU support have taken advantage of the expectations placed upon archaeology to help create a European identity, using buzzwords and 'application poetry' in their proposals. Many projects continuously used EU goals and symbols in their outputs. Sometimes a European past and present was connected by rhetorically tying archaeological periods (such as the Middle Ages and Roman Era) and phenomena (rock art or landscapes) to the EU political project. This link was more manifest in public settings than in academic ones. Taken together, the considerations brought up in this study show that funding matters. The EU strategy of vagueness, in which instructions and evaluation criteria foremost decide the frames but not the content of the projects, has inspired applicants to 'think Europe without thinking.' Once an application is written and submitted, a chain of translations by different actors works to depoliticise the act of constructing Europe. The EU, just as other funding bodies, has become entangled in the political ecology of archaeology. An entanglement which is unavoidable, but which needs to be critically addressed. Funding sources matter for the way we understand both the past and the meaning of archaeology in the present.Denna avhandling undersöker hur Europa skapas i gränslandet mellan arkeologi, pengar och politik inom den Europeiska Unionens kulturpolitiska finansieringsprogram. Vid sidan av symboliska attribut såsom flagga och nationalsång har företrädare för den Europeiska Gemenskapen och EU engagerat sig i idén om ett gemensamt europeiskt kulturarv, på ett metaforiskt såväl som ett materiellt plan. Politisk legitimitet har sökts med hänvisning till en mångtusenårig samhörighet. I samband med detta engagemang har arkeologer och kulturarvsarbetare sedan 1970-talet erhållit finansiellt stöd för restaureringsprojekt på platser av europeisk betydelse och transnationella samarbetsprojekt som kan skapa europeiskt mervärde. Studien undersöker banden mellan EU och arkeologi genom att lyfta finansiering som en plats för interaktion och meningsskapande. En etnografisk metod har tillämpats, där empirin består av fältobservationer från en praktikantperiod på Europeiska kommissionen, 41 intervjuer med olika aktörer, samt policydokument och arkeologiska texter. En databas med 160 arkeologiska projekt har även skapats. Diskursanalys och nätverksteoretiska begrepp såsom översättningar och svarta lådan har använts för att lokalisera och begreppsliggöra iakttagelser och meningsfulla skärningspunkter i materialet. Studien visar hur EU-tjänstemän, expertgranskare, konsulter och arkeologer alla deltar i utformandet av arkeologiska problemställningar och byggandet av professionella nätverk. EUs mjuka strategier, inom vilka instruktioner och utvärderingskriterier främst bestämmer ramarna men inte innehållet i de finansierade projekten, har inspirerat sökande att tänka Europa utan att tänka. När en ansökan skrivs och lämnas in startar en kedja av översättningar som leder till att olika aktörer avpolitiserar skapandet av Europa i samtiden. I resultaten framkom att arkeologiska projekt, genom att använda EUs målformuleringar i sina projektansökningar, ofta har utnyttjat EUs förväntningar på arkeologi om att skapa en europeisk identitet. I flera projekt knöts en europeisk samhörighet i det förflutna samman med dagens EUropa. Dessutom fortsatte många projekt att använda EUs mål och symboler i sina outputs. Här var EU-kopplingen tydligare i publika sammanhang än i akademiska. Sammantaget visar studien att val av finansieringskälla spelar stor roll. EUs finansieringsprogram har blivit en del av arkeologins politiska ekologi, en sammanflätning som är oundviklig men viktig att kritiskt uppmärksamma. Dessa band påverkar både vår syn på det förflutna och samhällets syn på arkeologi idag.
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Jacquemin, Alain Raymond Albert. "The politics of urban development in New Bombay : the role of the government in urban land and housing and its effect on the socio-economic development of a new town." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287990.
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Annison, Harry. "Dangerous politics : an interpretive political analysis of the imprisonment for public protection sentence, 2003-2008." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:73c4f0dc-b86f-4d02-a380-0ae97d3974b4.
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The thesis constitutes a detailed historical reconstruction of the creation, contestation and subsequent amendment of the Imprisonment for Public Protection sentence, the principal ‘dangerous offender’ measure of the Criminal Justice Act 2003. Underpinned by an interpretive political analysis of penal politics, the thesis draws on a detailed analysis of relevant documents and 53 interviews with national level, policy-oriented actors. The thesis explores how actors’ conceptions of ‘risk’ and ‘the public’ interwove with the political beliefs and political traditions relied upon by the relevant actors. It is argued that while there was general recognition of a ‘real problem’ existing in relation to dangerous offenders, the central actors in the creation of the IPP sentence crucially lacked a detailed understanding of the state of the art of risk assessment and management (Kemshall, 2003) and failed to appreciate the systemic risks posed by the IPP sentence. The creation of the IPP sentence, as with its subsequent amendment, is argued to highlight the extreme vulnerability felt by many government actors. The efforts of interest groups and other pressure participants to have their concerns addressed regarding the systemic and human damage subsequently caused by the under-resourcing of the IPP sentence is explored, and the challenge of stridently arguing for substantial change while maintaining ‘insider’ status is discussed. As regards senior courts’ efforts to rein in the IPP sentence, it is argued that the increasingly conservative nature of the judgments demonstrate that the judiciary are not immune from the creep of a ‘precautionary logic’ into British penal politics. Regarding the amendment of the IPP sentence, the Ministry of Justice’s navigation between the twin dangers of a systemic crisis and a political crisis are explored. In conclusion, the IPP story is argued to demonstrate a troubling ‘thoughtlessness’ by many of the key policymakers, revealing what is termed the ‘banality of punitiveness.’ The potential for a reliance on political beliefs and traditions to slip into this thoughtless state, and possible ways of ensuring that such policy issues are engaged with in a more inclusive and expansive manner, are discussed.
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Shuster, Gabriela. "The Management Of Feral Pig Socio-Ecological Systems In Far North Queensland, Australia." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1357345563.
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Garel, Stefan Jack. "Queer bodies and settlements : the pertinence of queer theory in the fields of queer history and trans politics, disability and 'curative education', quantum physics and experimental art : an interdisciplinary and transnational account of three socio-cultural and filmic research projects." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/55613.
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What is queer? What is queer? What is queer theory? Where can it go from here? This thesis sets out to explore the origins and influences of queer theory before investigating the present and the future spaces (ie, bodies and settlements) it can potentially move into. Three distinct experiments of fieldwork and ethnographic filmmaking test the truths and potentialities of queer theory when relating to queer bodies and settlements. That is to say that each chapter balances a film and its supporting text by embracing the value and urgency of practice led research. The first chapter questions queer history and details the importance of emerging trans politics in the post-gender, leftist, avant-garde, queer activist and militant space of Bologna. Queer bodies, case one: transgender and transsexual perspectives. Settlements, case one: Bologna and Lido di Classe (Italy). The second chapter considers the interface between disability theory and queer theory with particular attention paid to the practical theory of ‘curative education’. Defined by Rudolf Steiner in 1922 and further developed by Karl König with the foundation of the Camphill movement in 1944, curative education privileges the social model over the medical model in the field of disability so that disability is in fact ability. Queer bodies, case two: learning differences and disabilities perspectives. Settlements, case two: Berlin (Germany), Chatou and La Rochelle (France), Barry and Glasallt Fawr (Wales, United Kingdom). The third chapter uses queer perspectives to promote the relevance of quantum physics to the human body, thus involving contemporary dance, physical theatre and the arts more generally to address and redress the chiasm between science and technology on the one hand, and arts, humanities and socio-cultural sciences on the other. Queer bodies, case three: the inescapably queer reality of the physical world. Settlements, case three: multiple locations in Tuscany (Italy), and Thamesmead, London (England, United Kingdom). This thesis brings notions of queer and otherness deceptively close to notions of the self. Otherness and queerness become mirrors in which our own queerness comes into view.
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Zhukova, Olga. "Agenda politique et régime de genre : comparaison socio historique des évolutions en Russie et en France." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40020/document.
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La thèse présente l’étude de deux cas nationaux, la Russie et la France, dont les contextes et les genèses des situations présentes sont spécifiques. On suppose que malgré un héritage historique et des institutions politiques différents, les ordres de genre en Russie et en France passent par des étapes semblables. De telles ressemblances sont conditionnées par le fait que la politique publique maintient un ordre de genre inégal et ceci trouve son application dans les structures politiques elle-mêmes, qui représentent une forme pyramidale. Le modèle de l’ordre de genre, propose un cadre théorique heuristique non seulement pour analyser les relations de genre dans les sociétés contemporaines et dans les institutions, mais aussi dans le cadre historique. La thèse a pour objectif d'explorer les différentes facettes de la construction des rapports de genre comme rapports politiques en fournissant à la fois des outils théoriques, une perspective historique, et des études de cas contemporains. La démarche comparative permet de porter un regard décentré sur la réalité propre nationale des rapports de genre, et de questionner des éléments qui peuvent paraître évidents d’un point de vue strictement interneThis thesis discusses the gender order of two national cases studies – Russia and France. The current situations with regards to gender order are specific to each country and have evolved from differing contexts. However, this thesis proposes that the development of gender order has passed through similar stages, both in Russia and France, despite different historical backgrounds and political systems. In addition, it is proposed that resemblances in the development of gender order are primarily affected by public policy in both countries which supports an order of gender equality. This politically-influenced gender inequality is reflected by the political structure which forms a pyramid structure. The gender order model provides a heuristic theoretical framework in which to analyse gender-relations in the contemporary societies and institutions of each country; along with the opportunity to examine gender-relations from an historical perspective. The aim of this research is to investigate the different facets of the development of gender-relations within a political context in Russia and France. The research methodology incorporates a consideration of the theoretical background to gender-relations, the impact of each country’s development on gender order from an historical viewpoint, and reviews of contemporary case studies. Importantly, a comparative study of this kind allows the idea of national identity to be appraised from an objective viewpoint
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Ruud, Arild Engelsen. "Socio-cultural changes in rural West Bengal." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1995. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2449/.
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The emergence of broad rural support in West Bengal for the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) is here studied through the history (1960 to present) of two villages in Burdwan district. The focus is on the relationship between the dynamics of village politics and political and ideological changes of the larger polity. Village politics constitutes an important realm of informal rules for political action and public participation where popular perceptions of wider political events and cultural changes are created. The communist mobilization of the late 1960s followed from an informal alliance formed between sections of the educated (and politicized) middle-class peasantry and certain groups (castes) of poor. The middle-class peasantry drew inspiration from Bengal's high-status and literary but radicalized tradition. However, the establishment and dynamics of the alliance, at the local level, can only be understood within the normative framework of the village. The poor appeared previously as marginal to public exercise of village affairs, but were nonetheless able to manipulate resources available to them (numbers, assertion, norms) and thus achieve some leverage vis-a-vis village leaders dependent on man-support or "moral economy" sentiments for legitimacy. The interests of these groups of poor, particularly of the social or cultural kind since the material resources available were very limited, became crucial in the bonds village leaders sought to create to retain their support. Following on this practice, also the CPM's local party leadership, in the 1980s and 1990s, consistently confirmed social aspirations and status considerations. This leads to the conclusions that not only do communist movements too depend on considerations of social status, honours, and symbolic displays of respect but that the scope for change and the manner in which the communist movement can function at the local level derive from popular perceptions, formed and enacted in villages.
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Hayes, Dorothy Maora. "Wāhine kaihautū, wāhine whai mana navigating the tides of change : Whakatōhea women and tribal socio-politics : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Māori Studies at Massey University." Massey University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1111.
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This thesis explored the socio-political experiences and views of seven Maori women from the tribe of Whakatahea. The project adopted a Maori-centred theoretical and research approach that included the researcher as a member of the researched group. It aimed to draw out the common themes, from the women's recollections of their experiences and views of the socio-political decision-making affairs within whanau, hapu, and iwi. The women identified barriers to participation and strategies to overcome these barriers. Qualifications reflected traditional Maori values and practices. Rights according to whakapapa, and the principle "he kanohi kitea", being seen, were the obvious criterion. Poor information channels, minimal consultation, gender bias, age and time constraints were some of the issues identified as barriers to participation. It was found that whanau governance committees more closely reflected traditional values and customs that saw women and men as sharing power, more so than hapu and iwi organisations. The gender imbalance was viewed, by the women participants, as problematic. They concluded that better gender balance at all levels of the socio-political affairs of Whakatohea would ensure greater informed decision-making for the social, educational, economic, and spiritual well-being of the tribe today and for future generations.
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Gombarino, Rutashigwa Faustin-Noël. "L' implantation missionnaire au Congo-RDC : de l' assistance à l'autonomie financière. Une approche socio-historique." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01H035/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur l'implantation missionnaire en République démocratique du Congo sous l'administration coloniale belge vers la fin du XIXe siècle. Nous voulons comprendre le phénomène observé de la dépendance financière de cette Église, en situant ses différentes causes ou facteurs exogènes et endogènes notamment son ancrage dans la politique coloniale. Dès le début, elle a bénéficié des subventions de l’État et d'autres avantages importants, dont de vastes étendues de terres. Depuis sa prise en main par la hiérarchie autochtone, période correspondant à la décolonisation, cette Église n'arrive pas à se prendre en charge, obligée de se tourner constamment vers l'extérieur (tes organismes occidentaux de financement) pour assurer ses différents besoins. Or cette politique d'extraversion financière ne rassure plus, vu le contexte socioculturel occidental actuel (diminution des pratiques religieuses, crises financières mondiales, ...). En définitive, il faut à cette Église congolaise longtemps habituée à l'assistance de repenser une nouvelle logique d'action lui permettant de trouver d'autres possibilités pour assurer son autofinancement en vue de sa survie. L'objectif de ce travail est de montrer que des potentialités existent qu'elle peut exploiter: la mobilisation et la gestion rationnelle des ressources humaines et économiques disponibles, la rentabilisation des structures de productions héritées des missionnaires, mais en comptant sur un environnement sociopolitique et économique national favorable et un changement des mentalités des acteurs en présenceThis thesis focuses the missionary presence in the Democratic Republic of Congo under the Belgian rule towards the end of the Sixth Century. We seek to understand bow this Church came to be financially dependent by looking at the different causes or exogenous and endogenous as well as the roots of this phenomenon within the context of the colonial policy. From the beginning, it has received State subsidies and enjoyed other significant advantages including large tracts of land. Ever since the native hierarchy has taken over, i.e. as from the decolonization, this Church has been unable to support itself and has been obliged constantly seek external aid from western financial bodies in order to meet its needs. But in the light of the current western sociocultural context (decline of religious practices, financial crises worldwide ... ) such a financial extraversion is no longer comforting. Ali things considered, long accustomed as it was to be assisted, this Congolese Church now needs to develop a new course of action through which it will be able to find other means of self-support for its survival. The objective of this work is to show that there is potential at band, namely the mobilization and the rational management of the human and economic resources available, the cost-effectiveness of the production facilities inherited from the missionaries, but resting on a favourable national sociopolitical and economic environment and a change in the attitude of the parties involved
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Oliveira, Josiane Silva de. "A política emocional nas práticas de organização do circo contemporâneo : uma etnografia multissituada no contexto Brasil-Canadá." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/96900.
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L’objectif de cette thèse était de discuter la relation entre les pratiques quotidiennes et les émotions dans le processus organisationnel du cirque contemporain. En vue de cela, une étude ethnographique dans le contexte situé au Brésil et au Canada pendant les années 2011 dans la ville brésilienne de Pelotas, Rio Grande do Sul, et 2013 dans la ville canadienne de Montréal, dans la province de Québec. Dans la première base théorique de cette étude, j’effectue une discussion à propos de la dimension politique des pratiques, des façons de faire des sujets sociaux, dans les processus organisationnels quotidiens soulignant la (i)mobilité des organisations en Études organisationnelles. En effet, considérons la routine organisationnelle comme des espaces de pratiques qui constituent la micropolitique - politique de la vie quotidienne - par la sphère normative des processus de gestion. La micropolitique se réfère à la comparaison des relations pratiques avec action logique historique et culturelle; présenter un caractère procédural, car les formes d’organisation des espaces multiples et interconnectés dans la pratique ; produire des effets dans la vie quotidienne en raison de son caractère relationnel avec sphères normatives de la société. En mettant en évidence les émotions comme des pratiques dans la routine organisationnelle qui doit être articulées à d'autres pratiques quotidiennes forment la dimension politique émotionnelle des processus organisationnels. L’un des effets identifiés de la politique émotionnelle dans le travail quotidien du cirque était la production de plusieurs spatialités. Malgré que ces dernières permettent les cirques de chercher la reconnaissance de leur légitimité artistique qui est le produit des contrepoints concernant l’ordre établi dans le domaine politique des arts dans les villes étudiées. En effet, les cirques ne pouvaient être considérés comme des espaces hétérotopiques organisationnels, ou des espaces constituant l’ordre social, mais leurs relations pratiques établies forces inverses. Ainsi, la thèse que je défends dans cet article affirme que la relation entre les pratiques et les émotions quotidiennes est la politique émotionnelle des processus organisationnels résultant de la production de hétérotopies. Les principaux résultats de cette recherche soulignent l’importance des émotions dans les organisations. En montrant comment ces éléments pratiques influencent le développement d'une théorie politique des émotions dans les études organisationnelles. La contribution méthodologique que je présente dans cette thèse est l’appropriation de l’ ethnographie multissituée comme une stratégie de recherche pour les entreprises qui sont basées sur la mobilité socio-spatiale et dans de différents endroits comprendre.En termes appliqués à la gestion, les résultats de l'enquête mettent en évidence que le processus de création des artistes de cirque est centré sur une dynamique collective. Ainsi que l’engagement de la conversation comme pertinente pour la transmission de la connaissance de la production artistique. De plus, la réalisation de résidences de création dans de différents contextes culturels de base pour la formation technique et le développement social du cirque. Sur le processus de formation des artistes, souligner la nécessité d'intégrer des études sur la dimension collective de l’organisation de la formation des artistes de cirque dans les écoles de cirque. Ceci dit, le sujet producteur culturel comme articulateur de pratiques artistiques à des pratiques de gestion.O meu objetivo nesta tese foi discutir as relações entre as práticas cotidianas e as emoções no processo organizativo do circo contemporâneo. Para tanto, eu realizei um estudo etnográfico multissituado no contexto Brasil-Canadá entre os anos de 2011, na cidade brasileira de Pelotas, Rio Grande do Sul, e 2013, na cidade canadense de Montréal, na província de Quebeque. No primeiro eixo teórico deste estudo, realizo uma discussão a respeito da dimensão política das práticas, as maneiras de fazer dos sujeitos sociais, no cotidiano dos processos organizativos e destaco a (i)mobilidade das organizações nos Estudos Organizacionais. Com efeito, considero o cotidiano organizacional como espaços de práticas que constituem micropolíticas – políticas da vida cotidiana – em meio à esfera normativa dos processos de gestão. As micropolíticas referem-se às relações do confronto das práticas com lógicas de ação determinadas histórico-culturalmente; apresentam um cunho processual; e produzem efeitos no cotidiano devido ao seu caráter relacional com as esferas normativas da sociedade. Destaco as emoções como práticas no cotidiano organizacional que ao serem articuladas às outras práticas cotidianas formam a dimensão política emocional dos processos organizativos. Um dos efeitos da política emocional no cotidiano de trabalho dos circenses que identifiquei foi a produção de múltiplas espacialidades que, apesar de possibilitar aos circos a busca pelo reconhecimento de sua legitimidade artística, produziu contrapontos em relação ao ordenamento estabelecido no campo político das artes nas cidades estudadas. Com efeito, considero que os circos podem ser compreendidos como espaços organizacionais heterotópicos, ou seja, espaços que constituem o ordenamento social, mas que suas práticas invertem as relações de forças estabelecidas na sociedade. Sendo assim, a tese que defendo nesse trabalho é que as relações entre as práticas cotidianas e as emoções constituem a política emocional dos processos organizativos resultando na produção de heterotopias organizacionais. Os principais resultados desta pesquisa destacam a importância das emoções como práticas nas organizações evidenciando elementos para o desenvolvimento de uma Teoria Política das Emoções nos Estudos Organizacionais. A contribuição metodológica que eu apresento nesta tese é a apropriação da etnografia multissituada como estratégia de pesquisa para compreensão de processos organizativos que se constituem com base em mobilidades sócio-espaciais e em diferentes locais. Em termos aplicados à gestão, os resultados da pesquisa destacam que o processo criativo dos artistas circenses é centrado em uma dinâmica coletiva, a prática de conversação como relevante para a transmissão do conhecimento da produção artística e a realização de residências criativas em diferentes contextos culturais como base para o desenvolvimento técnico e de formação social dos circenses. Sobre o processo de formação dos artistas, destaco a necessidade de incorporação de estudos sobre a dimensão coletiva de organização dos circenses na formação dos artistas nas escolas de circo e o sujeito produtor cultural como articulador das práticas artísticas às práticas de gestão.
The aim of this thesis was to discuss the relationship between everyday practices and emotions in organizational process of contemporary circus. For this purpose, a multisited ethnographic study in the context Brazil - Canada between the years 2011 in the Brazilian city of Pelotas, Rio Grande do Sul, and 2013 was held in the Canadian city of Montreal, in the province of Quebec. In the first theoretical basis of this study, I realize a discussion about the political dimension of practices, ways of making social subjects, in everyday organizational processes highlighting (i)mobility of organizations in Organizational Studies. Indeed, consider the organizational routine as spaces of practices that constitute micro - politics of everyday life - in the midst of a normative management processes. The micro refer to the comparison of practical relations with logical action of certain historical and culturally; present a procedural nature, because the forms of organization are multiple and interconnected spaces in practice; produce effects in everyday life due to its relational character with normative spheres of society. Highlight the emotions like practices in organizational routine that to be articulated to other daily practices form the emotional political dimension of organizational processes. One of the identified effects of emotional politics in the everyday work of the circus was the production of multiple spatialities that despite, enable circuses by seeking recognition of their artistic legitimacy, produced counterpoints regarding the order established in the political field of the arts in the cities studied. Indeed, circuses could be understood as organizational heterotopic spaces, or spaces constituting the social order, but their practical relations established reverse forces. Thus, the thesis that I defend in this paper is that the relationship between everyday practices and emotions are emotional politics of organizational processes resulting in the production of heterotopias. The main results of this research highlight the importance of emotions in organizations showing how practical elements for the development of a Political Theory of Emotions in Organizational Studies. The methodological contribution that I present in this thesis is the appropriation of multisited ethnography as a research strategy for understanding organizations that are based on socio- spatial mobility and in different locations. In terms applied to management, the survey results highlight that the creative process of circus performers is centered on a collective dynamic, engaging in conversation as relevant to the transmission of knowledge of artistic production and the realization of creative residencies in different cultural contexts as a basis for technical training and social development of the circus. On the process of training of artists, highlight the need to incorporate studies on the collective dimension of organizing the training of circus performers in circus schools and the subject cultural producer as articulator of artistic practices to management practices.
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Asante-Wusu, Isaac. "GEOGRAPHY OF URBAN WATER SECURITY AND VULNERABILITY: CASE STUDIES OF THREE LOCALITIES IN THE ACCRA-TEMA CITY-REGION, GHANA." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1497868343954842.
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Lozowy, Dominique. "L'impact socio-politique du discours islamiste en Tunisie." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68117.
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Despite the social reforms led by Bourguiba during his presidency, the state of Tunisia, as modern as it was, gave way to a thriving Islamic revival movement to such an extent that during the '80s their activities disturbed Tunisia's political life. The years between 1986 and 1991 were marked by open conflict between the regime and the Islamists. Since this conflict was an ideological one, the population was influenced only marginally by its outcome. Perhaps the concerns of the Islamists were not involved enough with those of most Tunisians. An analytical approach to Tunisian Islamist thought reveals that political matters, inspired by Islamic teachings as well as secular ones, formed its ideological basis. The ideological needs of the population were not a priority. Being easily influenced by mainstream thought, Tunisians were easily conditioned by the state and the mass media to reject any form of Islamism.
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Hampshire, James. "Citizenship or belonging? : immigration and the politics of population, Britain, 1948-1968." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289012.
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Maltère, Hugues. "The socio-political dimension of film noir /." This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-08142009-040450/.
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Balakrishna, Sridharan. "Organisational politics and information systems implementation : the case of the Indian public administration." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2632/.
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Today, many developing countries are embarking on ambitious programmes to develop large computer-based information systems within their public administration to promote socio-economic development. However, the overall objectives of these investments remain unfulfilled. Success and failures of information systems are largely determined by the performance of organizational members associated with the development and use of information systems. Performance of these members is primarily determined by individual competencies and the environment in which the activities of these members are taking place. Information systems related education and training to create competent individuals has always been a matter of great concern to almost all developing countries. However, public administration in developing countries is an intensely political affair. Organizational politics very often give birth to a number of macro and micro environmental conditions, which constrain certain courses of action of competent individuals. Therefore, individuals, however competent, cannot perform to the best of their abilities. This invariably results in information systems that are ineffective and inefficient. Systematic empirical studies that can increase our understanding of this domain are virtually non-existent. The current research aims to rectify this issue. The research methodology adopted for the current research assumes that organizational members, when involved in a particular activity in a particular context, interpret the situation, and act accordingly. Researchers, by immersing themselves in the members' world can understand their actions. Focusing on two cases within the public administration of India and adopting a hermeneutic approach, the study interprets the actions of different organizational members associated with the implementation of information systems. By relating the performance of these members to the strengths and weaknesses of the information systems, the study makes broad recommendations. Findings of the study reveal that Indian policy makers and implementers have always given significant consideration to information systems related education and training. However, on the other hand, the very factors that India has been trying to address through successive administrative reforms since national independence happen to be the same factors that constrain the performance of competent individuals.
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Mireault, Sylvain. "La République Islamique d'Iran : origines et impacts socio-politiques /." Thèse, Chicoutimi : Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, 1998. http://theses.uqac.ca.
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Forjwuor, Bernard A. "Between Democratic Promises and Socio-Political Realities: The Challenges of Political Representation in Ghana and Nigeria." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1244222282.
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Kirwin, Matthew. "The Socio-Political Effects of Nigerian Shari’a on Niger." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1090266448.
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