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1
Wang, Yusong. "Limited Coercive Power: How to Complete Taiwan's Land Reform under the Authoritarian System." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 23 (December 13, 2023): 611–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v23i.13127.
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In transforming modernization in developing countries and regions, the primary problem is social integration, and the key to integration is land reform. This paper uses the process tracking method to explore the land reform in Taiwan after the war. In terms of initial conditions, Taiwan belongs to the agricultural society. After the war, it got rid of Japan's colonial rule and then embarked on the authoritarian development modeled by the Chiang Kai-shek government. The Kuomintang regime in Taiwan began to institutionalize as early as the mainland period. After returning to Taiwan, the government can maintain high independence and establish a systematic communication channel with the grassroots society, with the landlord as the leading class. In the reform process, the Kuomintang regime had a strong ability to act and promote cooperation between landlords and finally achieved a more thorough land reform. Therefore, for developing countries, because the situation they are facing is different from that of the previously developed countries, having solid political authority and further improving the level of institutionalization on this basis is an essential condition for successful land reform.
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Murombo, Tumai. "The Effectiveness of Initiatives to Promote Good Governance, Accountability and Transparency in the Extractives Sector in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Law 60, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 230–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855316000061.
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AbstractThe regulation of the extractives sector in Zimbabwe has recently come under scrutiny due to the uncertain social, economic and political environment. Zimbabwe's mining sector was under colonial legislation for a long time and that legislation has recently been reviewed. Existing extractives sector laws do not adequately promote transparency and accountability, an issue recognized by stakeholders throughout the mining sector. The advent of the new constitution and law reform processes indicates Zimbabwe's intention to incorporate good governance, transparency and accountability provisions in the mining sector. State driven reforms have been inspired by global and local civil society initiatives. Analysis shows that, for various reasons, the government does not readily embrace such initiatives, which are important drivers of official policy and legal reforms. Zimbabwean environmental civil society groups have been exceptional in this regard.
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Achiba, Gargule A., and Monica N. Lengoiboni. "Devolution and the politics of communal tenure reform in Kenya." African Affairs 119, no. 476 (May 25, 2020): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa010.
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Abstract Increased legal access and the devolution of natural resource administration are generally seen as sources of power for local communities and their institutions. However, beyond this widely held expectation, the politics of land reform suggest that legal recognition of rights and devolution is not the only issue with implications for communal tenure reforms. Misconceptions about communal tenure, which are rooted in history, and their appropriation by local elites in the processes of communal tenure reform are characteristic of both colonial and post-colonial governments in Kenya. Although typically articulated and promulgated to enhance political representation and to devolve control over resources to the local level, unresolved issues in the reform process have worked to undermine the legitimacy of communal land rights in contemporary Kenyan society. A case study of the post-2010 community land legislation process demonstrates the continuing relevance of historically conditioned political and ideological representations of communal tenure built during the colonial period and reproduced in policy in independent Kenya. This paper offers reflections on the centrality of sustained communal tenure misconceptions, fetishization of formal governance institutions, and the institutional and power configurations that primarily benefit powerful stakeholders as sources of the current breakdown in the implementation of community land law.
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Duhennois, Doris. "Restitution of African colonial artefacts: A reassessment of France’s post-colonial identity." International Journal of Francophone Studies 23, no. 1-2 (July 1, 2020): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijfs_00013_1.
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This article aims to investigate the way the French government has utilized the restitution of African colonial artefacts to reshape its postcolonial identity. The decision to return African artefacts to their country of origin is studied from a national perspective, shedding light on the postcolonial evolution of the French society, and from an international perspective, placing this decision within the structure of international relations. This article demonstrates that the restitution of African colonial artefacts is part of a political strategy aimed at addressing the national and international criticisms directed towards the French government without having to implement the structural reforms necessary to truly resolve them.
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Cho, Myung-Keun. "Changes in local society and the Transformation of Seowon in Modern Transitional Period of Korea." Institute of Korean Cultural Studies Yeungnam University 84 (August 31, 2023): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15186/ikc.2023.8.31.04.
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Modern transitional period of Korea after experiencing Colonial Modernity needs to be approached from a multifaceted perspective. In the midst of rapid social mobility, the continuation of tradition and modernization coexisted, and the traditional ruling order was not dismantled, but rather preserved and strengthened in certain areas. In Korea, the caste system as an institution was abolished by the Gabo reform, but its influence remained strong during the colonial period. A typical example is how the Confucians sought to differentiate themselves under Japanese occupation by renewing seowon, participating in hyanggyo, publishing genealogy. Meanwhile, the Japanese colonial community was led by a group called the local magnate, who were able to establish a reputation and pose as magnate through their activities in various organizations organized by the Government-General of Korea.
The Government-General of Korea wanted to incorporate hyanggyo and seodang into the system as a supplement to socialization and general education. Hyanggyo served as a hub for local Confucians under the strict control of the Government-General of Korea. The Government-General of Korea also wanted to use the hyanggyo's properties to carry out edification work, believing that despite the hyanggyo's declining status in society, the social control of the hyanggyo and Confucians remained effective. Seodang, a traditional educational institution, was to be partially incorporated into the modern school system.
In the case of seowon, however, was marginalized and peripheralized. Local clan sought to maintain their influence in the community by establishing their status as yangban(兩班) family through seowon, which led to the restoration and establishment of seowon.
However, the role and influence of seowon was greatly diminished during the Japanese colonial period, in part due to the weak economic base. In the case of Oksan Seowon, a representative seowon in the Yeongnam area, tried to find a way to solve its debt problems by placing its land in trust.
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Mndeme, Omary. "Decline of Trade Union Collective Action in the Epoch of Neo-Liberal Globalisation: The Experience of Tanzania Teachers’ Union." Tanzania Journal of Sociology 8, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 27–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tajoso.v8i2.99.
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Trade unions (TUs) in Tanganyika (later Tanzania) were relatively vibrant during the colonial period despite the ruthlessness of the colonial government. However, such vibrancy declined after independence despite the re-introduction of pluralist politics in the 1990s, which was expected to open more space for civil society organisations. Basing on Tanzania Teachers’ Union (TTU), this paper seeks to shed light on the factors for the decline of TUs’ collective action in the country. It explores the main benchmarks of the TTU evolution. Further, this paper analyses the factors that contributed to the decline of the trade union’s collective action in Tanzania. Moreover, the paper recommends how TTUs can reform and act strategically. This paper is informed and guided by the Gramscian hegemony and counter-hegemony discourses. The study, adopted qualitative methods of data collection/generation particularly interviews, focus group discussion and documentary review. The study has shown that TTU lower-level organisations lack autonomy from the employer, thus unable to effectively mobilise members for collective action. Yet, the existing labour regimes derail TUs’ activism. The study recommends that TUs, including TTU, need to strive for labour law reforms, which among other things, will allow for their independent organisations and autonomy from government bureaucracy.
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Ugwukah, Alexander C. "A Historical Appraisal of Development in the Nigerian Society from Pre-Colonial to Post-Colonial Periods." Journal of Sustainable Development 14, no. 4 (June 16, 2021): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v14n4p26.
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Although development studies of the Nigerian society has been done from various time frames and perspectives in order to ascertain the level of economic attainment, scant scholarly attention has been given to a wholesome historical appraisal of the Nigerian state from pre-colonial to post-colonial periods. The reason for this tendency is not unrelated to the enormity of issues and happenstances which characterized such a lengthy scope of study. However, given the necessity of an in-depth audit, it has become overly important to attempt/endeavor into a research that can offer a precise, meaningful and valuable guide for developmental indices in a country with such vast economic resources and diverse ethnic population. In fulfilment of this objective, the study adopted a Mixed Method Research (MMR) design involving elements of qualitative and quantitative research approaches. Although the work is qualitative dominant in historical research methodology, elements of quantitative drives was derived from an earlier research-wellbeing for Nigeria (Fig. 1) which corroborated findings from the oral interviews and the secondary sources from journals, library search, books and other literature. Additionally, recourse was made to Growth, Trade and Dependency Development theoretical framework of analysis which guided the validation of the findings. Findings of the work revealed that the Nigerian state has been enveloped in developmental crises for several decades, consequent upon ethnic and cultural pluralism, improper economic planning and productivity and corruption. The work concluded that, for Nigeria to attain meaningful socio-economic development, more resolute measures of the management of its resources and diversity should be put in place through good governance. The work recommended that the federal government should design and put in place people-oriented reform programs to promote social enhancement, economic empowerment at both rural and urban areas of the country and eradication of poverty.
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Wing-yat, Eilo Yu, and Natalie Chin Ka-man. "The Political Opposition and Democracy in Macao: Revolutionaries or Loyalists?" Government and Opposition 47, no. 1 (2012): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01356.x.
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AbstractThis article examines the nature of political opposition in the Macao Special Administrative Region (MSAR) to give us an understanding of its role in and approach to political reform in the territory. It explores the emergence of the pro-democracy opposition in Macao since the end of the colonial era and the self-perception of pro-democratic opposition groups in the MSAR regime, and argues that the majority of opposition groups perceive themselves as ‘loyal’ opponents to the current regime. The groups aim at checking the authorities in the scope of the constitution as loyal constituents. Their assumption of this role is the result of several environmental factors, including a relatively weak civil society, a lack of resources and a pro-government media.
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Rodin, Rhoni. "Analysis of Development of Archiving Regulation from Time to Time in Indonesia." Record and Library Journal 5, no. 1 (October 1, 2019): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/rlj.v5-i1.2019.90-105.
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Background of the study: This research belongs to the literature study since it is carried out by exploring information and documentation relating to archiving regulationsPurpose: This study aims to analyze the development of archiving regulations in Indonesia from time to time.Method: Analyzing data using descriptive analysis methods.Findings: The results showed that the development of archiving regulations in Indonesia showed a positive trend, as this was shown by the issuance of several regulations relating to archival issues from the Dutch colonial era and the independence of Indonesia in 1945 up until the issuance of Law No. 43 of 2009 during the reform era recently.Conclusion: All archiving laws or regulations are basically for the existence of archives and archives very important for society, government and the Indonesian Nation.
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Ayu, Dedek, Mawarda Daulay, and Retno Kaldianus Gowasa. "Dinamika Perekonomian Indonesia: sebuah Tinjauan Historis dari Sentralisasi ke Desentralisasi." Polyscopia 1, no. 2 (April 8, 2024): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.57251/polyscopia.v1i2.1299.
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Since Indonesia's independence in 1945, the nation has undergone profound economic transformations. The Indonesian economy has evolved significantly, shaped by factors like politics, society, and globalization. Employing a descriptive qualitative approach, this research gathers data from interviews, field notes, personal documents, and official records. Its qualitative nature aims to provide a detailed understanding of the phenomenon studied. The study examines centralization and decentralization concepts, tracing the historical shift from a centralized economy under Dutch colonialism to a decentralized system post-independence. The decentralization process, initiated during the reform era in 1998, aimed to distribute authority from the central government to regional authorities. This shift has impacted Indonesia's economic landscape, transitioning from a Jakarta-centric focus to a more regionally inclusive approach. During colonial rule, the Dutch managed Indonesia's economy centrally to serve their interests.
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Ali, Javed. "Military Dominance in Post-Colonial States: A Case Study of Pakistan." Journal of Applied Science and Education (JASE) 3, no. 2 (2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.54060/jase.v3i2.21.
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This article investigates the concept of military dominance in post-colonial states, with a particular focus on Pakistan. The article evaluates how the military has exerted significant influence over the country's government and governance structures, drawing on past and present analyses of Pakistan's political atmosphere. The article investigates the underlying foundations of military dominance in Pakistan using case studies and historical accounts, including the legacy of colonialism, political & economic instability, and external pressures. According to the article, the military's dominance of the political sphere has had a significant impact on the country's development and stability, as well as its democratic systems. The study also looks at potential approaches to decreasing military influence and increasing civilian oversight of government, such as constitutional reforms, strengthening civil society, and improving electoral processes. Finally, this research aims to contribute to a broader understanding of military dominance in post-colonial states, as well as the challenges that countries trying to seek to transform to strong democratic government face.
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Han, Taeil, and Changhee Nam. "Kim Jung-geon’s Wonjong (元宗) and the anti- Japanese independence activities of Shin Honggyun, a Korean medical doctor." Barun Academy of History 13 (December 31, 2022): 43–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.55793/jkhc.2022.13.43.
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Japanese colonial rule ultimately aimed at destroying Korean history, culture, and its national spirit. Korean traditional medicine is a precious national asset containing the spirit and philosophy of the Korean people that has been preserved for 5,000 years. Based on Japan’s policy guidelines of assimilation, the Government-General of the Japanese Empire attempted to root out Korean traditional medicine, which had accumulated a national tradition and spirit. With the beginning of Japanese colonial rule, the alien rulers in Korea launched a program of subjugating the medical system of Joseon to Western medical science under the name of modernization. This article is a historiographic and biographic study on the life of Shin Hong-gyun, a Korean Independence Army (military surgeon) member, who bravely joined the battle of Daejeonjaryeong (大甸子嶺). It was Kim Jung-geon who led Shin Honggyun to join the difficult path of the anti-Japanese struggle. Kim Jung-geon founded Wonjong (元宗), which aimed to renovate Korean society to present a new ideal world called Daegonghwamukuk (大共和無國). He developed his strategy of the anti-Japanese independence movement through implementing a social reform, Ubokchon (魚腹村), which embodied his philosophy and experience. The relationship between Shin and Kim lasted for 17 years through their collaborative works in the anti-Japanese independence movement and social reform. This article introduced the trajectory of how Kim Junggeon’s philosophy influenced Shin Hong-gyun’s determination to join the independence army.
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Mok, Florence. "Public opinion polls and covert colonialism in British Hong Kong." China Information 33, no. 1 (July 9, 2018): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x18787431.
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This article examines colonial statecraft and state–society relations in a pivotal period for Hong Kong. Using historical methods and archival evidence, it overcomes the limitations in existing research, which is often theoretically driven and reliant on published sources. The article reveals that the Hong Kong masses were made structurally invisible by the Movement of Opinion Direction (MOOD), a polling exercise introduced by the reformist colonial state. The public were unaware that their views were disseminated to policymakers and that they affected policy formulation: this was covert colonialism. The article investigates confidential MOOD reports generated by the Home Affairs Department from 1975 to 1980, demonstrating why and how the colonial administration constructed public opinion. By disclosing what these secret files reveal about changing public attitudes towards the colonial government, the United Kingdom and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the article also provides new insights into public receptions of the state’s reforms and potential threats to the colonial regime in the 1970s.
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Kholiq, Abdul, Zabidin Zabidin, and Pratiwi Ayu Sri Daulat. "THE EXISTENCE OF CRIMINAL LAW IN NATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW REFORM." JURNAL RECTUM: Tinjauan Yuridis Penanganan Tindak Pidana 5, no. 1 (January 13, 2023): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.46930/jurnalrectum.v5i1.2711.
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The problem of reforming criminal law is one of the impo important issues that need in all its aspects in connection with efforts to reform criminal law in our country. It is said to be important and even the most important because legal experts often interpret criminal law as a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it is a law to protect society from the threat of crime, but on the other hand, there are times, there are times when human rights temporarily or permanently deprive a person of liberty. Criminal law reform has existed since 1946 with the issuance of Law Number 1 of 1946 concerning criminal law regulations. Criminal law reform as part of criminal politics is in place, and it is time to implement it. This is mainly related to the provisions of the old criminal law, which are regulated in the criminal law code as an "umbrella act" or an umbrella law of a general nature. This law will also affect the formulation of special criminal laws, following the legal needs of society in this era of independence and openness in the 21st century. Based on the description of the background, the formulation of the problem that will be presented is as follows: Why is the renewal of the national criminal law important? How is the formation of criminal law reform in the national Criminal Code Bill? Based on these problems, the discussion is as follows: The existence of the new Criminal Code has become important which is sourced, characterized, rooted, and has a national character following the contents of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution, is now very urgent to be realized to replace the old Criminal Code which is a legacy of the Dutch colonial and is no longer compatible with developments. Social, cultural, economic, political, and technological conditions in an atmosphere of independent Indonesia and only undergoing reform in the 21st century. The establishment of the new Criminal Code is a reflection of the government's serious efforts in enforcing criminal laws that are more humane and fair for all levels of society in this reform era. . It would be strange if the Netherlands, WvS had long been revised and not enforced, would continue to apply as a colonial legacy, because of the inability of this nation to create a new national criminal law.
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FULLER, C. J. "Anthropologists and Viceroys: Colonial knowledge and policy making in India, 1871–1911." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (October 13, 2015): 217–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000037.
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AbstractThe anthropology of caste was a pivotal part of colonial knowledge in British India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Denzil Ibbetson and Herbert Risley, then the two leading official anthropologists, both made major contributions to the study of caste, which this article discusses. Ibbetson and Risley assumed high office in the imperial government in 1902 and played important roles in policy making during the partition of Bengal (1903–5) and the Morley-Minto legislative councils reforms (1906–9); Ibbetson was also influential in deciding Punjab land policy in the 1890s. Contemporary policy documents, which this article examines, show that the two men's anthropological knowledge had limited influence on their deliberations. Moreover, caste was irrelevant to their thinking about agrarian policy, the promotion of Muslim interests, and the urban, educated middle class, whose growing nationalism was challenging British rule. No ethnographic information was collected about this class, because the scope of anthropology was restricted to ‘traditional’ rural society. At the turn of the twentieth century, colonial anthropological knowledge, especially about caste, had little value for the imperial government confronting Indian nationalism, and was less critical in constituting the Indian colonial state than it previously had been.
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Adji, Susilawati Endah Peni. "POWER RELATIONS IN TWO CONTEMPORARY INDONESIAN NOVELS WITH POLITICAL THEMES." International Journal of Humanity Studies (IJHS) 4, no. 1 (August 31, 2020): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/ijhs.v4i1.2788.
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Since Indonesia began its political reform in 1998, Indonesians have enjoyed increased freedom of expression, and as such it has been possible for long-censored themes such as politics to be freely discussed in contemporary Indonesian literature. This article examines two such novels, (1) Junaedi Setiono's Dasamuka (2017), which deals with Javanese politics during the Diponegoro War; and (2) Arafat Nur's Lolong Anjing di Bulan (Dogs Howling at the Moon, 2018), which deals with Acehnese politics during the Military Operations Era. This article borrows its theoretical framework from Fairclough, Bourdieu, and Gramsci, using the concept of power relations to investigate the novels Dasamuka and Lolong Anjing di Bulan. It finds that such power relations are strongly evident in both novels, particularly in their depictions of: (1) language as capital, (2) dominance and hegemony, and (3) opposition to outside dominance. This study finds that, in these novels, power relations have economic roots. Power is exerted, for instance, through (1) the taxation of civilians by the Yogyakarta Palace and the Dutch colonial government; (2) the land rental system implemented by the British and Dutch colonial regimes, which resulted in all profits flowing to these regimes, the Palace becoming economically dependent on these regimes, and the common people being reduced to laborers, and (3) natural gas exploration in Aceh, with all profits flowing to the Indonesian and American governments. Power relations in these novels, thus, are structured by economic factors, reflecting a Marxist paradigm. This reflects the Marxist view that economic factors are foundational for the class structure of society.
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Keatimilwe, Nonqaba Tebogo, and Zwelinzima Ndevu. "An Analysis of the Role of Traditional Institutions in Development." Africa Insight 51, no. 2-3 (June 23, 2023): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ai.v51i2-3.4.
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Recently, the Government of Eswatini was criticised for being undemocratic amidst appeals for constitutional and political reform. The coexistence of ‘traditionalism’ and ‘modernism’ is an intrinsic feature of the political system in Eswatini. This study analysed this dualism and linked the colonial past of Eswatini to the political and public administration traditions that challenge development. It enhances the existing body of knowledge of the Eswatini political system by providing insight into the key features of the Tinkhundla system of government. The study also explored the extent to which constitutionally recognised traditional institutions are expected to contribute towards development based on policy and how that contribution takes effect in reality. The study further analysed the Tinkhundla system of government and identified the attributes that contest its viability. The institutional weaknesses that challenge development were also evaluated. This context is significant because Eswatini is confronted by civil unrest as a result of pressure to effect political reformation. The qualitative research methodology was adopted, whereby both primary and secondary data were gathered. Legislation, literature, and government documents were reviewed and unstructured interviews were conducted with key informants. The findings revealed serious legislative inadequacies that contribute to institutional inefficiency and a lack of clarity regarding the functional aspects of the lower levels of government, specifically chiefdom administration. The most critical recommendation offered in this paper calls for a comprehensive and impartial institutional and constitutional review to reconfigure the distribution of power and redefine the relationship between the state and civil society.
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Omachi, Mary Jennifer, and Anthony Abakpa Sule. "The Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015: Pathway to a Reformed Criminal Justice System in Nigeria." ABUAD Law Journal 7, no. 1 (2019): 130–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/alj.2019.0701.06-j.
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Since the laws regulating crime touch upon the important areas of social life, legal systems have continued to imbibe best practises to regulate crimes within their jurisdictions in order to encourage development and ensure progress. Thus, a good criminal justice system ensures that effective laws are put in place to fit growing societal demands which are never static. Nigeria, in regulating criminal proceedings, had relied on obsolete laws existing since the colonial and post-colonial eras to 2015 when the Administration of Criminal Justice Act was enacted to fit the growing demands of the Nigerian society. This research uses the doctrinal method to appraise certain innovations of the Act and show how they can reform the criminal justice system in the country to align with best practices around the world. Even though the enactment of the Act is a welcome development, its application is limited only to federal courts (except a court martial) and courts within the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Whereas the laudable innovative provisions are highly commendable they can only be effectively applied if they are well implemented. Hence the need for government to effectively fund the criminal justice sector with appropriate manpower, resources and structures and the need for all the states within the country to enact their own Administration of Criminal Justice Laws to apply uniformly in the country.
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Jankielsohn, Roy, and André Duvenhage. "Expectations and the issue of land in South Africa – the historical origins and current debate." New Contree 80 (July 30, 2018): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v80i0.78.
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Land remains a contentious political issue that has the potential for further conflict in South Africa. Expectations over land are a legitimate result of a history of dispossession, displacement and deprivation during the pre-colonial, colonial and Apartheid eras. The importance of placing discussions on land within a historical context is salient. Legitimate perceptions around the slow pace of sustainable land reform since 1994 have left a vacuum for politicians to continue to use the land issue as tool for political mobilisation. However, development programmes that are meant to deliver on the expectations such as the National Development Plan (NDP) and the New Growth Path (NGP) are often undermined by the same politicians. The ideological divisions between the NDR and the NDP/NGP within the ruling African National Congress-run (ANC) government hamper progress towards achieving the land redistribution objectives outlined in these development plans and programmes. The dilemma that this creates is that factors required to mitigate this problem such as an emphasis on sustainability of redistributed land for increased food security have fallen victim to this ideological tug-of-war. The widening gap between the politically fuelled expectations trajectory on the one hand, and the inability to meet these expectations by current development programmes on the other, are sources of increasing social conflict in society.
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Abdurahman, Dudung. "Diversity of Tarekat Communities and Social Changes in Indonesian History." Sunan Kalijaga: International Journal of Islamic Civilization 1, no. 1 (March 22, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/skijic.v1i1.1217.
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Islam as a religious system is generally based on three principal teachings called as aqidah (theology), syari'ah (law), and tasawwuf (Sufism, moral and spiritual). Each thought and the Islamic expertise have also established Muslim communities that demonstrate the diversity of social and religious history in various regions on the spread of Islam. In the history of the spread of Islam in Indonesia, particularly the Sufis always showed a significant role in each period of social change. Therefore, further discussion of this paper will be based on the development of tarekat communities. The historical facts in this study are presented gradually based on the unique cases in each period. The tarekat communities in Nusantara in the early period of Islam, which is the 13th century until the 17th century, have established the religious system patterned on the diversity of doctrine, thought, and tradition that is acculturative with various cultures of the local society in Nusantara. Then they developed during the Dutch colonial period in the 18th century and the 19th century. Besides contributing in the Islam religious founding, they also contributed in the patriotism struggle and even protested in the form of rebellion towards the Dutch colonial. The Sufis from various tarekat streams displayed antagonistic of political acts towards the Colonial government policies. It was developed at the beginning of the 20th century, which is the period of nationalism and of Islamic reform movements. The social force of tarekat people became an indicator of the religion revival that was very influencing towards the nationalism movement in Indonesia. The last one, it has been developing on the independence day of Indonesia, which is called the contemporary period, until today. The tarekat people have built a community system variously based on the principle of beliefs and various ritual activities. The tarekat people always develop, modify, and actualize the tasawwuf teachings and the tarekat practice, mainly in order to complete the spirituality and morality improvement of the society. The tarekat people’s contributions are very helpful for the society in general in order to fulfill the mental necessity. Their religiosity is also strategic enough to be used as a control media for the moral life of the nation.
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As�ari, Kasan, and Hidayatus Sholihah. "PENDIDIKAN ISLAM ALTERNATIF, SEBUAH PENDEKATAN KULTURAL (Analisis atas pemikiran Abdurrahman Wahid)." Al-Fikri: Jurnal Studi dan Penelitian Pendidikan Islam 1, no. 2 (August 29, 2018): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jspi.v1i2.3210.
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This article is based on the library reseach using an analysis content. This research is trying to analyse an Islamic education based on Abdurrahman wahid or Gus Dur�s thought, before he was elected as the fourt President of RI periode, from 1970 to 1998. This essay is based on the text written by Gus Dur, whether in the form of books, articles, newspaper section and any other types of the text , and also the papers from other figures who tried to interprete his thought. Based on Abdurrahman Wahid, the unclear national education direction programmed by the government - since colonial period until the reform era , that did not eliminate the colonial era heritage - is to create "kelas kerani". This class featured an alternative education concept with Paulo Freire and Ivan Illich as the figure with their oppressive education system as the main concept or the domination of strong people to the weak people. Based on Gus dur, the alternative education proposed by Paulo Friere still has the weaknesses in the approach used. It is still political in the confrontative context to the ruler. Therefore, this can make the confrontation against the ruler. This is not appropiate with the Indonesian society character who are not easy to accept the paradigm � the confrontation between �the have and the have not�. Thus, Gus Dur offered �an alternative education� with the cultural approach� represented by � Islamic Boarding School�.Keywords: National Education, Islamic Education, Islamic Boarding
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Mohmand, Shandana Khan, Miguel Loureiro, and Lewis Sida. "What Lies Beneath Pakistan’s Disastrous Floods." Current History 122, no. 843 (April 1, 2023): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2023.122.843.149.
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The 2022 floods that affected 33 million people in Pakistan resulted from a confluence of factors. The nation is highly vulnerable to climate change, which requires international action. But internal governance reforms are needed to improve the state’s ability to help citizens recover from the floods and better prepare for future natural disasters. Pakistan has mismanaged its natural resources and is mired in economic and political crises. In rural areas, colonial-era patterns persist in unequal control over land and water. Though some lessons were learned from major 2010 floods, the latest disaster response revealed a need for improving coordination across different levels of government and engaging with civil society.
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Chabeda-Barthe, Jemaiyo, and Tobias Haller. "Resilience of Traditional Livelihood Approaches Despite Forest Grabbing: Ogiek to the West of Mau Forest, Uasin Gishu County." Land 7, no. 4 (November 16, 2018): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land7040140.
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This paper is a summary of the findings of research work conducted in two case studies in the Rift Valley, Kenya. This study used the Neo-Institutional theory to interrogate how the rules and regulations (institutions involved) of the agrarian reform process in Kenya are constantly changing and helping to shape the livelihoods of social actors around Mau Forest. The first case study—Ndungulu, is a settlement scheme where the Ogiek ethnic community were resettled between 1995 and 1997 after the land clashes of 1992. The second case study is the Kamuyu cooperative farm, a post-colonial settlement scheme owned by a cooperative society that was founded in 1965 by members from the Kikuyu ethnic group. This study employed qualitative data collection methods intermittently between 2012 and 2017 for a total of two years. A total of 60 interviews were conducted for this research. Thirteen (13) of these were key informant interviews with experts on land. The qualitative interviews were complemented by participant observations and nine focus group discussions. The qualitative data from the interviews and focus group discussions were transcribed, coded and analyzed thematically. Observations documented as field notes were also analyzed to complement the study findings. In this paper, the challenges, bargaining position and power play between social actors and government institutions implicated in the agrarian reform process in Kenya has been brought to the forefront. For instance, due to the structural issues that date back to the colonial period, the Ogiek have found innovative ways to maintain their daily existence (e.g., maintaining traditional methods of apiculture in Mau Forest). However, constraints in accessing forest land has resulted in them taking desperate measures, namely; selling off land to the Kalenjin in what is called “distress land sales”. On the contrary, the neighboring Kikuyu have maintained their land ownership status despite recurrent ethnic clashes that have occurred during general election years.
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Ribot, Jesse C. "Decentralisation, participation and accountability in Sahelian forestry: legal instruments of political-administrative control." Africa 69, no. 1 (January 1999): 23–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161076.
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Colonial relations of political administration are being reproduced in the current era of participation and decentralisation. In natural resource management, participation and decentralisation are promoted on the basis that they can increase equity, yield greater efficiency, benefit the environment and contribute to rural development. Reaping these benefits is predicated on (1) the devolution of some real powers over natural resources to local populations, and (2) the existence of locally accountable authorities to whom those powers can be devolved. However, a limited set of highly circumscribed powers are being devolved to locally accountable authorities, and most local authorities to whom powers are being devolved are systematically structured to be upwardly accountable to the central state, rather than downwardly accountable to local populations. Many of the new laws being passed in the name of participation and decentralisation administer rather than enfranchise. The article examines the historical legal underpinnings of the powers and accountability of state-backed rural authorities (chiefs and rural councils), the authorities through which current natural resource management projects in Burkina Faso and in Mali represent local populations, and the decisions being devolved to local bodies in new natural resource management efforts. Without reform local interventions risk reproducing the inequities of their centralised political-administrative context. Rather than pitting the state against society by depicting the state as a negative force and society and non-state institutions as positive—as is done in many decentralisation and participatory efforts—this article suggests that representation through local government can be the basis of general and enduring participation by society in public affairs.
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Siroj, A. Malthuf. "Eksistensi Hukum Islam dan Prospeknya di Indonesia." AT-TURAS: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 5, no. 1 (September 23, 2018): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.33650/at-turas.v5i1.326.
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Indonesia as one of the most populated-by-Muslim country has a long historical experience in implementing Islamic law. In each era, the practice of Islamic law differs one another due to the legal politics which influence it. Prior to the Dutch colonialism, Islamic law was prevalent among Muslims with political support from the royal kingdom of Islam such as in Aceh, Palembang, Banjarmasin, Banten, Demak, Jepara, Tuban, Gersik, Ampel and Mataram. Islamic law grew and developed in the midst of society beside adat law. In the Dutch colonial era the policy of the colonial government against Islamic law had its ups and downs in line with the legal theory that emerged at the time. On the one hand, it tends to be accommodative, while confrontational on the other hand. In the era of independence the position of Islamic law became stronger with the enactment of the 1945 Constitution which guaranteed the right of every citizen to embrace religion and practise religious law. In the New Order era, several laws have been enacted, which strengthened the position of Islamic law, especially the Islamic civil law. This tends to develop in the Reform era, marked by strengthening Muslim aspirations and regional autonomy. Consequently, the Islamic law is increasingly practised, though still limited in the field of civil law and Islamic economics. The enforcement of Islamic criminal law in Indonesia still encounter many obstacles both conceptually and legally. This article will examine the existence and the prospect of Islamic law in Indonesia by observing its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and challenges.
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Arnold, Linda. "Vulgar and Elegant: Politics and Procedure in Early National Mexico." Americas 50, no. 4 (April 1994): 481–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007893.
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Mexicans during the early national era actively grappled with identifying, clarifying, and defining core republican political values, principles, and doctrines. Throughout the first federal republic (1824-1835), the central republic (1835-1846), the second federal republic (1846-1853), and into the years of the Revolution of Ayutla (1853-1855) and the Wars for Reform (1858-1861), defining and protecting individual rights, delimiting the rights and prerogatives of corporations and their members, and limiting the power of the state became the fundamental challenges Mexicans confronted as they endeavored to create a republican political society and their own republican political culture. As in many, if perhaps not all, countries in transition from a corporate model to a republican model, the issues polarized public opinion; and militant elements procured arms and pursued civil war, not just once but several times. Simultaneously, el pueblo mexicano actively clamored for justice. Because of that clamoring, jurists, litigants, legislators, and executives all came to recognize that colonial jurisprudence was no substitute for new and innovative republican jurisprudence. The men on the Mexican Supreme Court of Justice persistently counselled politicians that extant jurisprudence contained their competence and impeded them from administering justice when individuals, corporations, and local and national government officials sought protection from perceived wrongs. Significantly, in seeking protection from perceived wrongs, in seeking justice, el pueblo mexicano initiated defining those values, principles, and doctrines that ultimately could unify the society and mystify and mythicize the meaning of the nation.
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Z., Mumuh Muhsin. "STRUKTUR SOSIAL, POLITIK, DAN PEMILIKAN TANAH DI PRIANGAN ABAD KE-19." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2011): 386. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v3i3.253.
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AbstrakAbad ke-19 bagi Priangan khususnya dan Pulau Jawa umumnya merupakanmomen penetrasi kolonial yang sangat intens. Hal ini dilakukan melalui pelibatanhampir sebagian besar komponen masyarakat dalam mengusahakan tanamankomersial yang laku di pasar internasional, seperti nila, kopi, teh, dan kina. Gunamengoptimalkan pencapaian target-targetnya, pemerintah kolonial melakukanrekayasa tatanan sosial dan politik masyarakat pribumi. Pola rekayasa sosial politikyang dilakukannya tidak selalu tetap. Perubahan selalu dilakukan atas nama dan demikepentingan pemerintah kolonial yakni mendapatkan keuntungan ekonomi sebesarbesarnyabagi kesejahteraan negeri induknya, Kerajaan Belanda.Mobiltas sosial terjadi semakin dinamis, baik yang bersifat vertikal maupunyang horizontal. Hal itu terjadi terutama setelah dibuka peluang bagi pribumi untukmemasuki sekolah. Munculnya elit baru hasil dari sistem pendidikan ini berefek padaperubahan-perubahan sosial. Satu sisi ketidakmungkinan kelompok sosial menengah(priyai rendah) masuk birokrasi pemerintah berakhir sudah. Pola rekruitmen pegawaipemerintah bukan lagi didasarkan pada faktor “darah” (geneologis), tapi faktorkemampuan dan prestasi yang direpresentasikan dalam bentuk ijazah. Sisi lain,secara kuantitas muncul elit-elit baru di tengah-tengah masyarakat. Artinya juga,konsekuensi dari perubahan sosial seperti itu, kekuatan politik yang semula hanyaterpusat pada elit tradisional mengalami pemudaran karena semakin terbagi denganelit-elit baru. Tidak hanya terhadap aspek sosial dan politik penduduk pribumi, tetapipengaturan-pengaturan mengenai tataguna tanah pun senantiasa dilakukan. Tanahsebagai faktor produksi yang cukup penting mesti direkayasa sedemikian rupa demikepentingan pemerintah kolonial. Kombinasi dari politisasi aspek sosial, politik, danpertanahan tak pelak lagi telah menguntungkan pemerintah kolonial.AbstractIn 19th century, Priangan – and Java in general – faced an intensive colonialpenetration. The Dutch colonial government forced people to cultivate some crash crops which were highly demanded in international market, such as nila (IndigoferaL), quinine (Chincona spp.), tea (Camellia sinensis) and coffee (Coffea). The colonialgovernment constructed social and political structue among native Indonesians inorder to gain their goals and targets. Land, as an important factor of productions hadto be reformed for the sake of the colonial government. Land reform was established,allowing new elites to emerge. These new elites had changed traditional socialstructure, making traditional elites less powerful among their society.
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Hladchenko, Svitlana, Halyna Bilanych, Inna Ivzhenko, Lilia Florko, Kateryna Vakarchuk, and Zhanna Davydova. "Modernization as a Transition from a “Traditional” to a Postmodern Society." Postmodern Openings 12, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/po/12.4/366.
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The purpose of the article is to explore the gender aspect of the modernization of Tunisian society from modernism to postmodernism, which defined the cultural concept of the twentieth century. The article conducts a comprehensive study of gender aspects of the modernization of Tunisian society since the beginning of this modernization in 1900 of the XX century. to the beginning of the XXI century; for the first time the periodization of the women's movement in Tunisia in the period of modern history is presented and substantiated; analyzed the history of the impact of political and legal reforms of the Tunisian government on changing the gender situation in society; reflects the specifics of gender ideas and practices of Tunisian society in historical retrospect. The degree of influence of the French colonial regime on the modernization of Tunisian society in a gender context is determined; an analysis of the specifics of gender relations in Islamic society. It is proved that Islamic democracy was presented as a guarantor of the real emancipation of women, provided that she retains the primary status of wife and mother. This principle, due to the socio-cultural traditions of Tunisian society, was in fact basic in gender perceptions and for this period. Biographies of the leaders of the Tunisian movement show that their social self-realization was usually directly ensured by the status of the wife of a politician.
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Qureshi, Gohar Masood, Anum Shahid, and Shumain Malik. "MPO: A Menace to Fundamental Rights - Unveiling the Abuses." Spring 2023 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 1145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54183/jssr.v3i2.356.
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This research article delves into the enduring challenges faced by our country in ensuring the preservation of constitutional liberties, even long after the end of the British colonial era. Examining the notion of "might is right" prevalent in our society, we highlight the existing disparity between the Constitution's perceived strength and its practical application. By scrutinizing the principle of strict construction of laws, we explore how it poses significant threats to citizens' liberties. While stringent interpretation may appear necessary for national security and governance, it often leads to an unjust infringement upon individual rights. This study emphasizes the importance of imposing limitations on government requirements to safeguard against arbitrary deprivation of liberty. By advocating for due care, caution, and attention in the decision-making process, we aim to foster a more balanced approach that respects citizens' fundamental rights while ensuring effective governance. Through an in-depth analysis of relevant legal precedents, we propose alternative strategies and reforms that can mitigate the existing shortcomings in upholding constitutional liberties, promoting a society where justice and freedom prevail.
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McCaskill, Sean. "A Municipal Tail." Southern California Quarterly 103, no. 4 (2021): 398–436. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2021.103.4.398.
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This project examines municipal animal control in Los Angeles between 1880 and 1909. It traces the emergence of municipal animal control from the confluence of animal welfare reform and progressive state expansion. The animal welfare movement in the United States began in the Colonial Era, but soon reflected the influence of changing attitudes in Europe and the rise of anti-cruelty reform movements after the Civil War. As Americans sought to create a better world out of the ashes of that war, many looked towards animal welfare. This movement occurred first on the East Coast, beginning with Henry Bergh’s founding of the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA) in 1866, and reached Los Angeles by the end of the century. Many in that growing city viewed the dawn of the twentieth century with optimism, hoping for L.A.’s ascendancy into the ranks of the nation’s great metropolises. As a result, they began to look at the city’s problems through an increasingly progressive lens. Newspapers had covered the animal impoundment system’s brutality since the 1880s, but by the end of the century, they carried dramatic exposés of cruelties and corruption at the pound that emphasized connections to larger social issues. Citizens, including an impressive number of women, became activists for animal welfare. The municipal government responded by passing an ordinance that put animal control in the hands of the Humane Animal League, a private animal welfare organization. When the League failed to handle the city’s burgeoning animal population humanely and efficiently, the city assumed responsibility for animal control and created a municipal system. The emergence of municipal animal control in Los Angeles demonstrates a city turning to the extension of state power at the local level to create a more humane and efficient world for both its human and animal inhabitants.
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Whitehouse, Bruce. "Left in the Cold." Journal of Legal Anthropology 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jla.2022.060105.
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Located in Africa’s Sahel region, the Republic of Mali enjoyed various fruits of its transition to political pluralism and liberal economic restructuring from the 1990s to the early 2000s. When the Malian government sought to amend civil laws governing marriage and family life, and eliminate legal discrimination against women, however, it faced considerable political opposition. Islamic civil society groups capitalised on men’s heightened anxieties to claim a more assertive role in the national public sphere. Subsequent legal reforms constituted a clear political victory for political Islamism in the country and a corresponding setback for Western-backed women’s organisations. Tracing the evolution of Malian marriage and family law from the 1960s to the 2020s, this article argues that conflicting notions of what it means to protect women, coupled with the structural failings of Mali’s post-colonial state, have stymied efforts to ensure women’s rights within a secular, egalitarian legal framework.
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Van Vleet, Stacey. "Children’s Healthcare and Astrology in the Nurturing of a Central Tibetan Nation-State, 1916–24." Asian Medicine 6, no. 2 (September 15, 2012): 348–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341238.
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Abstract Between 1916 and 1924, a Tibetan public healthcare programme that focused on childcare and natal astrology comprised a central aspect of the mission of the Lhasa Mentsikhang (Institute of Medicine and Astrology). Assessing previously unused Tibetan language materials—including the Thirteenth Dalai Lama’s edict for implementation and an accompanying childcare manual—the programme is contextualized with regard to regional developments in British India and China. Like British ‘mothercraft’ education programmes of the same period, the Tibetan initiative links the health of the population (from infancy) to the health of the state and its economy. Rather than appealing to the authority of ‘scientific’ colonial medicine, however, this paper discusses how indigenous medical techniques and theories are put forward as effective means to prove the nascent Central Tibetan state’s benevolence, legitimacy and sovereignty via intervention in the domestic sphere. Such attention to medical reform and to the domestic sphere brings light to an underappreciated effort by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama to cultivate a sense of Tibetan subjecthood and to reconfigure the relationship between his government and various segments of society. Significantly, this childcare initiative was entrusted not just to mothers, and the category of class is here more germane than the category of gender central within British programmes. Various social groups within a specifically delineated Tibetan territory are assigned tasks in the programme’s implementation, illustrating the desire to incorporate each into a reorganised Tibetan state bound by a newly articulated Buddhist ideal of shared social responsibility.
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Kimura, Mitsuhiko. "Financial Aspects of Korea's Economic Growth under Japanese Rule." Modern Asian Studies 20, no. 4 (October 1986): 793–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013731.
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Feeling strong pressure from Western Powers Japan abandoned her seclusion policy in 1854 and inaugurated serious efforts to modernize her society and economy after the Meiji Restoration in 1868. She, in turn, forced Korea who had been keeping the seclusion policy on her own to open the door in 1876. The feudal Korean government (the Yi Dynasty, 1392–1910) was impelled to embark on social and economic reforms by opening the door. Yet, after nearly thirty years’ struggle to make reforms and to secure the independence of the country, Korea was converted into a protectorate of Japan in 1905 and was officially annexed to her in 1910. The Japanese government recognized that the creation of modern monetary and banking systems in Korea was the precondition for trade expansion between the two countries (for Japan, rice imports on the one hand and textile exports on the other) and thus started its colonial rule over Korea by establishing a central bank, development banks and financial cooperatives. This paper aims at setting forth an analysis of a more or less unexplored field in the study of the economic history of Korea, that is, the financial aspects of her economic growth under Japanese rule. Particularly, emphasis will be placed on quantitative analysis of major financial variables represented by money, interest rates and bank credit. Before proceeding to the main subject, it may well serve to review some of the financial problems in the late Yi Dynasty period.
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Eichelsheim, John. "Regionaal Particularisme en Staatsvorming in Afrika: De Diola van Zuid Senegal in hun Relatie Met Dakar." Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (January 26, 1991): 193–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-00703002.
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Regional Particularism and State Formation in Africa: The Diola in Southern Senegal and Their Relationship with Dakar In the French daily newspaper “Libération” of 819 september 1990 I read : “Reveil de la guerilla en Casamance. Two clashes occurred between the Senegalese army and MFDC guerillas on the 22th of august and the 4th of september; 16 soldiers and 24 guerillas were killed”. A morbid déjà vu. At the end of 1983, as I did my practical training in the town of Ziguinchor, in the south of Senegal, I witnessed some fierce clashes between the same participants, causing the death of some 200 people. How could this be happening in one of the most democratic states of Africa? Didn’t the political arena of some 16 different parties give enough room for oppositional currents? The answer must be negative, in some cases. In this paper I want to show the reader that the articulation of local organizational structures and development policies of a modem state can cause many problems. In this case the typical dynamics of the Diola society in southern Senegal and the specific way of state formation in Senegal after Independence form an explosive mixture. In the first part of the paper a description is given of the dynamics of the Diola society by portraying the organizational structures in Diola villages before the colonial period. Then, in the colonial period, due to new influences as a result of the contacts with foreigners, some local organizational structures are politicized. Among the Diola this process of politicizing took place on a very low level because the Diola society has all the characteristics of a segmentary society. Each village formed an autonomous unit headed by elders. The use of power lays in the hands of a group rather than in the hands of an individual. For this reason the Diola never fully participated in the political arena, not even after Independence. After Independence in 196O the regimes in Dakar tried to impose their authority in all parts of the new state. First Leopold Senghor and then Abdou Diouf strived to form an omnipotent political party. A party in which all regional, ethnic and professional currants would be represented. This became the Parti Socialiste (PS). In the traditionally hierarchically organized societies in the North and the East of the state this was done by encapsulating powerful individuals. Once they joined the party they would bring along many followers or dependants as new members. But in the segmentary Diola society those political leaders did not exist. Therefore some individuals were dropped in the region by the PS to represent the inhabitants. These strangers were given a lot of power in the region. But it should be clear that these “representatives” were not accepted by local people who had the feeling of being colonized for the second time. This time by fellow countrymen from the North For the Dakar regimes, a way to impose their hegemony was connected to the say over land ownership. Since the adaption of the National Lands Act on the 17th of june 1964, all transactions concerning the control over land must be regulated via the local governments. One of the main consequences of this reform is that the state becomes the sole landlord of all the land. This implies that local, mostly ancient, land tenure systems have formally ceased to exist. With the case of the explosive growth of the city of Ziguinchor I show the impact of this reform on the surrounding Diola society. As control over local land is the crux of the organizational structures of Diola society, this new intrusion of the state caused an emotional reaction. Moreover because it was mostly done at random by politicians who had only eyes for their own goals. This being the result of the specific way the state strived for hegemony and attempted to graft new forms of organization on the segmentary Diola society. With explosively results!
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김종욱. "The Educational Reforms of the French Colonial Government and the Reactions from the Tonkin Rural Society: the case of Mễ Trì village in Hà Đông province." 동남아연구 20, no. 2 (September 2010): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21485/hufsea.2010.20.2.003.
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Chen, Jiayi. "From Making "Tools" to Becoming "People" -- The Transformation and Experience of American Educational Punishment Governance." Journal of Education and Development 6, no. 4 (August 6, 2022): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/jed.v6i4.1300.
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In recent years, it has been known from the network news that American school bullying incidents are frequent, its severity and concealment are gradually increasing, and the main body of bullying is also getting younger and younger. American bullying not only causes severe damage to the physical and mental health of minors but destroys the order of the daily management of the school and also increases the risk of the safety of the campus, on the harmfulness of more significant social issues, such as the United States in most cases, it still takes criticism education some force weaker moral means, the effective governance bullying is not enough. The rule of law is the most effective way to achieve social governance. Every student's campus life is a drill for the future in social life. Their behaviour will eventually affect the public social order. Therefore, American society has put forward a zero-tolerance policy for school bullying. Many public schools in the United States have the characteristics of exclusion, punishment, and decriminalization in managing students' violations and malicious bullying. It not only fails to give full play to the educational nature of punishment effectively but also aggravates severe social problems such as minors dropping out of school, low-school employment, and juvenile delinquency, which increases the educational cost of American society and the cost of colonial governance and management. Under the guidance of the concept of supporting policy, the federal government by eliminating the repellent of early childhood environment discipline, creating a safe and supportive learning environment, promote education in different stages of the field to carry out the resilience measures such as justice, fair and continue to encourage educational discipline, promote the development of children's social emotion and behavior, to guide students to learn and grow in the wrong, American academic punishment has successfully realized the successful transformation of teaching philosophy and education reform, which is worthy of practical reference and complete reference for China's current treatment of school bullying incidents. Better promoting Chinese education can also embark on equitable and healthy future development.
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Isichenko, Ihor. "„Ксьондзи-єзуїти” в унійному проєкті та романтичному міті." Studia Polsko-Ukraińskie 9 (July 18, 2022): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2451-2958spu.9.2.
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The reception of relations between the Orthodox and Catholic Churches by the Ukrainian national consciousness was largely formed by a romantic myth. It appeared in the works by Taras Shevchenko, in the documents of the the Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius. According to this myth, the Church Union of Brest (1596) was the result of the colonial policy of the Polish government and the intrigues of the Jesuit priests. In fact, the influence of the royal administration on the religious life of the inhabitants of the Polish-Lithuanian state was extremely limited. „Henrician Articles” of 1573 forced the king to adhere to religious tolerance and to recognize the nobility’s right to free choice of religion. The Roman Catholic clergy, for the most part, did not want to grant Christians the Eastern rite of parity. The Society of Jesus, which formed a separate province in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1574, was guided not by political but by religious motives. Benedict Herbest (1531–1598) already in his work „Wypisanie drogi” („The Desribing of The Way”, 1566) discusses the prospect of restoring unity with the Orthodox Ruthenians. In the book „Wiary Kościołu Rzymskiego wywody” („The Arguments of the Roman Church’ Belief”) he explains Ruthenia’s departure from unity with Rome by lack of education and low religious consciousness. Piotr Skarga (1536–1612) wrote the book „O jedności Kościoła Bożego” („About the God’s Church’s Unity”, 1577), when he had not great authority in the Church and when he was little known in society. At the Brest synod in 1596 Skarga was not a participant and organizer, but only an observer and chronicler. Both Herbest and Skarga were only inflammatory polemicists who responded to the challenge of the Reform by calling for the consolidation of the Church in a single organism. The romantic myth is refuted by a closer acquaintance with their works and life experience.
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SIHN, Kyu-hwan. "The Spread of Hygiene Concepts and the Making of Public Health Discourse in Modern East Asia." Korean Journal of Medical History 31, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 613–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2022.31.613.
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If public health can be defined as “all activities to ensure universal medical use of the people and protect and promote health,” it can be said that public health emerged in the process of developing the concept of hygiene in East Asia. While traditional hygiene emphasized individual curing and longevity, modern hygiene was the state in charge of individual body and discipline. East Asian countries had to practice modern tasks in the field of hygiene and medical care in line with the construction of modern countries, and it was considered legitimate for modern countries to intervene in individual bodies. As the demand for modern national construction became stronger, interest in public health rather than personal hygiene increased.</br>In East Asia, a new interpretation of the concept of hygiene began in Japan. Sensai Nagayo(1838-1902) newly defined the concept of ‘sanitation’ to justify the physical intervention of the modern state in Meiji period. The concept of ‘public health’ began to be used in earnest in 1890, when Ogai Mori(1862-1922) translated Western-style health protection measures for the public as public health. Since then, public health has evolved into a universal social discourse in Japan. Japan’s public health expanded to colonial Joseon, Taiwan, and China. Japan’s victory in the Sino-Japanese War led East Asian countries to believe that hygiene was the root of the Japanese nation’s power. In the early 20th century, the government of the Republic of China began to imitate the case of Japan while promoting modern education reform and institutional reform. Japanese-style ‘public health’ was transplanted into various hygiene laws and sanitary equipment.</br>In Korea, modern hygiene was introduced and spread from the end of the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century, and the concept of ‘public health’ in Japan was mainly spreading. Public health in Japan was vaguely defined as an activity to protect and promote the health of the people, but in practice, it was focused on improving quarantine and environmental infrastructure. In response, the concept of American-style public health, which values prevention and treatment at the same time, has already begun to emerge under the Japanese colonial rule.</br>In East Asia in the 1920s and 1930s, Japanese-style public health and American-style public health discourse competed, and measures to solve medical inequality were discussed in earnest. Interestingly, in common in East Asian countries, Actual Medical Expenses Campaigns to improve medical access at low cost and social medicine to universally provide prevention and treatment to the people have drawn attention. This was also a phenomenon caused by intensifying medical inequality as rapid urbanization and industrialization progressed in East Asian countries in the first half of the 20th century. Although it was impossible to resolve social contradictions or move toward fundamental reform of the national medical system due to the nature of the private movement, the actual medical movement further imprinted the need for public health care in the country and society. Social medicine studied the effects and relationships of the social environment on diseases and health, and studied ways to promote public health by using preventive medicine and therapeutic medicine. If social medicine was supported by state power, it was possible to go forward with practice such as State Medicine like China, otherwise it would only be a civilian movement such as the People’s Health Movement, as in colonial Korea.</br>Liberation and the Korean War were a dramatic turning point in American-style health that led to Japanese-style hygiene. Immediately after Liberation, there was a discussion between the left and right camps over medical nationalization to enhance the publicity of medical care. The medical community was sympathetic to the nationalization of medical care, but due to the lack of medical personnel and financial resources, specific alternatives could not be proposed. As American-style health studies gradually expanded their influence after the Korean War, American-style public health, which emphasized prevention and treatment activities, became established, and efforts were made to establish a health center system.
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Thornton, Jay David. ""Without Him the Indians Would Leave and Nothing Would Get Done." The Changing Relationship Between the Caciques and the Audiencia of Charcas Following Francisco de Toledo’s Reforms." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 18 (November 20, 2011): 134–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2011.38.
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Viceroy Francisco de Toledo’s 16th century population re–concentrations of the indigenous peoples of Charcas (modern day Bolivia) have been widely recognized as the most definitive attempt to transform indigenous Andean society along Iberian lines of settlement and government. While the previously dispersed indigenous populations were resettled into a limited number of urban towns, native tribute obligations elevated, and Castilian forms of municipal government imposed, modern historiography is still debating the precise details of what Toledo’s reforms meant for the indigenous populations of this district. A review of decisions made by the Audiencia of Charcas and the contemporary correspondence of this court’s judges are examined to illustrate how the relationship between the high court and indigenous leaders ―caciques― changed through the period of Toledo’s reforms. This investigation reveals an explicit and previously underappreciated transformation in the political model from one where caciques frequently sought out and received legitimization from the Audiencia ―similar to the model used in the Inca system― to a situation where the caciques understood and utilized the Audiencia less as a partner in power and instead as a forum to be opportunistically used to obtain economic goods and privileges. Using the figure of the cacique as a proxy, this province–wide perspective on the changes engendered to native society by Toledo’s reforms is distinct from but complementary to the several more localized studies on the subject undertaken by other historians. The changes elucidated by these court records and official correspondence suggest the origins of the emergence of indigenous leaders whose skillful use of the colonial legal system would represent a hallmark of indigenous–Spanish relations throughout the remaining two centuries of the Spanish presence in the Viceroyalty of Peru.Las re–concentraciones de las poblaciones indígenas del siglo XVI en Charcas (actual Bolivia) llevadas a cabo por el Virrey Francisco de Toledo han sido ampliamente reconocidas como la tentativa definitiva de transformar la sociedad andina indígena de acuerdo a esquemas ibéricos de gobierno. Si bien es indiscutible que bajo estas medidas las previamente dispersas poblaciones indígenas fueron reorganizadas en torno a centros urbanos, elevado el tributo nativo e impuestas formas castellanas de gobierno municipal, la historiografía moderna todavía discute las repercusiones que las reformas de Toledo tuvieron para las poblaciones indígenas de este districto. Este trabajo plantea una revisión de las decisiones tomadas por la Audiencia de Charcas y la correspondencia de los jueces de esta corte con el propósito de mostrar hasta qué punto las relaciones entre el tribunal superior y los líderes indígenas ―caciques― cambiaron durante el período de las reformas de Toledo. En su desarrollo, la investigación revela una transformación explícita ―y previamente no valorada― del modelo político virreinal, que de una situación en la que los caciques frecuentemente buscaban y recibían legitimación de la Audiencia ―como en el sistema Inca― cambia a una en la que los caciques utilizaban a la Audiencia como un foro que podía ser usado oportunísticamente para obtener privilegios y beneficios económicos. Usando la figura del cacique como apoderado, esta investigación en torno a los cambios generados en la sociedad andina a raíz de las reformas de Toledo es distinta pero complementaria a estudios emprendido por otros historiadores en torno al mismo tema. Los cambios elucidados por registros judiciales y correspondencias oficiales sugieren los orígenes de la aparición de líderes indígenas cuyo hábil manejo del sistema legal colonial será representativo de las relaciones indígeno–españolas a través de los dos siglos de presencia española en el virreinato del Perú.
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Murungi, James Mwenda, N. Wane Njoki, and George M. Muthaa. "Decolonizing Kenyan Curriculum and Self-Reliance." Journal of Education and Practice 7, no. 6 (October 24, 2023): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/jep.1480.
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Purpose: Education is meant to develop capacity and enable members of society to become productive. African indigenous education systems inculcated self-reliance among members of society and every individual had a specific defined role within the society. The colonial education system introduced the aspects of unemployment, underemployment and job seekers. In an effort to address growing mismatch between expectations by graduates and societal employment provisions, the government has regularly formed commissions and made reforms in the education system. Despite these efforts there has been growing concerns on the effectiveness of the current education system to inculcate self-reliance among graduates. This study sought to establish the influence of decolonizing the Kenyan education system on self-reliance among students. The study was carried out in universities in Kenya.
Methodology: This study utilized the descriptive survey design and the correlational research design. A sample size of 384 respondents made up of 60 members of teaching faculty and 324 fourth year bachelor of education students was selected to participate in the study. Data collection was done using questionnaires and interview schedules. Descriptive statistics was used for measures of central tendencies including mean, standard deviation and coefficient of variation. Inferential statistics through correlation analysis using the Pearson‘s coefficient of correlation was applied to measure the degree of influence of decolonizing curriculum on self-reliance. To test hypothesis, simple linear and multiple regression models were used to test significance between independent and dependent variable. Qualitative data from interviews was organized into themes, categories and patterns pertinent to the study.
Findings: The study found that the contemporary Kenyan curriculum influenced self-reliance to a moderate extent and that integration of selected elements of African indigenous curriculum was capable of improving the Kenyan curriculum to a large extent. It was concluded that decolonizing curriculum had a statistically significant relationship with self-reliance among students in the Kenyan education system.
Unique Contribution to Theory, Policy and Practice: The findings of this study will hopefully shed light on factors attributable to colonization that continue to impact on students’ attainment of self- reliance and help planners to make early interventions with regard to self-reliance in education.
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Postoronko, Inna G. "ACQUISITION AND VALUES OF EUROPEAN (WESTERN) MUNICIPALITY AS CONSTITUTIONAL VALUES OF HUMANITY AND THE STATE AND THEIR PERCEPTION IN THE POST-SOVIET LEGAL AREA." Bulletin of Alfred Nobel University Series "Law" 1, no. 6 (July 14, 2023): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2709-6408-2023-1-6-6.
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The formation and development of the system of local self-government in Ukraine, the implementation of municipal reform in the context of the decentralization of the powers of public authorities, actualized the interest in researching the assets and values of European (Western) municipalism as constitutional values of humanity and the state and their perception in the post-Soviet legal space. The conducted systematic analysis of the historical retrospective of the formation and development of European (Western) local self-government, and by and large, European (Western) values (basic principles) of municipalism, makes it possible to assert that: a) the latter arose and were formed on the basis of city self-government (about object identification criterion); b) their appearance was the result of collective actions, practice, decisions made by all members of the community, in their interests, on their behalf and for the purpose of solving the most important and urgent issues of urban life (communicative-intersubjective criterion); c) their result was the formation of appropriate behavioral and activity guidelines for each person, their groups and associations that existed, functioned and developed in the conditions of city self-government (organizational-formalizing criterion); d) such behavioral and activity guidelines were not only borrowed by other members and institutions of the local territorial society, but also passed on to other generations of city residents and their associations, taking root in everyday behavior and becoming their mandatory forms and norms (prospective-hereditary criterion; d') they determined the fundamental principles of human socialization and local society - i.e., the emergence and formation of a corresponding system of interests, which in the future were transformed into corresponding behavioral guidelines (attitudes), including legal ones, as well as corresponding practical forms of life (habits), that arose on the basis of the implementation of relevant attitudes, including legal ones (criterion of adjustment in local society); e) they developed according to the following subject-subject scheme: "primitive community in the ancient world (priority of existential and functional issues of the existence of the human community) - ancient Greek polis cities (building a local civilization that significantly influenced the formation of the phenomenology of statehood) - ancient Roman cities - municipalities (building a municipal economy and local society with democratic foundations within the boundaries of a single state / empire) - cities of the feudal period of the development of society (ecclesiastical, knightly, princely / Kurfuster / etc.) (a period of understanding and awareness of the possibilities and advantages of living together within the framework of local of society) - medieval cities governed by Magdeburg law (magistrates + burgomasters) (formation of the fundamental legal foundations of city self-government) - citymunicipalities of post-revolutionary (New Times) and Napoleonic (post-Napoleonic) Europe (flourishing of municipal construction and becoming a prototype of the system array of modern competences municipalities, which became a guarantee of significant growth of their place and role in state construction) - city-municipalities of Modern times (definition of the important role and meaning of municipalities in the context of the municipal revolution of the late 19th - early 20th centuries. actually based on the approaches of "municipal socialism") - modern municipalities of united Europe (formation of the essential role of municipalities in the regional, state, macro-regional and panEuropean integration movement in the context of the municipal revolution of the second half of the 20th century - the beginning of the 21st century) - borrowing of European ( western) municipalism, its assets and values by the post-Soviet states in their striving to join the European family of peoples and states (the last decade of the 20th century - the beginning of the 21st century)" (historicalretrospective criterion). It is claimed that the modality of development of local self-government represents not only a scientific-doctrinal, but also a praxeological-axiological interest in determining its properties at the city level, and especially in relation to the emergence, formation and application of the values of municipalism, which: a) are decisive for a person, his groups and associations, and for the state (states), the international community, etc., and not only European states and the European international regional community, but taking into account the phenomenology of the reception of legal traditions, values, normative support and provision of European self-government by the countries of North and South America, Asia, of Africa (relationship of suzerainty-vassalage, colonial relations of the protectorate and colonies, use of tools of mandated territories, etc.), specifically for the latter, and hence for the entire international community of states, and both for borrowing and for studying and implementing best practices; b) thanks to which the institution of local democracy itself not only plays such an important role at the level of states and their international community, but also c) forms a broad and essential base of municipal values, which is d) a great and essential asset of humanity in the optimal organization of everyday life of every person - a member of the community and d') in fact, spreading to a lower level - rural, township, and a higher level of self-government - associated (district, regional) through borrowing the values of municipalism, - determine the existence, functioning and development of modern human civilization at all levels of local public management and has prognostic properties for the prospect of such existence and development, e) are recognized and legalized by the state through national legislation, as well as by signing international multilateral treaties and taking relevant international legal obligations regarding the recognition and functioning of the institution of local democracy on the territory of a specific state, e) legitimized by the population of each state acting as members of the relevant territorial community that exists and functions on its territory, g) moreover, directly contributes to the emergence and formation of the municipal consciousness (legal consciousness) of a person at its individual, group and collective levels of existence, as well as g) formation on the basis of the profile awareness (legal awareness) of municipal psychology, which determines, forms and corrects the relevant municipal behavior in accordance with the values of municipalism. It is proved that it is the constitutional values that lay the normative foundations for the formation, existence, legalization, legitimization, improvement and expansion of the range of values of municipalism, which is an immanent constituent part of the constitutional values - it is the values of municipalism that are detailed, concretized, segregated, separated, interpreted and interpreted at the local level, make constitutional values possible for everyday use and application.
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Middleton, Alex. "Conservative politics and Whig colonial government, 1830–41." Historical Research 94, no. 265 (June 3, 2021): 532–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htab008.
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Abstract This article explores Conservative critiques of Whig colonial rule in the 1830s. Its case is that imperial administrative and constitutional issues occupied a more prominent place in the Tories’ politics of opposition during the ‘decade of Reform’ than historians have assumed. Conservative writers and politicians styled themselves as vigorous defenders of imperial integrity, colonial constitutions, and the colonial church, against the incoherent centralizing and liberalizing innovations of the Whigs. These arguments rested on wider assumptions about the inherent failings of Whiggism, Reformed government and the pernicious global consequences of ‘liberalism’. The article asks how these claims affect our understanding of Conservative politics after the Reform crisis, and reflects on the emergence of new forms of political engagement with issues of colonial government in early nineteenth-century Britain.
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Muringa, T. P., and G. T. Zvaita. "LAND RESETTLEMENT IN POST-COLONIAL ZIMBABWE: A LOOK INTO THE GOVERNMENT LAND RESETTLEMENT APPROACHES." Journal of Inclusive Cities and Built Environment 2, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.54030/2788-564x/2022/sp1v1a5.
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In Zimbabwe, ever since the government embarked on a disastrous land reform agenda in the early 2000s, the issue of land reform and its social-economic effects, such as relocating people, remained a bone of contention. Extensive research has shown that land reform laws and relocation approaches in some remote areas of Zimbabwe are politicised and not consistent and, therefore, catastrophic. However, most studies in land reform and resettlement have been limited, persistently focusing on the impacts and constitutionality of Zimbabwe’s 2000s land reform program. This study seeks to contribute to the land reform debate by examining the Zimbabwean government’s land reform and relocation activities between 2015 and 2021 using a case study of the Chilonga and Mazoe governmentled resettlement programmes. Three key empirical questions are asked - What are the government’s intended strategies when relocating the Chilonga and Mazoe people? Is there any resemblance with the colonial resettlement approaches? What legal instruments were used, and were they constitutionally justified? Data for this study was drawn mainly from a systematic review of documents and interviews with key informants and victims (n=40) of the government-led resettlements. Analysis shows that the government’s resettlement approaches bear a significant resemblance to the unconstitutional procedures the colonial government employed. We argue that the government’s post-2000 land reform laws, especially between 2015 and 2021, must be cleansed of the colonial elements that allow the government to manipulate the laws to suit their political needs at the expense of the general populace.
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Sachs, Jeffrey Adam. "“Native Courts” and the Limits of the Law in Colonial Sudan: Ambiguity as Strategy." Law & Social Inquiry 38, no. 04 (2013): 973–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12040.
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This article offers a way of thinking about colonial-era legal reform that departs from traditional narratives by highlighting the importance of legal ambiguity in state building projects. Following the establishment of “Native Administration” in the Sudan in the early 1920s, the British colonial government conferred expansive judicial and administrative powers on tribal sheikhs and nazirs (chiefs), while at the same time discouraging many attempts to formalize or standardize those powers, preferring instead that they remain informal and undefined. This policy, which I term “strategic ambiguity,” emerged out of a belief that tribal leaders would be more effective if they possessed maximum discretion and judicial flexibility, even though the result was a colonial government woefully ill-informed about much of its own judicial system. These findings point to a way of thinking about colonial-era legal reform in which governmental ignorance was actually productive of sovereignty, and not an obstacle to it.
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SEEKINGS, JEREMY. "BRITISH COLONIAL POLICY, LOCAL POLITICS, AND THE ORIGINS OF THE MAURITIAN WELFARE STATE, 1936–50." Journal of African History 52, no. 2 (July 2011): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000247.
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ABSTRACTMauritius's unusual welfare state dates back to the introduction of non-contributory old-age pensions in 1950. This article examines the origins of this reform, focusing on the interactions between political actors in both Mauritius (local planters, political activists, and the colonial government) and London (the Colonial Office and Labour Party). Faced with riots among unorganised sugar estate workers in 1937, the colonial administration considered welfare reforms as part of a package intended to substitute for political change. The nascent Mauritian Labour Party used its links to the British Labour Party to apply additional pressure on the Colonial Office and, hence, the Governor in Mauritius. Welfare reform was stalled, however, by resistance from, initially, the governor and, later, the Colonial Office. It took partial democratisation in 1948 to push the local administration towards reluctant reform. The choice of tax-financed old-age pensions reflected the combination of a small and open economy, the absence of surplus land, poorly organised workers, and an effective state.
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CHANDO ROY, GAUTAM. "Science for children in a colonial context: Bengali juvenile magazines, 1883–1923." BJHS Themes 3 (2018): 43–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bjt.2018.6.
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AbstractIn a period of anti-colonial political struggle and conservative reaction against liberal social reform in India, a band of Bengali men and women reached out to children through magazines with the intention of moulding them so that they would grow up to aid their nation's material progress and uphold a society bereft of colonial indignities and traditional injustices. Integral to this agenda was the attempt to explain the physical world scientifically to them, to make them knowledgeable, and to forge them into rational beings capable of looking at society critically. They wished the young to harbour a compassionate attitude towards nature, but they characterized the modern Western scientific way of knowing about the physical world as the only one worth imbibing, thereby infusing in children a bias against all who thought and lived otherwise. This science instruction was the endeavour of the avant-garde, an iconic hegemonic milieu that left its imprint in social reform and political struggle in colonial Bengali society for a long time.
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Thi Thanh Hai, DUONG, and DUONG Thi Kim Oanh. "ACTIVITIES OF PRIVATE SCHOOLS IN CENTRE ANNAM FROM 1917 TO 1945." Vinh University Journal of Science 53, no. 1B (March 20, 2024): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.56824/vujs.2023b163.
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Under the French colonial period, in addition to the public school system, the French government has allowed the opening of many private schools to serve political goals and meet the learning needs of the people. To contribute to clarify the current situation of private schools in Annam during the French colonial period, based on documents of the French government including Decrees, Yearbook Reports, statistical documents... the article focuses on clarifying the The colonial government's private education policy from the second educational reform (1917 to 1945), at the same time restoring the private school system in Annam in terms of schools, programs, and studies, etc. On that basis, the author presents a few comments on private education in Annam since the second educational reform (from 1917 to 1945) and compare it with private education in Tonkin, Cochinchina during the same study period.
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Home, R. W. "The Royal Society and the Empire: The colonial and Commonwealth Fellowship Part 2. After 1847." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 57, no. 1 (January 22, 2003): 47–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2003.0196.
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In the first part of this paper I provided a systematic historical analysis of the election of residents of Britain's colonial territories to The Royal Society of London in the period before the reform of the Society's rules in 1847. Residents of the colonies were always eligible for election on the Home List and significant numbers of Fellows were elected on the basis of colonial careers. In the present paper the analysis is extended to reveal the changing pattern of elections from different parts of the Empire after 1847. After the reform of 1847, election came to be regarded as the ultimate accolade that could be bestowed on a scientist working in the colonies, as it did for scientists working in Britain. The Society thus came to function as the linchpin of an Empire-wide system of scientific patronage and reward that helped to keep colonial science firmly bound to that of the metropolis. By preserving its rules unchanged, even after the breaking up of the Empire after World War II, the Society helped Britain to retain a degree of cultural hegemony, so far as science was concerned, over its former colonial territories, long after they achieved political independence.
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Crecelius, Daniel, and Michael J. Reimer. "Colonial Bridgehead: Government and Society in Alexandria, 1807-1882." American Historical Review 104, no. 1 (February 1999): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650351.
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Bannister, Jerry. "The Campaign for Representative Government in Newfoundland." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 5, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031071ar.
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Abstract This paper examines the campaign for an elected assembly in Newfoundland, granted in 1832, and challenges established views of the Colony's reform movement. In the early nineteenth century reformers repeatedly appealed for a local legislature, but their efforts met with limited success in the face of opposition from both merchants and government officials. However, fuelled by concerns over taxation, the reform movement transformed in 1828 into a viable coalition for representative government. In London the reformers overcame the government's intransigence through a strategy designed to gain support in Parliament and to undermine the Colonial Office. An analysis of the rhetoric employed in local meetings and petitions, as well as in Parliamentary debates, suggests that an assertive press and an inclusive public discourse played crucial roles in the reform movement's ability to embrace disparate socio-economic interests.