Academic literature on the topic 'Socio-politics'
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Journal articles on the topic "Socio-politics"
1
Manning, Peter K. "Information, Socio‐Technical Disasters and Politics." Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management 6, no. 2 (June 1998): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5973.00075.
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Mills, Albert J. "Reflections on the socio-politics of qualitative research." Qualitative Research in Organizations and Management: An International Journal 10, no. 4 (December 7, 2015): 325–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/qrom-07-2015-1304.
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Purpose – A focus on the socio-politics of qualitative research and, given the space available, to raise more questions than answers. In other words, the author wants to be more speculative then definitive. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is grounded in a sociology of knowledge approach known as ANTi-History. Findings – The development of qualitative methods is grounded in the socio-politics of knowledge production. Research limitations/implications – The focus chosen – ANTi-History – is selected in exclusion to other potential approaches. Practical implications – To encourage researchers to include socio-politics in understanding the production of qualitative research methods. Social implications – Identification of the socio-politics that underlie qualitative approaches. Originality/value – The paper is rooted in a developing approach to the socio-politics of knowledge of the past.
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Gautam, Bhim Lal. "Language politics in Nepal: A socio-historical overview." Journal of World Languages 7, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jwl-2021-0010.
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Abstract This paper aims to outline the language politics in Nepal by focusing on the influences and expansions shifted from Global North to the Global South. Based on a small-scale case study of interviews and various political movements and legislative documents, this paper discusses linguistic diversity and multilingualism, globalization, and their impacts on Nepal’s linguistic landscapes. It finds that the language politics in Nepal has been shifted and changed throughout history because of different governmental and political changes. Different ideas have emerged because of globalization and neoliberal impacts which are responsible for language contact, shift, and change in Nepalese society. It concludes that the diversified politics and multilingualism in Nepal have been functioning as a double-edged sword, which on the one hand promotes and preserves linguistic and cultural diversity and on the other hand squeezes the size of diversity by vitalizing the Nepali and English languages through contact and globalization.
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Valenzuela, Luis, A. Angell, B. Pollack, L. Bethell, D. Hojman, and T. R. Scully. "Chilean Politics and Socio-Economic Development Since Independence." Bulletin of Latin American Research 13, no. 3 (September 1994): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338513.
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Gero, Joan M. "Socio-Politics and the Woman-at-Home Ideology." American Antiquity 50, no. 2 (April 1985): 342–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/280492.
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Archaeologists, as explorers and discoverers, have maintained the myth of objective research far longer than have researchers in other social science disciplines. Focused on action, the “cowboys of science” (Alaskan bumper sticker 1981) have dabbled little in self-reflective criticism.Now at 50, however, the discipline is becoming aware that our notions of the past, our epistemologies, our research emphases, the methods we employ in our research, and the interpretations we bring to and distill from our investigations, are far from value-neutral.
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Mayes, Christopher. "Hope in health: the socio-politics of optimism." Health Sociology Review 25, no. 2 (April 18, 2016): 217–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14461242.2016.1160754.
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Efendi, Muhsin, Hasan Basri, Alzikri Fahkrurraji, and Yusmika Indah. "The Hegemony of Uken-Toa Socio-Politics in the Regional Head Elections in Aceh Tengah." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 13, no. 2 (October 15, 2022): 206–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.206-226.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate the hegemony of Uken-Toa socio-politics in the regional head elections in Central Aceh. In addition, this study also attempted to determine the factors that cause the occurrence of Uken-Toa socio-politics in every election held in Central Aceh. In this study, the researchers focused on the topics of local politics, identity politics, regional elections, and socio-politics. The type of this study was phenomenological and ethnographical research by describing the patterns of values, behavior, beliefs, language, reality, and experiences undergone by individuals. Moreover, the data were collected through interviews, observations, and literature review. Results of this study indicated that the influence of Uken-Toa socio-politics will be always present during the regional head elections in Central Aceh. This means that competition between community groups is unavoidable in the Gayo people. In addition, this practice, which proces actors who represent Belah-Uken and those who represent Belah Toa, greatly affects the victory of the candidates in every regional head election held in Central Aceh. This kind of political practice even has occurred from the past until the current era. Moreover, it has an impact on the system of governance run by the elected regional heads, in this case, the regent and deputy regent of Central Aceh. In other words, this practice indicates how massive a socio-political power is in the local political order of Central Aceh as a political instrument. This Uken-Toa socio-political power in the Gayo community has been formed with long historical, cultural, and political dynamics. This political practice presents the competition between political actors from Belah Uken and Belah Toa, which are influenced by the values of Uken and Toa’s lives. Through this study, the researchers recommend to political elites and the public to avoid Uken-Toa socio-politics to create political harmony and a stable government system. In addition, it is to provide opportunities for other political actors not affiliated with those groups.
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T, Ratih Himamatul Azizah. "Geliat Politik Islam Lokal di Indonesia Tahun 1998-2021 (Studi Politik Islam Daerah Kediri, Aceh Dan Sumenep." Asketik 5, no. 1 (July 31, 2021): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/ask.v5i1.3362.
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This article examines Islamic political governance in Indonesia. Islamic political revival began in the reform era. Reform era provides democratic space for national political parties and local political parties in exploring democracy in the regions. Islamic politics in the region has different forms in carrying it out and does not lose the side of locality because it is in accordance with the socio-cultural conditions of the local community. Islamic politics in kediri by adjusting the socio-cultural condition the people tidak kagetan so that the form of Islamic politics kediri is an tolerant. Politics Islamic in sumenep etnic islam politics with the philosophy “bhuppa’, bhabu’, guru, rato” the from of leadership respect the kiai as a teacher and rules. Islamic politics in aceh with characteristics maintains Islamic politics in accordance with Allah provisions.
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Himamatul Azizah T, Ratih. "GELIAT POLITIK ISLAM LOKAL DI INDONESIA TAHUN 1998-2021: STUDI POLITIK ISLAM DAERAH KEDIRI, ACEH DAN SUMENEP." ASKETIK 5, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/asketik.v5i1.121.
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This article examines Islamic political governance in Indonesia. Islamic political revival began in the reform era. Reform era provides democratic space for national political parties and local political parties in exploring democracy in the regions. Islamic politics in the region has different forms in carrying it out and does not lose the side of locality because it is in accordance with the socio-cultural conditions of the local community. Islamic politics in kediri by adjusting the socio-cultural condition the people tidak kagetan so that the form of Islamic politics kediri is an tolerant. Politics Islamic in sumenep etnic islam politics with the philosophy “bhuppa’, bhabu’, guru, rato” the from of leadership respect the kiai as a teacher and rules. Islamic politics in aceh with characteristics maintains Islamic politics in accordance with Allah provisions.
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Venter, Francois. "Politics, socio-economic issues and culture in constitutional adjudication." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 6, no. 2 (July 10, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2003/v6i2a2861.
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In dealing with the influence of political considerations on the Constitutional Court's interpretation and application of the Bill of Rights it appears to be useful to first consider the meaning of "politics" in the judicial context, then to determine the considerations when politics are alleged to require the recusal of a judge and lastly to describe the Constitutional Court's position on judges and politics.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Socio-politics"
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Williams, Robert. "Libertarian politics : a socio-cultural investigation." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/26952/.
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This thesis is a case study of Libertarian Party (LP) electioneering in the American bellwether State of Ohio. Officially established in 1972, America's growing LP currently ranks first amongst third parties in their electoral challenge to Democrats and Republicans. Nonetheless, growing duopolist hegemony in the form of the U.S. two-party system has greatly diminished a long and lively history of third party resistance. A survey of American cultural logics and political economy from colonial forms to garrison state constructions together reveal an ideology of party duopoly to serve elite hegemony. The thesis then moves to examine the manner in which Old Right proto-libertarians coalesced into a Libertarian movement. As a socio-cultural investigation of unwanted segments formerly with the Republican Party and their struggles with one another to socially construct the LP, this study is rare. Whilst highlighting interactionist complexities amongst Libertarian segments, the employment of a Rothbardian conflict perspective serves to illuminate a formerly prominent segment within the Libertarian movement. Non-Rothbardian conflict perspectives in synthesis with theories of culture are also drawn upon to broadly interrogate three major segments in their collective social constructions of Libertarian electioneering: classical liberal proponents of small involuntary government, Randian advocates of limited involuntary government, and Rothbardian purists for voluntary government. How the rationalisation of corporative cultural logics impacts upon shared meanings, social constructions, and practices of LP electioneering is also explored. The central argument in this thesis is that segments vie for power to define libertarianism and the LP, but do so within culturally determined codes and parameters. The resulting interpretation in this thesis demonstrates how seemingly paradoxical social constructions of electioneering as Libertarian emerge from corporative ationalisation. Nonetheless, corporative organisational reforms have overcome a range of differentiating factors to achieve greater cooperation between remaining segments after a recent exodus of purists. The result of the corporative turn in Libertarian politics led to rising prominence for an ideology of electability that invariably reinforces the status quo.
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Brand, Jacobus Frederick Daniel (Danie). "Courts, socio-economic rights and transformative politics." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1333.
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Thesis (LLD (Public Law))—University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH SUMMARY: The point of departure of this dissertation is that transformation in South Africa depends on transformative politics – extra-institutional, substantive, oppositional, transformation-oriented politics. One challenge South Africa’s constitution therefore poses to courts is to take account of the impact of adjudication on transformative politics. The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the relationship between adjudication and transformative politics within a specific context – adjudication of socio-economic rights cases. This relationship is commonly described in a positive light – either that adjudication of socio-economic rights cases promotes transformative politics by giving impoverished people access to the basic resources required for political participation; or that adjudication of such cases is in itself a space for transformative politics. Although there is much truth in both these descriptions, both under-estimate the extent to which adjudication also limits transformative politics. This dissertation focuses on the extent to which adjudication limits transformative politics – it comprises an analysis of socio-economic rights cases with the aim of showing how adjudication of these cases, despite positive results, also limited transformative politics. The theoretical aspects of this problem are outlined in the first chapter. After a description of the body of case law on which the analysis focuses two chapters follow in which two ways in which adjudication limits transformative politics are investigated. The first traces how courts in socio-economic rights cases participate in discourses about impoverishment that tend to describe the problem as non-political – specifically how courts tend to describe impoverishment as technical rather than political in nature; and how courts implicitly legitimise in their judgments liberal-capitalist views of impoverishment that insist that impoverishment is best addressed through the unregulated market. Then follows a chapter investigating how views of legal interpretation in terms of which legal materials have a certain and determinable meaning that can be mechanically found by courts limit transformative politics by insulating adjudication from critique and emphasising finality in adjudication. Throughout it is shown how courts can mitigate the limiting effects of adjudication, by legitimating the political agency of impoverished people, by using remedies requiring political engagement between opponents and postponing closure in adjudication, and by adopting a different approach to interpretation, that emphasises the pliability and relative indeterminacy of legal materials. Despite this, the conclusion of the dissertation is that courts can never wholly avoid the limiting impact of adjudication on transformative politics, but should rather aim to remain continually aware of it.
AFRIKAANS OPSOMMING: Die uitgangspunt van hierdie proefskrif is dat transformasie in Suid-Afrika afhang van transformatiewe politiek – buite-institusionele, substantiewe, opposisionele, transformasie-gerigte politiek. Een eis wat Suid-Afrika se grondwet daarom aan howe stel, is om ag te slaan op die impak van beregting op transformatiewe politiek. Die doel van hierdie proefskrif is om die verhouding tussen beregting en transformatiewe politiek binne ‘n spesifieke konteks – beregting van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte – te ondersoek. Meeste beskouinge van hierdie verhouding beskryf dit in ‘n positiewe lig - óf dat die beregting van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte transformatiewe politiek bevorder deur vir verarmde mense toegang tot basiese lewensmiddele te bewerkstellig sodat hulle aan politieke optrede kan deelneem; óf dat beregting van sulke sake opsigself ‘n spasie is vir transformatiewe politiek. Hoewel daar waarheid steek in beide beskrywings, onderskat hulle die mate waartoe beregting ook transformatiewe politiek kan beperk. Hierdie proefskrif fokus op hoe beregting transformatiewe politiek beperk - dit behels ‘n analise van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte met die doel om te wys hoe beregting van hierdie sake, ten spyte van kennelik positiewe gevolge ook transformatiewe politiek beperk het. Die teoretiese vergestalting van hierdie probleem word in die eerste hoofstuk beskou. Na ‘n beskrywing van die liggaam van regspraak waarop die analise fokus volg twee hoofstukke waarin twee maniere waarop beregting transformatiewe politiek beperk ondersoek word. Die eerste beskou hoe howe in sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte deelneem aan diskoerse oor verarming wat neig om hierdie probleem as non-polities te beskryf - spesifiek hoe howe neig om hierdie problem as tegnies eerder as polities van aard te beskryf; en hoe howe liberaal-kapitalistiese sieninge van verarming, ingevolge waarvan verarming deur die ongereguleerde mark aangespreek behoort te word, implisiet in hul uitsprake legitimeer. Dan volg ‘n hoofstuk wat naspeur hoe sieninge van regsinterpretasie ingevolge waarvan regsmateriaal ‘n sekere en vasstelbare betekenis het wat meganies deur howe gevind word, transformatiewe politieke optrede beperk deur die openheid van beregting vir kritiek te beperk en finaliteit in beregting in die hand te werk. Deurgaans word gewys hoe howe die beperkende effek van beregting kan teëwerk, deur die politike agentskap van verarmde mense te legitimeer, deur remedies te gebruik wat politieke onderhandeling tussen opponente bewerkstellig en finale oplossings uitstel, en deur ‘n ander benadering tot interpretasie, wat die buigsaamheid en relatiewe onbepaalbaarheid van regsmateriaal erken, te omarm. Tog is die gevolgtrekking van die proefskrif dat howe nooit die beperkende effek van beregting op transformatiewe politiek geheel kan vermy nie, maar eerder deurgaans daarop bedag moet wees.
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au, T. Carroll@murdoch edu, and Toby James Carroll. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.113619.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the
World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the
promotion of a new form of neoliberalism socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN)
which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington
consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade
liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal
markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously
specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It
stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions.
Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very
environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes
important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in
an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus:
insufficient progress in reform implementation.
SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy
matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the
implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing
less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable
clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at
extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC,
it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and
deeply embed policy which make it distinct.
Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the
underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations
between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within
these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A
feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of
these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means
that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what
occurs on the ground.
4
Carroll, Toby. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.113619.
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Wallis, Robert J. "Autoarchaeology and neo-shamanism : the socio-politics of ecstasy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300822.
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Rush, Peter. "The trials of men : sexuality and socio-legal politics." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20162.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis describes the ways in which it has been demanded that men put their masculine sexuality in question. This demand and the various responses to it are traced, not at a general level, but by way of several in-depth studies of particular problematiosations in contemporary sexual politics. The studies are prefaced by an initial chapter. It describes the emergence of men's groups, the inscription of their discourse by the law of narrative in the academic genre of men's studies, and the parallel refusal of narrative meaning by an anti-representational genre of male feminist criticism. As such, the chapter provides a context for the analysis of the law of masculinity and sexual difference in the subsequent chapters. At the same time, it introduces in more general terms the debates and theoretical resources that inform the thesis. The resources are primarily post-structuralist - and in particular, the ways in which it radicalises the implications of a general theory of language for the human sciences. The 'sciences' which provide the thesis with its privileged interlocutors are feminism, psychoanalysis, queer theory and legal theory. Each of the subsequent essays are however not designed as illustrations of a post-structuralist approach. Rather, they are essays which attempt to contribute to the analysis of the intersections of law and sexual politics. In this respect, discrete problematisations are addressed in depth.
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Carroll, Toby James. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism." Thesis, Carroll, Toby James (2007) The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/506/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the promotion of a new form of neoliberalism - socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN) - which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions. Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus: insufficient progress in reform implementation.
SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC, it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and deeply embed policy which make it distinct.
Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what occurs on the ground.
8
Carroll, Toby James. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism." Carroll, Toby James (2007) The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/506/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the promotion of a new form of neoliberalism - socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN) - which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions. Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus: insufficient progress in reform implementation.
SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC, it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and deeply embed policy which make it distinct.
Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what occurs on the ground.
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Middleton, K. "Marriages and funerals : Some aspects of Karembola political symbolism (South Madagascar)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.480525.
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Debies-Carl, Jeffrey S. "Building a Better Tomorrow: Punk Rock and the Socio-Politics of Place." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1253037189.
Full textBooks on the topic "Socio-politics"
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Insolence of office: Socio-politics, socio-economics and the American republic. Valencia, CA: 512k Entertainment, LLC, 2011.
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Geo-politics and socio economy of Nepal. [Kathmandu: s.n.], 2007.
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Manipur imbroglio: Insurgency, ethnic politics, socio-cultural dimensions. New Delhi: Akansha Pub. House, 2009.
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Singh, T. Hemo. Manipur imbroglio: Insurgency, ethnic politics, socio-cultural dimensions. New Delhi: Akansha Pub. House, 2009.
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Singh, T. Hemo. Manipur imbroglio: Insurgency, ethnic politics, socio-cultural dimensions. New Delhi: Akansha Pub. House, 2009.
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The politics of socio-economic development in southern Africa. Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 2009.
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Universiti Malaya. Japan Studies Program, ed. Japan in East Asia: Socio-politics and economic dimensions. [Kuala Lumpur]: Japanese Studies Program, Dept. of East Asian Studies, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Malaya, 2010.
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Punjab politics: Socio-politico orientations of the Sikh gurus. Delhi: B.R. Pub. Corp., 1986.
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9
Berg, Eiki. Estonia's northeastern periphery in politics: Socio-economic and ethnic dimensions. Tartu: Tartu University Press, 1999.
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10
name, No. Critical perspectives on politics and socio-economic development in Ghana. Leiden: Brill, 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Socio-politics"
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Eto, Mikiko. "Gender culture in Japanese socio-politics." In Women and Political Inequality in Japan, 50–83. First Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge contemporary Japan series: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056911-3.
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Rustamova, Leili. "Megatrends and socio-humanitarian resources of world politics." In Megatrends of World Politics, 29–37. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003320944-4.
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Dyck, Rand. "TWO. The Socio-Economic Setting of Ontario Politics." In The Government and Politics of Ontario, edited by Graham White, 19–48. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442670198-003.
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Benali, Leila. "A Unique Confluence: Demographics, Socio-Economics and Politics." In Electricity-sector Reforms in the MENA Region, 11–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96268-9_2.
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Forstrom, Melissa M. "Islamic Art Exhibition, Orientalism, and Contemporary Socio-politics." In Deconstructing the Myths of Islamic Art, 123–34. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170525-11.
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Hill, Darren, William J. Penson, and Divine Charura. "The Socio-Politics of Dual Diagnosis: Psychiatry, Law and Economics." In Working with Dual Diagnosis, 19–52. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-33767-2_2.
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Martínez López, Miguel A. "Introduction: The Politics of Squatting, Time Frames and Socio-Spatial Contexts." In The Urban Politics of Squatters' Movements, 1–21. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95314-1_1.
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Mehnert, Antonia. "Climate Change Fictions in Context: Socio-Politics, Environmental Discourse and Literature." In Climate Change Fictions, 21–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-40337-3_2.
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Habich, Sabrina. "Reasons to Dam: China’s Hydropower Politics and Its Socio-Environmental Consequences." In Governance, Domestic Change, and Social Policy in China, 103–27. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-02285-1_5.
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Matamanda, Abraham R., Innocent Chirisa, Siphokazi Rammile, and Mario Marais. "Socio-cultural, Ecological and Economic Issues in Housing and Technology, and the Politics." In Housing and Technology, 79–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09098-1_5.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Socio-politics"
1
Hutapea, Bonar, and Fransisca Iriani Roesmala Dewi. "Politics and Young Chinese-Indonesian Women: Socio-Psychological Determinants of Their Political Participation." In The 2nd Tarumanagara International Conference on the Applications of Social Sciences and Humanities (TICASH 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.085.
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Antanoviča, Agnija. "Sabiedrības viedokļa ietekme uz sieviešu politisko pārstāvniecību: Latvijas gadījums pasaules situācijas kontekstā." In LU Studentu zinātniskā konference "Mundus et". LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lu.szk.2.rk.01.
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Women’s political representation is influenced by a number of different factors, including those belonging to political, socio-economic and cultural realms. The study analyses one of these factors – public opinion, which researchers classify into a group of cultural factors. While almost half of the world’s population believes that men are better political leaders than women, the median proportion of women in national parliaments in August 2020 on average is 25%. This suggests that women’s political representation may be related to low public support for women in politics. At the same time, although Latvian society in long-term prefers men in politics, there has been a rapid increase in the proportion of women in Latvian Parliament since elections of the 13th Saeima. The aim of the study is to establish whether the situation in Latvia resembles the general global and European Union tendencies, and if not, to identify the factors influencing the increase in the proportion of women in the Saeima. The study concludes that in the context of the world and the European Union, there is a correlation between public opinion on women in politics and the proportion of women in national parliaments. The case of Latvia could be considered a deviation from the norm. The rapid increase in the proportion of women in the 13th Saeima can be attributed to factors like the election of new political forces and a party representing the leftist values, as well as the increase in women’s activity in the labour market.
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Cottey, Andrew. "Linking academia and the ‘real world’ in International Relations." In Learning Connections 2019: Spaces, People, Practice. University College Cork||National Forum for the Enhancement of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/lc2019.31.
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This talk will reflect on the challenges of linking academic programmes and teaching, on the one hand, with the policy-makers and practitioners, on the other, with particular reference to the discipline of international relations (which focuses on relations between states, international organisations and global political and socio-economic dynamics). The talk will draw on experience from University College Cork’s Department of Government and Politics, which has an extensive, market-leading work placement programme, and from UCC’s MSc International Public Policy and Diplomacy, which is a new model of international relations masters seeking to bridge academia and the world of policy. Our experience shows that it is possible to link academia and the world of policy and practitioners, but that it is not easy, even in an apparently very policy-oriented discipline, and that it involves significant challenges. The talk will highlight a number of challenges involved in linking the academic study of international relations with the ‘real world’ of international politics: bridging academia and policy/practitioners is not easy in the disciplines of political science and international relations – the two have different needs and, often, different languages; the development and maintenance of work placements and other elements of engagement with policymakers and practitioners involves very significant workload and needs to be properly supported in terms of staffing and infrastructure; and in politics and international relations, the skill sets which policy-makers and practitioners need often differ from those that universities normally provide. Finding the ‘right’ balance between academic disciplinary requirements/standards and the needs of employers is a difficult task.
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Patiño Vanegas, Juan Esteban. "Bordes conurbados metropolitanos, interacción socio-espacial y fragmentación territorial en el área metropolitana del Valle de Aburrá." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Curso de Arquitetura e Urbanismo. Universidade do Vale do Itajaí, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.6347.
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Esta investigación estudia los bordes urbanos metropolitanos que están unidos directamente con otras ciudades, su relación, interacción y como estos actúan como un solo territorio, planteándose este en algunos casos como la subordinación de una ciudad principal hacia otras periféricas, además, se observa un desarrollo físico espacial y se compara con los procesos de planificación que se han generado para estas zonas, es decir, observar que los une o los diferencia, la manera orgánica de como estas unifican la ciudad y su propia estructura urbana comportándose como un solo territorio desde los diferentes componentes urbanos: Vías, espacios públicos, usos del suelo, centralidades, diseño urbano y relaciones comunales, dejando a un lado los limites político administrativos que regulan a una escala más global procesos que para las dinámicas socio-espaciales pueden ser desapercibidos. This research studies the metropolitan urban edges that are directly linked with other cities, their relation, interactions and how they act as a single territory, considering this as the subordination of one main city to other peripherals. In some cases, there is a physical space development and it is compared with planning processes that have been generated for these áreas. Furthermore, observations can be made that unite them or the differentiate them in an organic manner. Which points to the city is unified and its own structural urban behavior as a single territory, from the different components of urban structure: roads, public buildings, uses of soil, centers, urban design and community; leaving aside relationships that limit administrative politics that regulate processes which may be unnoticed to the socio-spatial dynamics on a more global scale.
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Jedani, Tony. "Case Study on the Role of Socio-Technical Influences on the Implementation and Success of Nuclear Power in France." In 12th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone12-49016.
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To fully understand a technological development one must appreciate social, political and economic factors in addition to the technological components (Hughes, 1991). The systems perspective, asserted by Hughes, implies that technologies cannot be understood in isolation, but only in their contexts, especially in their systemic contexts. This theory is illustrated through an examination of France’s implementation of its nuclear power program in the early 1970’s. Nuclear power provided France with the opportunity to achieve energy independence and, as a result, political control over its energy supply. The scope of this case study is limited to consideration of the socio-technical influences on the rise of nuclear power in France and includes an examination of the technical aspects of the innovation. In considering the socio-technical system encompassing France’s adoption of nuclear power, this case study will contemplate: how France was able to persuade its people to accept nuclear power; what it is about French culture and politics that allowed them to succeed where most other countries have failed; the break throughs that led to the broad commercialisation of nuclear power in France in the 1970’s; and how France achieved its status as one of the world’s top producers of nuclear energy. The time period during which this study is based is limited to the early 1970’s, when France was reliant upon external energy supplies, up until the present day, where nuclear power has become France’s main source of energy, thus contributing to France’s autonomy in terms of its energy supply. This study will not address the issue of nuclear waste or the nuclear power safety debate which is also beyond the scope of this study.
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Lehmann, Katharina. "The project “DiverCity – intercultural urban perception”." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6470.
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The project "DiverCity" observes spatial diversity in cities from an intersectional point of view and analyzesdifferent forms of urban life with an interdisciplinary approach. The main reason for this research is given by raising sociocultural coexistences living together in urban spaces; a subject that occupies the man from the beginning of his settlements, actually since the early development of cities. In spite of the social changes that are produced within modern urban lifes, the debate about social life very often seems more a matter rooted in politics than in everyday life itself. Societies generate solutions and create its own concept of coexistence, very since allowing joint relationships between different spheres and social groups. But how is this actually done? These dynamics are precisely the main object of investigation in the "DiverCity" project. It therefore focuses its study on socio-cultural minorities and their perception of urban space. This is basically examined in two cities of different dimensions, a small and larger city in Germany, Lüneburg and Hamburg. The investigated minority groups are Muslims, people with disabilities, homeless people and homosexuals. Using empirical social research methods, especially based on semi-structured interviews and participant observation, the urban and spatial perception of the mentioned groups was examined and compared to each other. The presentation shows the first results of the analyzes carried out in Hamburg and Lüneburg as well as the planned extension of the project and its realization in Argentina.
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Karapınar, Esra. "The Place of Central Asian Turkic Republics in the Global World." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00124.
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Globalization process which started at the end of nineteenth century and goes on at the present shows its impacts more in some countries or less in some other countries but this is a process that closes up countries, blots out authorities’ immunities, makes them become transparent, and strengthens socio-cultural, political and especially economic relations. After the terms of being introverted and self-sufficiency between First and Second World Wars, struggles to liberalized world trade have been accelerated since 1960, and good and service flows between countries grew both as a volume and value. As a result of liberalization and deregulation politics which appears since 1980, the capital could move easier on the world. So, how has this process felt its effect on the Central Asian Turkic Republics includes Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan that arised in 1991 after dissociation in the Soviet Union because of clearing and reconstruction policy applied and after facility of establishing its own, independent states by earning their national identities to Turkish elements who lived under the sovereignty of Russians for years is given? The aim of study here is to analyse the effects of that globalization wave in the Turkic Republics which spread out all over the world. For this purpose, first of all changes in the Soviet Union 's policy will be considered and reflections of it on the economical life are to be investigated, and then applications and what the course of actions about integration with the World determined by mentioned republics after dissociation are to be discussed.
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Keles, Ozcan. "PROMOTING HUMAN RIGHTS VALUES IN THE MUSLIM WORLD: THE CASE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/lfko6932.
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The premise of this paper is that human rights values are a persistent theme of Fethullah Gülen’s thought and tajdid and expressed by the Gülen movement through example. That tajdid is collectively constructed and communicated by allowing for adaptation and indigenisation in flexible response to different socio-cultural con- texts. What is more, Gülen’s views on democracy, pluralism, human rights and free- dom of belief directly promote human rights values and norms. The paper argues that the Muslim world is very important to Gülen’s overall aspiration for an inclusive civilisation and thus the movement is now active in most parts of that world. In time, as in Turkey, Gülen’s ideas will enable and empower the periphery in Muslim socie- ties to influence the centre ground and open the way for wider enjoyment of freedom and human rights. The paper is in three sections. The first looks at the underlying dynamics of Gülen’s influence and the nature of his tajdid, to assess whether his influence is transferable elsewhere. The second appraises the content of Gülen’s tajdid arguing that human rights values are an inherent theme of his discourse on Islam. Here, the paper analy- ses Gülen’s views on Anatolian Muslimness, democracy and politics, human rights and freedom of belief, illustrating Gülen’s incremental ijtihad on temporal punish- ment for apostasy in Islamic law. The third part traces the movement’s activities in the Muslim world, arguing that the movement has now entered a phase of adoles- cence, and asks whether Gulen’s tajdid and discourse, through the practice of the movement, can indeed promote human rights values in this world.
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Roitman, Anabella, and Daniela Szajnberg. "Impronta territorial y gestión urbanística estatal: la Comuna 8 de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Facultad de Arquitectura. Universidad de la República, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.6161.
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Las políticas de planificación y gestión urbanística estatal suelen alternar y superponer propuestas de escala regional, metropolitana, sectorial-temáticas y de sector. Estas generalmente operan tanto de manera concurrente como contradictoria, trayendo consecuencias de gran impacto en la escala local. Este fenómeno, verificable en diversos territorios y recortes temporales, es aplicable al caso de la Comuna 8 de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (C.A.B.A.) debido a sus particulares características socio demográficas, político económicas y territoriales.
Este trabajo propone realizar un análisis comparativo entre dos planes propuestos para un mismo sector de territorio, en un paréntesis temporal de 10 años, durante el cual se produjo un cambio de paradigma político-económico que impactó necesariamente en la forma de articular las políticas urbanísticas en la gestión pública. En este caso, el Plan de Acciones 2001 de la Corporación Buenos Aires Sur Sociedad del Estado (CBASSE), y el Plan Maestro Comuna 8 (2011-actualmente en proceso), son reflejo de los vaivenes que fue atravesando la gestión de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires. Se analizarán ambos planes en relacion a los instrumentos propuestos y temáticas abordadas, intentando reconocer similitudes, diferencias, logros y errores, que permitan también evaluar la viabilidad del segundo plan, actualmente en debate en la legislatura porteña. Planning and state urban management policies usually alternate proposals for regional, metropolitan, thematic and sector. These generally operate concurrently both as contradictory, bringing reaching consequences on the local level. This phenomenon, verifiable in various territories and temporary cuts, is applicable to the case of the Commune 8 of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires (C.A.B.A.) due to their particular socio -demographic characteristics, economic and territorial politics.
This presentation will aim to make a comparative analysis between two proposed plans for the same area of territory, in a 10 year time span during which there was a change of political-economic paradigm that necessarily impacted the way urbanism policies were articulated in public administration. In this case, the 2001 Action Plan of the Buenos Aires Sur State Society Corporation (CBASSE), and the 8th Commune Master Plan (2011-currently in process), reflect the fluctuations that the management of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires went through, currently held by an administration with a late-neoliberal bias, while it is in turn the capital of Argentina, a country part of the neo-developmentalist alignment of Latin America. Both plans will be analyzed aiming to identify similarities, differences, achievements and failures that may allow also assessing the feasibility of the second plan, currently under discussion in the City Legislature.
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Filipe Narciso, Carla Alexandra. "Neoliberal hegemony and the territorial re-configuration of public space in Mexico City." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6348.
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Sustainability, ecological modernization, citizen participation, public space and rights are concepts that have acquired great importance in international political discourses and that have figured in indicators, guidelines, programs and policies, at national level, giving rise to a urban planning from administrative units or “zoning”, which instead of showing the different structures, forms and functions of cities as a whole, what has generated is a fragmentation of urban space. In a certain way, the implosion of these themes shows the success of capitalism in a period of neoliberal hegemony, since it becomes a smokescreen to hide the class differences superimposed on global discourses of modernization and development, as well as the transformation of natural resources in products, the capitalization of nature and the transformation of politics into management. The text seeks to reflect on the territorial configuration of public space in the light of emerging urban policies and programs in a neoliberal geopolitical context based on two axes of analysis: in the first analyze the neoliberal imposition models on how to construct public space and in the second will analyze the institutional bases, programs and policies of intervention highlighting their objectives, limitations and contradictions that help to understand the material and immaterial forms that the public space adopts at different scales in Mexico City through of the socio-territorial relations that are constructed in a process of mutual reciprocity. References Brenner, N.; Peck, J.; Theodore, N. (2009).Urbanismo neoliberal: La ciudad y el imperio de los mercados. SUR Corporación de Estudios Sociales y Educación, Temas sociales, n.66. Capel, H. (2002). La morfología de las ciudades. I. Sociedad, cultura y paisaje urbano (Ediciones del Serbal, Barcelona). Harvey, D. (2007) Espacios del capital. Hacia una geografía crítica (Akal, Madrid). Narciso, C.; Ramírez, B. (2016). Discursos, política y poder: el espacio público en cuestión. Territorios 35, Bogotá, pp.37-57. Pradilla, E. (2009) Los territorios del neoliberalismo en América Latina (Universidad Autónoma de México/Miguel Ángel Porrúa, México).
Reports on the topic "Socio-politics"
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Girdap, Hafza. Book Review: The Turkish Malaise – A Critical Essay. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/br0012.
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Author Cengiz Aktar argues that Turkey is witnessed a victory of a non-democratic system—and the majority of society supports this transition. The regime consolidates its discriminatory, oppressive, autocratic politics by gaining the support of non-AKP constituents through the discourse of “native and national.” Thus, the situation in Turkey is not a simple deviation from the norm; it is a more complex socio-political conundrum. In other words, the regime represented by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, is not the reason for but the result of society’s mindset which is a reasonable part of the “Turkish malaise.”
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Alkan, Haluk. GOVERNANCE IN THE TURKEY OF THE FUTURE. İLKE İlim Kültür Eğitim Vakfı, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26414/gt011.
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Report considers the field of governance first at the level of constitutional institutions and tradition, addressing the development of Turkey’s constitutional politics and contemporary debates as its subject matter. Secondly, the report includes the primary institutional structures relevant to establishing constitutional institutions into its subject matter. In this context, the political party regimes, electoral system, and public administration must be handled with their current structures and problems. Whether at the level of the constitution or the primary institutional structures, analyses are debated in terms of the socio-administrative dynamics that are determinant in shaping these structures, the effects these dynamics have on the formation of institutional structures and administrative traditions, and finally their impact on the functioning of Turkish politics. When creating the vision document, the report will identify Turkey’s stance within global debates through both its similarities, as well as its peculiarities to other nations. In this context, concrete and practicable recommendations are made to improve the functionality of the Presidential System, which was introduced with the 2017 Constitutional Referendum.
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Haider, Huma. Scalability of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Interventions: Moving Toward Wider Socio-political Change. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.080.
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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.
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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.
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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Maiangwa, Benjamin. Peace (Re)building Initiatives: Insights from Southern Kaduna, Nigeria. RESOLVE Network, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.22.lpbi.
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Violent conflicts and crime have reached new heights in Nigeria, as cases of kidnapping, armed banditry, and communal unrests continue to tear at the core of the ethnoreligious divides in the country. Southern Kaduna has witnessed a virulent spree of communal unrest in northern Nigeria over the last decade due to its polarized politics and power differentials between the various groups in the area, particularly the Christians and Muslims, who are almost evenly split. In response to their experiences of violence, the people of that region have also shown incredible resilience and grit in transforming their stress and suffering. This policy note focuses on the transformative practices of the Fulani and other ethnic communities in southern Kaduna in terms of how they problem-solve deep-seated socio-political rivalries and violent relations by working through their shared identity, history, and cultures of peace. The note explores how peace practitioners and donor agencies could consolidate local practices of sustaining peace as complementary or alternative resources to the state’s liberal system.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. KEY IMPRESSIONS OF 2020 IN JOURNALISTIC TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11107.
Full textAbstract:
The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.
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Bellwood-Howard, Imogen, and Helen Dancer. Politics, Power and Social Differentiation in African Agricultural Value Chains: The Effects of COVID-19. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.027.
Full textAbstract:
Since the structural adjustment policies of the 1980s, policymaking at a national and continental level has increasingly turned to agricultural commercialisation as the foundation for Africa’s long-term nutrition and food security. However, socio-economic inequalities, land tenure and food insecurity, as well as livelihood and income precarities remain widespread challenges. The effects of shocks, such as COVID-19, have overlaid emergent and entrenched patterns of social differentiation that shape access to resources, markets, and other opportunities for those involved in commercial agriculture. This paper considered the impacts of COVID-19 on value chains in Ethiopia, Ghana, Malawi, Nigeria, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe, to ask: 1) What can political settlements analyses tell us about agricultural value chains and responses to COVID-19 in the countries studied? 2) How are structures and power relations throughout the value chains and actors’ responses to COVID-19 related to social differentiation in the context of African agriculture?
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. SOCIAL EXPRESSION IN MULTIMEDIA TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11072.
Full textAbstract:
The article investigates functional techniques of extralinguistic expression in multimedia texts; the effectiveness of figurative expressions as a reaction to modern events in Ukraine and their influence on the formation of public opinion is shown. Publications of journalists, broadcasts of media resonators, experts, public figures, politicians, readers are analyzed. The language of the media plays a key role in shaping the worldview of the young political elite in the first place. The essence of each statement is a focused thought that reacts to events in the world or in one’s own country. The most popular platform for mass information and social interaction is, first of all, network journalism, which is characterized by mobility and unlimited time and space. Authors have complete freedom to express their views in direct language, including their own word formation. Phonetic, lexical, phraseological and stylistic means of speech create expression of the text. A figurative word, a good aphorism or proverb, a paraphrased expression, etc. enhance the effectiveness of a multimedia text. This is especially important for headlines that simultaneously inform and influence the views of millions of readers. Given the wide range of issues raised by the Internet as a medium, research in this area is interdisciplinary. The science of information, combining language and social communication, is at the forefront of global interactions. The Internet is an effective source of knowledge and a forum for free thought. Nonlinear texts (hypertexts) – «branching texts or texts that perform actions on request», multimedia texts change the principles of information collection, storage and dissemination, involving billions of readers in the discussion of global issues. Mastering the word is not an easy task if the author of the publication is not well-read, is not deep in the topic, does not know the psychology of the audience for which he writes. Therefore, the study of media broadcasting is an important component of the professional training of future journalists. The functions of the language of the media require the authors to make the right statements and convincing arguments in the text. Journalism education is not only knowledge of imperative and dispositive norms, but also apodictic ones. In practice, this means that there are rules in media creativity that are based on logical necessity. Apodicticity is the first sign of impressive language on the platform of print or electronic media. Social expression is a combination of creative abilities and linguistic competencies that a journalist realizes in his activity. Creative self-expression is realized in a set of many important factors in the media: the choice of topic, convincing arguments, logical presentation of ideas and deep philological education. Linguistic art, in contrast to painting, music, sculpture, accumulates all visual, auditory, tactile and empathic sensations in a universal sign – the word. The choice of the word for the reproduction of sensory and semantic meanings, its competent use in the appropriate context distinguishes the journalist-intellectual from other participants in forums, round tables, analytical or entertainment programs. Expressive speech in the media is a product of the intellect (ability to think) of all those who write on socio-political or economic topics. In the same plane with him – intelligence (awareness, prudence), the first sign of which (according to Ivan Ogienko) is a good knowledge of the language. Intellectual language is an important means of organizing a journalistic text. It, on the one hand, logically conveys the author’s thoughts, and on the other – encourages the reader to reflect and comprehend what is read. The richness of language is accumulated through continuous self-education and interesting communication. Studies of social expression as an important factor influencing the formation of public consciousness should open up new facets of rational and emotional media broadcasting; to trace physical and psychological reactions to communicative mimicry in the media. Speech mimicry as one of the methods of disguise is increasingly becoming a dangerous factor in manipulating the media. Mimicry is an unprincipled adaptation to the surrounding social conditions; one of the most famous examples of an animal characterized by mimicry (change of protective color and shape) is a chameleon. In a figurative sense, chameleons are called adaptive journalists. Observations show that mimicry in politics is to some extent a kind of game that, like every game, is always conditional and artificial.