Journal articles on the topic 'Societies (National and patriotic)'
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Suslov, Aleksei, Irina Belova, and Elena Litinskaya. "Legal and civil patriotic education in Russia university as a factor of sustainable development societies." E3S Web of Conferences 295 (2021): 05011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202129505011.
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The article analyzes the problem of forming patriotism and citizenship during the period of students ’ education in higher educational institutions. Educational work is considered as an integral part of the educational activity of a higher educational institution. The goals and objectives of legal and civil patriotic education, its role in the formation of a fullfledged citizen and patriot of their country are formulated. The article reveals the successful experience of individual educational institutions in organizing mass events of a civil-patriotic orientation among students, as well as the difficulties and problems in conducting them. Special attention is paid to the experience of the Kazan National Research Technological University.
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Hahner. "The National Committee of Patriotic Societies and the Aesthetics of Propaganda." Rhetoric and Public Affairs 17, no. 1 (2014): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.17.1.0035.
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Hazizova, Olena. "STATE APPROACHES TO THE FORMATION OF NATIONAL VALUES OF UKRAINIAN YOUTH: SECURITY DIMENSION." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 29 (2021): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.29.7.
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The study is focused on determining the priorities of state policy in the field of national-patriotic education of students by forming a Ukrainian identity based on the national values of the Ukrainian people. Today, under the conditions of military aggression of the Russian Federation and information and psychological influence, the imposition of alien identity, Ukraine observes active changes in the public consciousness, in the system of values, ideals, and the spread of patriotic sentiments. Legislative initiatives aimed at strengthening the Ukrainian society‘s national value and semantic identities play an important role in this process. The formation of national-patriotic values of student youth should become a priority of state policy, as young people are the most active part of the Ukrainian population. Young people, being in the constant dynamic development of the value-emotional sphere, act as a driving force, impacting by their views the development of the Ukrainian statehood. The Strategy of National-Patriotic Education, approved by the Decree of the President of Ukraine dated May 18, 2019, No 286/2019, is based on the idea of strengthening Ukrainian statehood as a consolidating factor in the development of the society, formation of patriotism, and establishment of national values. However, the article draws attention to the insufficient reflection of humanitarian issues, in particular the role of national values in the formation of national interests and goals in the strategic security documents of Ukraine. Among the problems to be addressed, the Concept of the State Targeted Social Program of National-Patriotic Education for the period till 2025 indicates the unsystematic nature of forming an active civic position for the establishment of the citizens‘ national identity based on the spiritual values of the Ukrainian people, national identity, as well as low development of patriotic, military-patriotic, and spiritual-moral education. Thus, the strengthening of national value and semantic dominants in developing and implementing a holistic national policy of national and patriotic education of students will contribute to the unity and consolidation of the Ukrainian society under today‘s challenges and threats.
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Perga, Tetiana. "National-Patriotic Education of Ukrainian Youth in the CYM Ranks in Canada and Australia (1950’s – 1960’s)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.06.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the positive experience of the Ukrainian diaspora in the implementation of national-patriotic education of youth in the 1950s and 1960s. The task of the research is to compare the situation in the countries located on different continents – Canada and Australia. The object of the research is the activities of the Union of Ukrainian Youth – SUM. This scientific problem has still remains the “white spot” in the Ukrainian studies. It has proved that the concept of national-patriotic education of the youth formed in Canada in the 1950s-1960s on the initiative of political migrants of the third wave of Ukrainian emigration. Great role in this process played WCFU. This determined the necessity to prepare the potential human resources for the struggle with the Soviet totalitarian regime: future fighters had to identify themselves with Ukrainian nation, love Ukraine and want its independence. The tasks of the Ukrainian educational system, the purpose of the educational ideal of Ukrainians in the diaspora, the main principles and directions of national-patriotic education has investigated. The main institutions that were to implement them have identified, such as following: church, school, family, youth organizations, cultural and educational societies. It have concluded that the main principles of national and patriotic education of Ukrainians were realized in both countries, and much attention was paid in this context to the development of Ukrainian schooling, preserving and spreading of Ukrainian culture, camps. In spite of significant difficulties, in the 1950s-1960s CYM СUM activities in Canada and Australia have brought a number of positive results. In particular, it promoted the unity of Ukrainian youth, the education of patriotism, self-identification, and continuity of traditions of national liberation struggle. At the same time, the nature of the measures implemented in these countries determined by the peculiarities of living in the countries of the new settlement, the size of the diaspora and its financial resources. In this context, CYM activities in Canada was more complex.
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Dzyra, Olesia. "RELATIONS BETWEEN UKRAINIAN PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS IN CANADA IN 1918–1939: CONFLICTS ON IDEOLOGICAL AND CONFESSIONAL GROUND." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 24 (2019): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.24.12.
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The article describes the division of the Ukrainian community of Canada in the interwar period into a number of public and political organizations. The focus is on the national and patriotic bloc, which opposed the communist one. The basis of this bloc constituted liberal the Ukrainian self-reliance league of Canada, nationalist the Ukrainian war veterans association in Canada, the Ukrainian national federation of Canada, conservative the Ukrainian catholic brotherhood of Canada, and the United hetman organization. The basis of the various conflicts in the bloc, including differences in ideological postulates of liberal, nationalist and conservative societies and views on the religion of Orthodox and Greek Catholics who were members of the organizations mentioned above are analyzed in the study. It is described how opposing parties resisted against each other, and what role the press played in those conflicts. The article also enlightens attempts of agreements between public organizations and mentions joint actions to support the Ukrainian issue in the world. The common goal could reconcile the national and patriotic public associations at the time of the formation of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee on November 7, 1940, which marked a new stage in the social and political life of the Ukrainian Diaspora, as it was emphasized in the article. The reasons that hindered Ukrainian societies from reaching a mutually acceptable consensus and promoted further aggravation of relations were elucidated. The main consequences of conflicts in the environment of national and patriotic public organizations were identified, namely how it was reflected in the social and political life of the Ukrainian diaspora during the interwar period, how it was perceived by the ruling circles of Canada, and how it was used by the communist groups.
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Yanchuk, Dmytro. "NATIONAL PATRIOTIC EDUCATION OF FUTURE SPECIALISTS IN THE FIELD OF PHYSICAL CULTURE AND SPORTS IN A NEW HISTORICAL MEANING." Academic Notes Series Pedagogical Science 1, no. 204 (October 2022): 236–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2415-7988-2022-1-205-236-241.
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The article is devoted to the problem of national-patriotic education of future specialists in the field of physical culture and sports in a new historical understanding. The urgency of the problem is determined by society's need for a self-sufficient, responsible individual who is able to participate in public life, to show social activity and initiative, to be aware of his role in the life of the state, to be devoted to its interests and ready to protect it. In formulating and substantiating the problem of nationally patriotic education of future specialists in physical culture and sports, we determine the relevance of the problem, determine what value orientations and civic self-awareness are formed in future specialists in the field, what regulatory and legal support we are guided by, and announce new approaches and ways to nationally patriotic education. We analyze the latest research and publications on the topic of national and patriotic education of future specialists in physical culture and sports in a new historical understanding. In the purpose and presentation of the main material of the research, we determine the formation of the readiness of future specialists in the field of physical culture and sports through the system of national and patriotic values, we understand what factors affect the process of formation, we analyze and can compare the survey in August 2022 (Sociological group "Rating" within the framework of the Seventeenth national survey) in the conditions of war with a sociological study within the framework of the "Concept of the nationwide targeted social program of patriotic education of the population" (2012) regarding various markers of patriotism of Ukrainians, etc. The process of national-patriotic education of future specialists in the field of physical culture and sports should be anticipatory in nature, correspond to the age and sensitive periods of the specialist's development and personal characteristics, and be based on spiritual and moral principles.
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CHURA, Vasil. "Lviv as a Center of National Revival During the Period of “Perestroika”." Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, no. 22 (July 14, 2022): 138–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2021.22.3705.
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At the turn of 1980s the Communist Party leadership dared to introduce a policy of “perestroikaˮ as a way to preserve Russia's political monopoly in a multinational country, the principles of which had been significantly shaken. However, the “perestroikaˮ was unsuccessful attempt to install democratic tools and the elements of a market economy into the autocratic Soviet background and its planned economy. This unnatural synthesis led to a partial weakening of the political regime in the country, which manifested itself in the form of a policy of publicity. It made the numerous communist crimes of the past decades, carefully concealed by the Communist Party publicly available and began the process of demolishing the Communist Party doctrine in general and communist structures in particular. For centuries, patriotic Lviv was one of the first cities in the USSR to perceive “perestroikaˮ not as a democratic renewal, but as an opportunity for Ukrainian national revival. In 1986–1987, “informalˮ societies appeared in the city. All of them came under the control of pro-Russian communist and Komsomol organizations in the city. However, the debating historical, cultural and artistic activities of the young “informalsˮ were filled with national content by semi-legal human rights unions, which advocated depriving the Communist Party of a monopoly on political power in the USSR and thus restoring Ukraine's state independence. The synchronization of the activities of “informalsˮ and human rights activists gradually transformed them into non-communist-controlled national organizations, whose program goals took on anti-communist features and whose activities gave rise to the first street protests. The key feature of 1989 was the rapid politicization of national societies, which lost their “informal” features and accepted the demands of the patriotic public of Lviv. This process resulted in strikes and “rally marathons, which turned the democratic movement into a national one and gave it liberating features. In 1990, the national societies of Lviv became the basis for the consolidation as well as the foundation of political parties that deprived the Communists of power in the city before the collapse of the USSR and the restoration of state independence of Ukraine. At this stage, the national movement was so politicized that it acquired pronounced state-building features. The final stage of Lviv's national revival was 1991. Patriotic citizens, led by political parties, were ready to repel the State Committee of Emergency Situations and were preparing for an indefinite political strike. After the failure of the coup in the USSR, the Lviv national authorities deprived Communist Parties of property and put this organization outside the law.
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Medjedovic, Janko, and Boban Petrovic. "Predictors of party evaluation in post-conflict society: The case of Serbia." Psihologija 46, no. 1 (2013): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi1301027m.
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The goal of present study is to increase understanding of evaluation of political parties by exploring their relations with dispositional constructs conceptually related to political behavior. These are: personality traits, social attitudes and the Ethos of conflict, which emerges from protracted violent conflict between societies. The conflict examined in this study involves Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. Principal components analysis conducted on parties? preferences isolated two dimensions which can be broadly interpreted as Socio-liberal and National-conservative orientation. Regression analyses have shown that these two dimensions are explained mostly by the Ethos of conflict, followed by social attitudes and personality traits. Personality traits of Honesty and Originality predict evaluation towards Socio-liberal parties. High patriotism and a positive evaluation of one?s own nation characterize supporters of National-conservative parties, while Socio-liberal participants have low patriotic attitudes and do not consider that the aims of Serbian politics in Kosovo automatically exclude the Kosovo Albanian aims.
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García-Bryce, Iñigo. "Politics By Peaceful Means: Artisan Mutual Aid Societies in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Lima, 1860-1879." Americas 59, no. 3 (January 2003): 325–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0010.
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In July 1866, Lima conducted its independence celebrations with great fanfare. The festivities began at the main portal of the walled city, where the members of various patriotic associations gathered to celebrate Independence Day. The participants included the Sociedad de Fundadores de la Independencia, the veteran corps from both the Independence Wars and from the recent war with Spain, the national fire brigades, and the members of an artisan society named the Sociedad de Artesanos de Auxilios Mutuos. Together they sang the national anthem while standing at the foot of a Tree of Liberty, a republican symbol dating back to the French Revolution. They subsequently marched into the city, thus initiating two days of celebrations that included fireworks displays and an intricate reenactment, in Lima's central plaza, of the recent naval combat with Spain. In the course of the ceremonies, two artisans were presented with prizes, one for the most outstanding piece of craftsmanship (in the 1866 celebration the prize was won by Vicente Pedraza for making an organ) and the other for the artisan who had shown the most bravery during the recent military encounter with Spain. The prizes were in the amount of 200 soles. At another point in the celebrations the Chief of the Artisan Fire Brigade gave a patriotic speech and following the speech a young girl offered the President Mariano Ignacio Prado a laurel wreath in the name of the artisans.
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Assev, Sergey Yu, and Yaroslava Yu Shashkova. "Factors in the Formation of Patriotic Values and Attitudes in High School Seniors (Case Study of Siberian Federal District)." Integration of Education 26, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 559–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/1991-9468.108.026.202203.559-578.
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Introduction. The issue of patriotism tends to be one of the most discussed in official discourse on the Russian youth. Still the issue lacks explicit conceptual interpretation and consistent mechanism of implementation at different levels. The article aims at evaluating the scope of influence of the specifics of the regions, their socio-cultural, informational and institutional environment on the way senior school children understand patriotism, the type of patriotism dominating their conscience and their attitude to patriotic education in Russia. Materials and Methods. The article draws on the surveys of the pupils of 8th–11th grades of secondary schools in 10 regions of Siberian Federal District (n =2 050 people; non-linked quota samples with monitoring age, grade, type of locality and region). The data were collected through direct questionnaires at the respondentsʼ place of study. Results. The article has revealed prevailing emotional interpretation of patriotism by senior school children. The model of “blind” patriotism and its activity-orientated interpretation are wide-spread among school children of national republics, while “constructive” patriotism is spread among school children of administrative regions. The factors determining this split are peculiarities of the environment, values, current and prospective political involvement of the youth, the level of its trust for social and political institutions. The article has traced the influence of the dominant models of patriotism and the degree of school children involvement into the system of patriotic education on their attitude to this system, their evaluation of its forms and methods. Based on the conducted survey the article has proved the consistency of applying models of “constructive” and “blind” patriotism to composite societies on both a country and a region level. Discussion and Conclusion. The conclusions and the materials of the research can be useful for state departments of youth policy, youth social and political organizations, institutions of education as well as for research in politics and sociology of youth.
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Kvas, Olena, and Magdalyna Marushka. "Teaching Ukrainian folk dances to children and youth in Galicia (1919–1939)." Visnyk of Lviv University. Series Pedagogics, no. 35 (2021): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vpe.2021.35.11310.
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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of teaching Ukrainian folk dances to children and youth in Galicia (1919-1939), when it was important to preserve national identity, and the study of folk choreography was one of the means of national-patriotic education and cultural development. The authors argue that the interest in folk dance was revived under the influence of a choreographer Vasyl Avramenko’s performing skills and pedagogical activity. Vasyl Avramenko ystematized the theory and practice of folk dances teaching and opened the first school of Ukrainian national dances. The school functioned in various cities of Galicia. It is emphasized the role of cultural, educational and sports societies and organizations in popularizing the art of folk dance among children and youth. Thus, folk dances were taught at various courses, clubs and societies such as «Prosvita», «Ukrainska Zakhoronka», “Ridna shkola”, gymnastics societies «Sokil», «Luh» etc. It is discovered that at concerts on various holidays children and youth performed Ukrainian folk dances and music performances based on folk motifs interpreted by Vasyl Avramenko, Oksana Sukhoverska, Volodymyr Terletskyi, Yaroslav Bulka, Petro Lazoryshchak and other choreographers. The most popular folk dances were: «Kolomyika», «Arkan», «Kateryna», «Chumak», «Kozachok», «Hopak», «Zhuravel». Dancers performed them solo, in pairs or in groups. Although the methodolody of dance teaching was not systematized and well-developed, students developed a sense of rhythm and harmony, grace, plasticity, artistry. This was confirmed by numerous positive reviews on the performances of young Ukrainian dancers in the press of the time. Keywords: folk dance, folk dance courses, cultural and educational organizations, youth societies.
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Bevzyuk, Y., and O. Tabanyukhova. "Early Intellectual Institutions of the Scientific and Academic Phase of the Czech National Revival." Problems of World History, no. 10 (February 27, 2020): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-4.
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The article deals with the process of formation of the Czech national identity, a distinctive phenomenon that has combined ethnic originality and the common flow of formation of European nations. As a large-scale European phenomenon of the period of formation of nations, this process was a multifaceted and multilayered social movement. The latter defined not only the cultural, social and political conditions of the modern nations and states, but also their national ideas, which have continued shaping the real content of the modern European history. As a matter of fact, the formation of the modern quality of the Czech society largely depended on educational intellectual societies, scientific and educational institutions and public organisations that generated the elements of intellectualisation of the public, formed an independent personality, promoted the cultivation of a civic duty. In general, the activities of early academic institutions were not just a changing subject in the political complex of the imperial cultural architecture. Early Czech patriotic institutions served as catalysts for the process of modernisation of national consciousness. At the same time, they remained Zemsky institutions with a small readership, and, of course, in some way, this reduced the intensity of the national process. Taking into account the linguistic basis of the formation of the scientific and patriotic Czech institutions, the fact, that all of them have gained experience of public education, should be emphasized; the process of spiritual institutionalisation of the "third state" was initiated, the linguistic ideologeme of the Czech National Revival grew stronger and later became part of political programmes of future national Czech parties.
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Shi, Yudan, Eric King Man Chong, and Baihe Li. "Chinese civic education being globalised." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 15, no. 1 (May 7, 2019): 37–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-11-2018-0016.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to compare the curriculum developments of civic education in three emerging Chinese societies: China and two Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macao, which are increasingly under the impacts of globalisation in this information world. Design/methodology/approach The analytical method is used and the following are identified: active and global civic education-related learning units and key themes and main contents in official curriculum guidelines and updated textbooks related to civic education. Findings A major finding is that elements of both active and global citizenship, such as participation in the community and understanding about the world and thus forming multiple identities, can be found alongside their emphasis on enhancing national citizenship. Thus, ideas of global citizenship and multiple levels of citizenship from local, national to global start to develop in these three Chinese societies. Social implications The implications of such findings of both active and global citizenship, as well as multiple identities, found in these three Chinese societies could be huge for informing civic literature and sociological point of views, in particular, pointing to the next generations receiving a broadened and transcended notion of multiple levels of citizenship, apart from local and national citizenship. Originality/value The significance of this paper is that it argues that ideas of active citizenship in terms of community participation and global citizenship have been found in China, Hong Kong and Macao civic education curriculum and textbooks because of the expectations placed on students to compete in a globalized world, though national citizenship and patriotic concerns have been primary concerns. Globalisation makes the world society by impacting on these three Chinese societies for active and global citizenship, though they still retain their particular curricular focusses.
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Erina, Yu I., T. K. Kim, G. A. Kuzmenko, and A. V. Kravchenko. "The Ideological Basis of Sports, Military-Sports Training and Patriotic Education of Russian Schoolchildren in the Reflection of the Conceptual Lines of Mentors’ Worldview." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 3/1 (June 30, 2023): 240–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2023-3-240-255.
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The article reveals personal ideological grounds for conducting educational activities in sports, military-sports training and patriotic education of Russian schoolchildren. The worldview positions of teachers-mentors are revealed, the pedagogical characteristics of the categories “military-sports training” and “patriotic education” are given, their content directions and the problems of recruiting teenagers and youth for classes in the Centers are determined; the goals and targets of the individual for military-sports training are highlighted, the tasks are specified; the Centers range of activities and the vision of the prospects for cooperation with educational, public organizations (Russian Army, Air Force and Navy Volunteer Society; sports societies), executive authorities, uniformed agencies, military units in the Russian Federation subjects are presented, taking into account probable difficulties in communicating with teenagers, boys, girls; the vectors of education, teaching, upbringing, development of those involved are determined with the characteristic of expected results of the mentor’s professional work, psychological and activity portrait of the shaped military-sports pedagogical and student team; features of transferring the experience by those involved in the Center for military sports training and patriotic education to their peers are characterized; requests for material and technical support are systematized taking into account the regional characteristics of the Centers’ organization, national and cultural issues, climatic and territorial conditions for the activities implementation.
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Klay Kieh, George. "Warlords, Politicians and the Post-First Civil War Election in Liberia." African and Asian Studies 10, no. 2-3 (2011): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921011x586979.
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AbstractThe issue of post-conflict elections has become one of the major areas in both the scholarly literature and in policy circles. This is because post-conflict elections are considered critical to the peacebuilding process in war-torn societies. The rationale is that post-conflict elections can be used to address the vexing problem of choosing the leadership for states recovering from war. With the leadership chosen in the context of free, fair and transparent elections, it can then shepherd the arduous process of rebuilding the society. In this vein, using the first post-conflict election in Liberia as a case study, this article examines the electoral landscape, and the factors that led to the Taylor-led National Patriotic Party (NPP) winning a landslide victory.
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Miller, David, and Sundas Ali. "Testing the national identity argument." European Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (June 17, 2013): 237–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773913000088.
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The national identity argument holds that a shared national identity is necessary to motivate citizens in democratic societies to pursue a number of goals, especially social justice. We review the empirical evidence for and against this claim, looking particularly at how national identities have been measured. We distinguish between studies that aim to compare the relative strength of identities cross-nationally and those that look at individual differences within one nation. We separate four dimensions of national identity: national attachment, national pride, critical vs. uncritical patriotism, and civic vs. cultural conceptions of identity. These are only weakly correlated with each other, and impact differently on support for social justice and the welfare state. Using case studies from the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom, we suggest that the relationship between national identity and social justice varies between societies, and that a key factor is finding an appropriate balance between the strength of such identities and their inclusiveness.
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Gantsev, Sh Kh, A. M. Belyaev, V. V. Starinsky, E. R. Ivanova, and Sh R. Kzyrgalin. "Establishment of the Russian Oncology Service after the Great Patriotic War." Creative surgery and oncology 10, no. 2 (July 26, 2020): 162–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24060/2076-3093-2020-10-2-162-170.
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Oncology was officially acknowledged as a separate branch of medical science 75 years ago. Historically, it was landmarked by Order No. 323 of the People’s Commissariat for Health of the USSR of April 30, 1945 “On efforts to improve national oncology care”. This decision triggered deployment of a network of oncological institutions that covered almost the entire country in relatively short time and persists today. Aside to rapid revival of existing cancer institutions, new research centres for oncology and radiology, cancer dispensaries and rooms were being set up to gear universal and comprehensive case archival, due-time tumour diagnostics and vocational training, along with manifold other measures to contain cancer. A milestone event was the erection of the Oncological Society in 1954 by the Scientific Council Presidium of the USSR Ministry of Health. The Moscow and All-Union oncological societies contributed greatly to establishment of the Oncology Service and promoted the prestige of Soviet oncology, professional activity in the Union’s republics and overall effectiveness against cancer. Involvement of outstanding scientists, leading oncologists and healthcare decision makers in fostering the Oncology Service cannot be overstated. Today, a progress is made towards understanding the roots of cancer, supply of medical institutions with state-of-the-art equipment, implementation of effective diagnostic and therapy practices. Nevertheless, as yet timely remain further enhancement of preventive medicine, deployment of regional programs for cancer monitoring, education and higher-level professional training, remodelling of diagnostics and care in specialised oncological and primary medical institutions, creation of a unified system for prevention, earlier diagnosis and treatment of cancer.
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Tserkovnyk, S. I. "Legal basis for the regulation and functioning of youth sports and educational organizations in Eastern Galicia from 1848 to 1939." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, no. 81 (March 27, 2024): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2024.81.1.15.
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The Prosvita Society in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries played a key role in the formation and development of the Ukrainian cultural and educational sphere in Eastern Galicia. Its activities were based on historical and legal principles that determined its purpose, tasks and organisational structure. The main goal of Prosvita was to raise the educational and cultural level of Ukrainians. Its activities were based on the idea of national and cultural consciousness and self-awareness. It also promoted the creation of an extensive network of societies covering different segments of the population. This allowed for the formation of a united community that understood national needs and aspirations. She actively worked on the Ukrainisation of the school system and the promotion of the Ukrainian language in the educational process. «Prosvita» initiated and supported the creation of various public, educational, cultural and other organisations, such as «Selskii Hospodar», «Maslosoyuz», «Narodna Torgovlya», «Ridna Shkola», «Ruska Besida», «Union of Ukrainian Women», «Sokil», «Sich», «Plast», «Luh» and many others. It played a prominent role in the national liberation movement, in which Prosvita was considered one of the main institutions that fostered patriotic feelings and national consciousness among Ukrainians. The organisational structure of Prosvita helped to unite Ukrainians into a strong and well-organised community that was ready for self-determination and national revival. It actively worked to preserve and develop Ukrainian culture and identity, supporting Ukrainian traditions and language. A number of student organisations, such as the Ukrainian Student Society Sich, Academic Circle, Druh, Druzhnyi Lichvar, Academic Brotherhood, Vatra, Academic Community, Osnova, and Ukrainian Student Union, demonstrate the diversity and multilayered nature of the Ukrainian student movement. They worked on the basis of the leading higher education institutions of Lviv, such as Lviv University and Lviv Polytechnic. On the eve of the Second World War, in the western part of Ukraine, particularly in Galicia, there were a significant number of youth associations that were united into county unions. These associations ranged in size from 10 to 30 local societies and performed various functions in the fields of sports, culture, and education. At the end of May 1933, there were 109 unions in Galicia, uniting 12 county and 254 local societies. Their membership totalled 13,245 people. The societies were actively engaged in various activities such as football, volleyball, skiing, drama, and other types of cultural and educational events.
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Bagriy, Maria. "ГРОМАДСЬКО-ПОЛІТИЧНА ДІЯЛЬНІСТЬ ТА НАЦІОСОФІЯ ВАСИЛЯ СТЕФАНИКА ЯК ОСНОВА ДЕРЖАВНИЦЬКОЇ ІДЕОЛОГІЇ." Mountain School of Ukrainian Carpaty, no. 24 (June 1, 2021): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/msuc.2021.24.28-30.
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The article is dedicated to Vasyl Stefanyk, who not only wrote a bright page in the history of national literature, representing the literary process of its western region, but also significantly contributed to the formation of Ukrainian national education.The writer actively raised issues of education, social struggle, and political confrontations in his work and voiced them in the pages of contemporary periodicals, expanded his creative contacts with Ukrainian periodicals, intensified his activities as a publicist, which actually contributed to the rapid development of Ukrainian journalism. imprint of pedagogization: reflected the problems of development of the Ukrainian school, raised topical issues of national education, included works of modern authors and writers of the past, covering the heroic and patriotic theme, ie Ukrainian periodicals fulfilled its social function - to awaken the people of the region. consciousness of children, youth and adults, «enlightened» them, and so on. These works of Stefanyk were closely connected and caused by their active civil position.The article presents the term «national philosophy», which was introduced into the scientific lexicon in the 1930s by the Ukrainian sociologist, political scientist and ethnologist of Polish-Lithuanian origin O.-I. Bochkovsky. Having singled out nationalism as «pure science», O. Bochkovsky also included the philosophy of the nation, which he called «national philosophy», in the competence of the latter. It must become a «method of sociological typology and characterology» of nations. According to the scientist, the competence of national philosophy «includes the clarification of the problems of the nation from the ideological and philosophical point of view, therefore, the scientific coverage of issues such as nation and humanity, cosmopolitanism, internationalism and nationalism. Vasyl Stefanyk's socio-political achievements became more accessible to people through Ukrainian periodicals, served as a means of educating national consciousness, patriotism, love for the native land, opened a treasury of oral folk art, formed a sense of pride in belonging to the great "Russian people". This journalism even served as a didactic material for educational initiatives of Ukrainian public societies in the field of adult education.
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Jurek, Tomasz, and Agnieszka Połaniecka. "Physical education and sports in Polish education in Germany in the years 1918–1939." Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe 6, no. 4 (2023): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/sit.2023.04.02.
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Between 1918 and 1939, Germany had a Polish population of about 1.5 million. Most Poles lived in Silesia, East Prussia, the central part of the country, Rhine-Westphalia and the eastern borderlands. One of the forms of patriotic activity to avoid assimilation was physical education, sports, tourism and recreation, the gymnastic movement within the framework of the Gymnastic Society “Sokol”. An important role in this national activity was played by Polish education in Germany. Educational affairs were handled by the Union of Polish School Societies, established in 1922. Among many subjects, physical education classes and extracurricular sports activities were very popular. In the years 1918–1939, a real battle for Polish school in Germany with physical education classes and after school activities took place. This struggle affected mainly the Polish- German borderland and in this particular area the sport activities were also the most visible ones. Physical education had a utilitarian and a preventative role, but the Polish activists also laid an emphasis on the high standards of the physical education classes and after school activities that were very often educational and patriotic. All primary school students took part in obligatory physical education classes and additional after school activities. It should be noted that all students of Polish schools in Germany attended compulsory physical education lessons.
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Boiko, Svitlana. "EDUCATIONAL STRATEGIES IN THE CREATION OF MODERN UKRAINIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY: FROM THE TOTALITARIAN CONFLICT TO THE EUROPEAN DIALOG." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 23 (2018): 112–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2018.23.18.
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The article studies the problem of forming Ukrainian national identity of the Ukrainian citizens, which becomes crucial in the modern Ukrainian studies discourse, especially during the opposition to the hybrid war initiated by Russia against Ukraine. The formation of a national identity is a decisive socio-cultural trend not only for Ukraine, but for the whole of the modern world. The urgency and importance of this problem is expressed in the fact that for some societies, the crisis of national identity has become such forms and scales that overcoming it means not only the choice of an adequate strategy for development, but also becomes a problem of survival. The attention is drawn to the fact that since the establishment of the new Ukrainian state in 1991, Ukrainians haven’t managed to overcome Russian identity with its “friendship of nations” and great Russian culture. The majority of citizens in the new country have preserved the distorted understanding of their own history and state traditions, related to the historical myths and a pantheon of historical heroes and traitors. It is determined that our state must construct its own policy of shaping Ukrainian national identity, which must be implemented in the system of education and upbringing of the younger generation. This context requires giving credence to the researchers’ opinion about the priority of education as the key factor for shaping modern Ukrainian national identity, which serves as the base for the national development, national security, and consolidation of the Ukrainian society. It is with education that modern scholars associate the implementation of the state policy of preserving the united socio-cultural space of Ukraine, the formation of a value system, genuine citizenship and patriotism, the formation of a consolidation of society and Ukrainian national identity. Today, the Ukrainian education is undertaking a journey from de-ideologization and humanization to the national focus on the European vector of transformations. Special attention is paid to the educational strategies: National Education Development Strategy for 2012–2021, Strategy of National and Patriotic Education of Children and Youth for 2016–2020, «Ukraine 2020» Sustainable Development Strategy, etc.
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Vasilyeva, Oksana. "THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONAL IDEAS OF T. SHEVCHENKO ON THE UKRAINIAN CHORAL CYLTURE OF THE LATE XIX – EARLY XX CENTURIES." 1 1, no. 1 (September 2020): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.34142/27091805.2020.1.01.01.
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Object. The objective of this article is studying the influence of T. Shevchenko’s national ideas on the development of student choir movement in Ukraine during the period of the late ХІХ and early XX centuries. Methods. The traditional historical and pedagogical research methods were used in the work: analytical, historical and comparative, retrospective, comparative analysis of scientific and pedagogical literature, archival documents, educational materials. Results of the scientific research show that the problem of youth national education has attracted many people of arts and culture such as F. Prokopovych, O. Duhnovych, M. Dragamanov, M. Grushevsky. It is still in the center of attention of contemporary scientists in the field of theory and practice of higher school pedagogic – O. Vyshnevsky, O. Lubar, O. Morozov, Y. Rudenko, M. Stelmahovych, M. Shkil. Nevertheless, the ideas of student youth national education by means of choir music on Shevchenko’s lyrics have not been the subject of consolidated historical and pedagogical research. Summarizing theoretical studies in literature, the author highlighted the main postulates of Shevchenko`s national creed – this are patriotism, revolt against national slavery and political pressure, struggle for national independence, extermination of the national inferiority psychology, defense of national interests, national language, and culture. According to the historical and pedagogical analysis of the chosen period choral groups/choirs have proved to be the centers of youth national education. They were created at universities (Kyiv, Kharkov, Odessa), gymnasiums, educational and musical societies («Prosvita», «Boyan», «Torban», «Ukrainsky club»). Leading Ukrainian composers and musicians O. Koshyts, M. Leontovych, M. Lysenko, S. Luydkevych, K. Stetsenko, L. Revutsky, Y. Stepovy, Y. Yatsynevych headed the national choir movement and as a rule organized and conducted a great number of choirs at educational institutions. Inspired by T. Shevchenko’s national ideas they made such distinguished choral compositions as musical cycle «Music for Kobzar by T. Shevchenko» by M. Lysenko (more than 80 diversepieces of vocal and choral genre), cantata-symphony «Caucuses» by S. Lyunkevych, cantata «Kerchief», «Why are you blackened» by L. Revutsky, «Tara’s night» by Y. Kyshakevych, «Blaze of Lights», «Thickets ways thorns ...» by S. Vorobkevych. Being a part of student’s choir repertoire musical compositions based on Shevchenko’s works raised and promoted the national awareness, patriotism, social ideology, interests to national history. Conclusions. At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, a choral movement was actively developing on Ukrainian lands, led by leading Ukrainian composers and musicians. Inspired by the national-patriotic work of the great Kobzar, they created vivid choral compositions filled with civilian sound. Amateur and student choirs actively promoted Ukrainian choral art, among which works on the words of T. Shevchenko occupied an honorable place, which preserved the national face of the people and filled spiritual voids in the cultural space of the then society.
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Sterkhov, Dmitry. "The Protestant Church and Military Mobilisation in Prussia during the Wars of Liberation in 1813." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019933-4.
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The author analyses the political sermons preached and published by Evangelical pastors during the War of Liberation against Napoleonic France in 1813. The aim of the article is to demonstrate the contribution made by Evangelical clergy to the modernisation of the Prussian military system at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The study is a case study as it analyses the interaction between religion and politics taking the Kingdom of Prussia as a specific example. An analysis of the sources shows that the idea of mass mobilisation in Prussia was disseminated by means of religious reasoning, with preaching being the key tool of military propaganda. Drawing on biblical quotations, Prussian pastors presented the campaign against Napoleon as just, fair, and holy, as it was being waged in the name of God for the sake of all mankind. German national and patriotic values were also declared sacred and worth dying for, although preachers clearly emphasised local religious and dynastic Prussian patriotism. Through sermons, Prussian pastors encouraged the willingness of the population to make material and immaterial sacrifices to save the Prussian/German Fatherland as well as all mankind from Napoleonic tyranny. Thus, the mass mobilisation in Prussia in 1813 went hand in hand with an increase in religiosity. The author concludes that both religion and the church could make a significant contribution to the modernisation of European states and societies in the early nineteenth century.
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Korolchuk, Olena L. "National resilience in democracy: Ukrainian experience." Journal of the National Academy of Legal Sciences of Ukraine 28, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37635/jnalsu.28(2).2021.34-46.
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The actuality and importance of this issue are due to the fact that ensuring resilience of the nation and the country and modern development of democratic societies requires synergistic activities and effective dialogue between public authorities and citizens to understand the problems and needs of the state and society, especially under rapidly changing turbulent conditions. The purpose of this article is to identify the main threats to Ukraine and clarify the definition of national resilience, understanding that the basis of the interface between national security and national resilience is the human perception of these problems, including their relationship to the government and administrative institutions. The leading approach to the study of this issue was content analysis, which allowed to provide the main answers, in accordance with the goal – to identify the main threats and clarify the concept of national resilience; statistical methods were also used – combined methods of data collection and processing, such as generalization and systematization, processing of sociological information, assessment of distribution patterns, graphical method, etc. The article reveals that the main threats to Ukraine among the Ukrainian student youth are considered to be the internal challenges of governing society, external threats to territorial integrity and economic danger; at the same time, we update the concept of national resilience, emphasizing the most commonly used components, such as the ability of nations and countries to successfully overcome internal and external threats, while maintaining patriotic spirit and national identity, given the high level in quality of life in a socially independent country. This article has practical value for rethinking the term “national security” and “national resilience”, according to their characteristics, bringing the quality of the results of this concept to the most satisfactory for both the state and its citizen. Thus, the development of necessary measures of resilience in Ukraine can be directed; the results of the article can be used by scientists, practitioners, government officials, civil society for the development and implementation of this concept in Ukraine and be a basis for further study of this concept in other democracies
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Rusyn, Halyna. "YOUTH PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS AND THEIR ACTIVITIES IN THE CONTEXT OF ETHNIC PEDAGOGICS OF WESTERN UKRAINIANS." Social work and social education, no. 2(7) (September 29, 2021): 278–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2618-0715.2(7).2021.244861.
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This article analyzes the activities of children and youth organizations with a pronounced national pedagogical component. It is noted that the progressive development of these organizations acquired the features of consistency at the turn of the 20th century. Social movement in the student environment is associated with education in many educational institutions in Western Ukraine's school communities. With their help, Ukrainian literary circles, theatres, libraries were created, which, on the one hand, contributed to the youth’s self-education, on the other – reflected the people's pedagogical experience of teaching and upbringing of children accumulated over centuries; student societies often issued their periodicals.
The ethnopedagogical component of the activities of created youth organizations and movements ("Sokil", "Sich", "Plast", "Lugh", Kamenyary”, "Dorist", etc.) is analyzed. People's pedagogical foundations of their activities expressed in moral and ethical principles, included, as a rule, the upbringing of a healthy body and spirit of the young generation of the Ukrainian nation, love for Ukraine, concern for the national honour, the development of a strong character, ability and aptitude for daily work and cohesion. The connection between the content of the activities of youth organizations and movements and the leading ethnopedagogical concepts is highlighted: Family
(these public organizations declared and embodied the enduring value of the Ukrainian family as the most important unit of national education and the formation of a Ukrainian patriotic character), language (all youth societies of the late XIX - early decades of the 20th century were Ukrainian-speaking and considered the Ukrainian language as an indispensable basis for their nationally oriented activities), Faith (each of the youth organizations had representatives of Christian churches, most often - Greek Catholic), Society (each of such organization was itself a community, implemented a social model of functioning and management; the collective nature of decision-making provided youth organizations with wide popularity and respect among the Western Ukrainian national-conscious community).
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Bottoni, Stefano. "Finding the Enemy: Ethnicized State Violence and Population Control in Ceaușescu's Romania." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2017): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00766.
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State violence as a complex system of ideological prescriptions, normative values, and everyday practices has been emerging as a major topic in the study of Soviet-type regimes. Overcoming the Cold War preoccupation with the totalitarian character of these societies, new historiographical approaches put at the center the changing degree of physical and psychological violence. This article sketches the evolution of state violence concepts and practices in Communist-era Romania, focusing on the treatment of the large Hungarian minority in Transylvania. Although Nicolae Ceaușescu's Romania has been largely acknowledged as a special case, incompatible with the overall development of the Soviet bloc, it is possible to apply the model of “civilized violence” and “reliability of expectations” to the specific conditions of the late phase of Romanian national Communism. The most primitive forms of physical violence such as shooting or the savage beating of inmates never disappeared from the power instruments available to the different repressive bodies, but these techniques were supplemented by more refined attempts to encourage social collaboration based on patriotic conviction.
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Becker, Julia C., David A. Butz, Chris G. Sibley, Fiona Kate Barlow, Lisa M. Bitacola, Oliver Christ, Sammyh S. Khan, et al. "What Do National Flags Stand for? An Exploration of Associations Across 11 Countries." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 48, no. 3 (January 12, 2017): 335–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022116687851.
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We examined the concepts and emotions people associate with their national flag, and how these associations are related to nationalism and patriotism across 11 countries. Factor analyses indicated that the structures of associations differed across countries in ways that reflect their idiosyncratic historical developments. Positive emotions and egalitarian concepts were associated with national flags across countries. However, notable differences between countries were found due to historical politics. In societies known for being peaceful and open-minded (e.g., Canada, Scotland), egalitarianism was separable from honor-related concepts and associated with the flag; in countries that were currently involved in struggles for independence (e.g., Scotland) and countries with an imperialist past (the United Kingdom), the flag was strongly associated with power-related concepts; in countries with a negative past (e.g., Germany), the primary association was sports; in countries with disruption due to separatist or extremist movements (e.g., Northern Ireland, Turkey), associations referring to aggression were not fully rejected; in collectivist societies (India, Singapore), obedience was linked to positive associations and strongly associated with the flag. In addition, the more strongly individuals endorsed nationalism and patriotism, the more they associated positive emotions and egalitarian concepts with their flag. Implications of these findings are discussed.
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Lobacheva, Yulia. "Women’s Organizations in Belgrade from the Last Quarter of the Nineteenth to the Early Twentieth Centuries." Central-European Studies 14, no. 5 (2022): 347–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.14.
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This article considers the emergence and activities of women’s organizations in Belgrade from the last quarter of the nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. An attempt is made to show that their features, circumstances of formation, and activity are connected with the history of Serbian society from the second half of the nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. Special attention is paid to the position and particular aspects of the life of Serbian women at that time, as well as the history of women’s education, in the context of which the Women’s Higher School in Belgrade is mentioned. This paper considers the foundation and work of several charitable and charitable patriotic societies and briefly presents the activities of the Serbian National Women’s Union, the Working Women’s Society (Consciousness), and the Secretariat of the Women of the Social Democrats. Attention is drawn to the great role of educated women in the foundation and work of such organizations, who were undoubtedly of outstanding personal qualities, and had the desire and opportunity to work for the benefit of society and the country. The attitude of Belgrade society and the state to their activities is also examined. It is emphasised that the “collective”, patriotic, and heroic principles characteristic of the Serbian worldview manifested in the nature and activities of a number of organizations. This occurred at a time when there were no real internal or external conditions for the development of a movement in favour of changes in the position of women in Serbian society or broadening their rights. The research is based, in particular, on the testimonies of some Russian observers (scholars-Slavists, travellers etc.) who visited or lived in Serbia in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which complement the idea of the overall picture of Serbian and Belgradian life at that time.
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Митрофанов, А. А. "The Idea of the «Nazione Piemontese» in Italian-French political thought. Patriotic discussion of 1799." Диалог со временем, no. 80(80) (December 5, 2022): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.80.80.014.
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Статья посвящена рассмотрению концепта «нации» в политической франко-итальянской публицистике Пьемонта периода Французской революции и французской оккупации. Анализ публицистики 1799 - начала 1800-х гг. показывает, что в дискуссии о судьбе Пьемонта активно участвовали как радикальные, так и умеренные республиканцы, члены различных клубов и обществ. Идея французского правительства и части итальянских республиканцев о присоединении Пьемонта к Французской республике вызвала мощное сопротивление среди интеллектуалов. «Патриоты» 1799 г. рассматривали создание особой Пьемонтской республики как часть проекта будущего объединения Италии. Они обосновывали суверенитет «пьемонтской нации» или «субальпийского народа», апеллируя к чувству местного патриотизма, национальному характеру, языку, истории, традициям и вере. Анализируется влияние, которое оказали пьемонтские интеллектуалы конца XVIII в. на становление традиций политического партикуляризма и местного национализма в революционный период. Отмечается, что идея особой «пьемонтской нации» получила развитие и в публицистике эпохи Наполеоновского господства в Италии. The article is devoted to the consideration of the concept of «nation» in the political thought of Piedmont during the French Revolution and French occupation. Analysis of political writings of 1799 – early 1800s. shows that both radical and moderate Republicans, members of various clubs and societies, actively participated in the discussion about the fate of Piedmont. The idea of the French government and part of the Italian republicans to annex Piedmont to the French Republic provoked strong resistance among intellectuals. The Patriots of 1799 saw the creation of a special Piedmont republic as part of the project for the future unification of Italy. They substantiated the sovereignty of the «Piedmontese nation» or «subalpine people» by appealing to the feeling of local patriotism, national character, language, history, traditions and faith. The influence of the intellectuals of Piedmont in the late 18th century is analyzed on the establishment of traditions of political particularism and local nationalism in the revolutionary period. It is noted that the idea of a special «Piedmont nation» was also developed in the political literature of the era of Napoleonic rule in Italy.
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Ratsul, Oleksandr. "THE INFLUENCE OF CIVIC CULTURE AND VALUE ORIENTATIONS FOR THE FORMATION OF CIVIL SOCIETY." Academic Notes Series Pedagogical Science 1, no. 206 (January 2022): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2415-7988-2022-1-206-69-74.
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Civic education is determined by the process of national revival and is an important means of forming the unity of Ukraine, which is the core of the Ukrainian national idea and involves the unification of different ethnic groups and regions of Ukraine for the purpose of building and improving a democratic state and civil society. The article is devoted to the problem of the formation of civil society in Ukraine, thanks to the influence of civil culture and value orientations, which is extremely relevant. Scientific approaches to the concept of "civic culture", "value orientations" and worldview-psychological characteristics of the individual, humanistic pedagogy, which is conceptually aimed at the harmony of collective and individual elements of civic life, at the culture of a true vision of human relations, understanding the role of each individual in systems are considered. : "citizen - state", "citizen - society". The important role and influence of civil culture on all aspects of the life of societies was revealed, that civil society is a society of citizens with a high level of economic, social, political, cultural and moral traits, which together with the state forms developed legal relations; a society of equal citizens that does not depend on them, but interacts with them for the sake of the public good. The main functions that play a key role in the formation of personality are highlighted, such as: integrative, identification, or self-identification. A function related to the regulation of individual behavior. A function where values play the role of standards or criteria for choosing from available alternatives that are inherent in any situation of human action. It was determined that civic education should be considered in a complex with the main concepts: "civil society", "civic education", "citizen", "citizenship", "civic culture". Civic education is an organic subsystem of national education and is closely related to patriotic education, and civil society is possible only under the condition of "inclusion" in the process of civic education, which involves the creation of new educational systems. Therefore, civic education is aimed at forming conscious citizens, patriots capable of building a democratic civil society in Ukraine.
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KAMENTSEV, Denys. "THE ROLE OF VOLODYMYR SALSKYI IN THE ORGANIZATION UKRAINIAN MILITARY EMIGRATION (1921-1940)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-190-202.
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The study considers the issue of saving the tradition of Ukrainian statehood in emigration, which is essential and challenging in modern historiography. It is noted that the contribution of individuals to the organization of emigrant life, preservation of national culture and identity remains poorly investigated, despite the considerable interest of researchers in its institutional level – the activities of Ukrainian political, public and cultural organizations and societies. At the personal level, on the example of Volodymyr Salskyi, the contribution to the cause of the organization of Ukrainian military emigrants' life was investigated. The basic directions of V. Salskyi's activity regarding preserving the wholeness, structure and combat capability of the UNR's Army, improving the material and living conditions of the former military, increasing their educational level, professional skills (through the organization of various military training courses and training of former UNR officers), as well as supporting the patriotic spirit were analyzed. The strategy and practical steps of V. Salskyi as the Minister of Military Affairs in exile for providing activities of emigrant political and public structures in various foreign centers such as Poland, Czechoslovakia, France, and Bulgaria are presented. In particular, the focus is on personnel policy, the creation of a human intelligence network that not only carried out intelligence assessment in the region but also tried to consolidate Ukrainians, organized their national and cultural life in new places. Keywords Ukrainian military emigration, Volodymyr Salskyi, UNR State Center, UNR Ministry of Military Affairs.
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Qader, Mohammed Mustafa, Ahmad Masum, Rohana Abdul Rahaman, and Abbo Usman. "Ethno-Sectarian Division and the Predicaments of National Integration in Plural Societies." Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2016): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v2i1.17.
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Objective: The purpose of this paper is to examine the problem of sectarianism in Nigeria and Iraq, as both countries provide typical examples of ethno-sectarian divided societies characterized by huge contrasts in social norms and religious values among the citizens.
Methodology: Adopting content analysis, the current paper argues that ethno-sectarianism negatively affects political process in both countries which invariably undermines their effort toward national integration. The paper seeks to answer the following question: will restructuring the Nigerian and Iraqi federal relations contribute to resolving sectarian tensions? First, the paper examines the sources of sectarianism in both countries. The paper therefore examines how ethno-sectarianism shaped and molds the polity of both countries, where ethnic and religious values play major role in determining citizen's reaction to political phenomenon
Results: Coordination mechanisms such as framework legislation and dispute resolution committees are also necessary to ensure that the transition to viable federalism occurs with minimal encumbrance. To respect the complex and diverse identities of nations, safeguards need to be established to protect the rights of sub-federal nations. For example, the political future of Iraq and Nigeria is not a return to failed approaches of division, but rather the construction of a viable modern federal state that promotes unity, political compromise, and consensus building.
Implication: This paper therefore posits that there is a need for deep mental changes and social adjustment among the citizens of both countries where attributes such as tolerance, dignity of human persons and above all patriotism must be re-defined and this requires collaboration between political leaders, community leaders and religious bodies as the problem is societal bound.
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Safonova, O. D. "РОЛЬ ГОСУДАРСТВА В ПРЕОДОЛЕНИИ КРИЗИСА ГРАЖДАНСКОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ: НОРМАТИВНО-ПРАВОВОЙ АСПЕКТ." Konfliktologia 14, no. 4 (February 6, 2020): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2019-14-4-9-27.
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Recognizing the existence of a crisis of civil identity, Russian state proclaims patriotic values an integral part of Russian state policy in documents of strategic importance. The need to educate citizenship and patriotism has ceased to be only a theoretical problem, and has found its embodiment in a large number of federal and regional programs. In comparison with the previous decades, the role and importance of civic identity and civic competence in modern Russia are becoming much more important. The civil competence of the student is formed by education-pedagogically organized purposeful process of development of the student as a person, a citizen, the development and adoption of values, moral attitudes and moral norms of societies. National security strategy of the Russian Federation (2015) relates to Russia's traditional spiritual and moral values: the priority of the spiritual over the material, protecting human life, rights and freedoms of the individual, family, creative work, service to the Fatherland, the norms of morality, humanity, mercy, justice, mutual aid, collectivism, historical unity of the peoples of Russia, the continuity of the history of our country. The formation of the civil identity of the young Russian personality forms with the help of Federal state educational standards of primary General, basic General and secondary General education, so the state policy in overcoming the crisis of civil identity devotes a large number of documents and programs to the field of education. The article attempts to trace how through normative and legal acts the state consistently tries to overcome the crisis of civil identity, identified by the scientific and expert community. Following the authors of state programs and the expert community studying the problems of identity crisis, it is noted in the article that the formation of civil identity is one of the most important conditions for the successful development of the country.
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Aksenov, V. B. "“The War of the Spirit”: A History of Scientific Ideas or Marginal Emotions?" Modern History of Russia 12, no. 2 (2022): 515–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.216.
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This review examines a monograph by Polish historian Maciej Górny that examines the phenomenon of the “war of the spirit” in scientific discourse between 1912 and 1923. The “war of the spirit” is broadly understood as a reflection on national character in the context of the actualization of a clear distinction between one’s community and that of the alien enemy, and narrowly as “an irregular cycle of outbreaks of nationalism in science, each inextricably linked to the horror of war, defeat and violence”. The characters of the book are European intellectuals and the psychological, anthropological, and spiritual characteristics of warring nations, and the role of such sciences as geography, anthropology, psychology, and psychiatry in the “war of the spirit” is revealed. The Polish researcher points out the complex relationship between intellectual concepts and propaganda settings, believing that the phenomenon of “war of the spirit” is broader than the phenomenon of military-patriotic propaganda. The author of the review, while appreciating the work of his Polish colleague, believes that the study conducted within the methodological framework of intellectual history could have benefited if the methodology of the history of emotions had been used. The review points out that many of the marginalized concepts and stereotypes discussed in the book were typical for all strata of the warring societies, were based on archetypal images, and were fueled by emotions running high during the war. The author calls the “war of spirit” a natural state of a society for development of the main characterological images of “their own” and “alien” in the conditions of military and political conflict. Author points out that the concept of an ideological “war of the spirit” does not fully correspond to its content and considers it more accurate to speak of an emotional “war of patriotism”.
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Porshneva, Olga S. "Gender Factor in the Russian Propaganda of the Ally’s Image during World War I." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 24, no. 4 (2022): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2022.24.4.061.
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This article analyses the role of the gender factor in promoting the image of an ally in the conditions of the First World War. The author shows that in the pre-revolutionary period of Russia’s participation in the war, pro-allied propaganda was used as an instrument of patriotic political mobilisation of society. The main plot of such propaganda was the successes of the allies, primarily England and France, in mobilising material and human resources in the interests of the war, and the achievements of those countries in organising the rear. In the publications of the press, gender language was widely used, as well as images of masculinity and femininity as examples of proper male and female participation in the war, and the patriotic efforts of men and women. The concepts of ideal masculinity used in promoting the image of an ally included the ideas of a responsible civic attitude, decisiveness, and energy as the main attributes of a man in the conditions of the “home front” of a new industrial war. Until the February Revolution of 1917, Great Britain served as a model when it came to national mobilisation in the propaganda of the Russian media, and its leaders, like the heads and representatives of the British Empire governments, became personal incarnations of masculinity. In contrast to them, the position of W. Wilson before the US entered the war was viewed as humiliating and humble, which contained negative gender connotations and contradicted the ideal of masculinity. The images of the allied nations’ women played a special role in patriotic mobilisation, embodying selflessness as the traditional ideal of femininity, while simultaneously involving new connotations and meanings associated with the proactive position of women in a new type of war. During the Revolution of 1917, in a situation of growing disillusionment with the war, the propaganda of the mobilisation efforts of the allies ceased to be a popular subject of Russian socio-political discourse. Titanic propaganda efforts undertaken by the allies themselves also failed. The public demand for gender equality actualised by the Revolution manifested itself in the movement to form women’s battalions, which also became a demonstration of the patriotic civic position of women. Despite its predominantly propagandistic rather than military significance, this movement also did not work as an instrument of patriotic mobilisation, showing the persistence of gender stereotypes and society’s weariness from war.
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Munn, Jamie. "Gendered Realities of Life in Post-Conflict Kosovo: Addressing the Hegemonic Man*." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 3 (July 2006): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600766552.
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In 2005, years after an enforced peace was constructed between Serbia and its Albanian-majority province Kosovo, the outcome of a better life for ordinary citizens seemed yet to be fulfilled. However, this was not the most important change in the lives of Kosovars. I will argue that the lives of Kosovars are characterised by a lack of economic growth and the increased importance of the normative concept of the hegemonic man. Kosovars, like many “traditionally” patriarchal societies, have constructed identities of the patriotic man and the exalted childbearing woman as icons of national survival. These designated identities often negate the realities of war-affected communities. The gendered places of man and woman in political reality are marred by the traumatic events of life. Within this framework, I analyze interviews with people who have developed “alternative” identities or, as phrased by Carver, “bonded” senses of self-esteem as a result of viewing themselves as somewhat unable to live up to the iconic emblem. In the context of a continued occupation of the province by both the international bodies assigned to the province and the Serbian state (Kosovo is not yet independent from Serbia), one of the main questions asked by many Kosovars today remains: “What was the war about if not independence and where are the spoils of victory?”
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Romashko, Tatiana. "Biopolitics and Hegemony in Contemporary Russian Cultural Policy." Russian Politics 3, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 88–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00301005.
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Since 2011, Russian ‘licensing civil society’ 1 has predominated through censorship and the restrictive regulation of arts and cultural societies. The current conservative project has turned artistic space into public space, indicating moral abuse and a threat to the spiritual health of the Russian nation. Consequently, the symbolic borders of human creativity and individual freedom in arts and cultural societies have been reduced to patriotism, nationalism and moral deductive functions of the state-approved program. This paper will explore Russian state cultural policy and argue that biopolitics is its mainstream strategy. It examines how the ensemble of sovereign and disciplinary power defines and instrumentalizes the concept of culture while also producing lines of inclusion and exclusion within the conservative political project. The major emphasis is placed on the question of political control over the body, spirit and national identity.
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Andreev, Alexander Alekseevich, and Anton Petrovich Ostroushko. "STRUCHKOV Viktor Ivanovich (to the 110th of birthday)." Vestnik of Experimental and Clinical Surgery 10, no. 3 (November 19, 2017): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.18499/2070-478x-2017-10-3-253.
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Viktor Ivanovich Struchkov was born 30 July (12 August) 1907 year in Ryazhsk Ryazan region. After graduating from the 2nd Moscow medical Institute V. I. Struchkov worked as a resident surgeon, and then head of the surgical Department in Voskresensk Interdistrict hospital in Moscow region (1931-1941). During the great Patriotic war, he was a leading surgeon (1941), the chief inspector and a specialist of the 21st army, the army surgeon of the 13th army in Bryansk and 1st Ukrainian front (1942-1945). In 1946, V. I. Struchkov with the rank of Colonel of medical service was transferred to reserves and became an assistant of the hospital surgical clinic, then became an associate Professor of operative surgery, since 1951 – Professor, and since 1953 – the head of the Department of General surgery of the 1st Moscow medical Institute. I. M. Sechenov, while working as chief surgeon of the Ministry of health of the USSR (1949-1965). In 1946 he defended his thesis, and in 1949 – his doctoral dissertation. In 1961, V. I. Struchkov was awarded the Lenin prize. In 1965, his monograph on "tumors of the lung" is awarded the prize. S. I. Spasokukotskogo of medical Sciences of the USSR, and Viktor Ivanovich became an academician of the USSR AMS. 1966-1976 Struchkov V. I. – academician-Secretary of the Presidium of the USSR AMS. His textbook "General surgery" was awarded the state prize of the USSR in 1975. In 1977 Victor Ivanovich was awarded the Title of hero of Socialist Labor.
Viktor Ivanovich Struchkov died on December 25, 1988. He has created a school of more than 45 doctors and 140 candidates of medical Sciences, he published more than 400 scientific works, including 33 monographs. He was the Deputy Chairman of the all-Union scientific society of surgeons, chief editor of the journal "Thoracic surgery", an honorary member of the Medical society of the name of J. Purkinje (Czechoslovakia), foreign, national and regional societies of surgeons, holder of two orders of Lenin, October Revolution, red banner, Patriotic war 1-St and 2-nd degree, two orders of Labour red banner, Friendship of peoples, the red Star, awarded with numerous medals.
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Park, In Joo, and Jun Hee Hong. "A Historical Exploration of Sungjae, Lee Donghwi's Social Education of Saving Country as the Root of Korean Social Education." Korean Society for the Study of Lifelong Education 28, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 167–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.52758/kjle.2022.28.3.167.
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The purpose of this critical review is to find the origin and implications for the direction of lifelong education in the future through social education studies during the Japanese colonial period. Through historical literature approach, the researcher studied the thought formation process of Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education and his social education practice.
As a result of the critical review, Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education ideology would be influenced by Lee Seung-gyo's teaching, raising modern consciousness during military training and activities in the Independence Club, freedom and equality from Christian admission, and proletarian revolutionary ideology embraced socialism. It was confirmed that Lee Dong-hwi's practice of social education was a kind of revolutionary social education movement to save the country from Japanese oppression. He practiced early social education from Socialism with the building of schools actively, patriotic enlightenment movements through academic societies and social organizations, religious social education movements that carried out Christian evangelism and educational movements, and establishing the Korean Socialist Party and the Goryeo Communist Party.
These changing process of Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education and practicing social education that recognizes the importance of people's education and national independence as the highest value rather than socialist ideology could provide the important implications to Korean lifelong education by establishing its philosophy and presenting direction, solution of emerging challenges, and orientation of lifelong education after unification.
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Костючок, Петро. "POLITICAL PRACTICES AND EXPERIMENTS OF ETHNIC SEPARATION OF UKRAINIANS OF THE CARPATHIAN REGION IN THE 1930s." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 2 (2024): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2024-02/098-111.
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The goal of the work is to analyze political practices and experiments of ethnic separation of Ukrainians of the Carpathian region in the 1930s in the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The methodology is based on the use of general scientific and special historical methods. Based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, critical evaluation of sources, methods of analysis and synthesis, ethnological methods are widely used in the research: comparative-historical, analytical-typological. Scientific novelty. On the basis of domestic and foreign archival sources and scientific literature, an attempt was made to substantiate the peculiarities of Polish ethnopolitics regarding the separation of Hutsuls, Lemkos, and Boykos as representatives of separate regional nations/ethnic groups from Ukrainians with the aim of their separation, assimilation, and denationalization. Conclusions. In the 1930s, the state ethnopolitics of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was aimed at building the loyalty of representatives of national minorities to Polish statehood, denying and eradicating any manifestations of Ukrainianness. The strengthening of the policy of state separation and assimilation was facilitated by the adoption of laws, the formation of associations, and the promotion of scientific theories of the ethnic separateness of the Ukrainian population of the Carpathian region. The bright identity of the Ukrainian culture of the mountain population of the Carpathians was emphasized by the Poles in order to separate them from the Ukrainian people. The Society of Friends of Hutsul Region, the Society for the Development of Eastern Lands, the Union of the Farm Nobility, and the Apostolic Administration of Lemkiv Region were important tools for the practical implementation of the policy of regionalism. The activism of the Polish authorities regarding the denationalization of the Carpathian Ukrainians mobilized the Ukrainian political leadership to socio-political opposition, the development of its own national position by conducting public and political work on the ground, intensifying the activity of national cultural and educational societies, holding patriotic events and alternative holidays.
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Banihashemi, S. Mohsen, and Ghazaleh Hasanian. "Cultural Content of Food TV Shows: A Comparative Study of National and International Persian TV Programs." Etkileşim 6, no. 12 (October 2023): 36–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32739/etkilesim.2023.6.12.213.
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The media exposure has permeated all cultural features of societies; and since communication is in a close relation with cultural customs, it has a deep effect on people's beliefs, attitudes and knowledge. Television plays a significant part in creating and introducing culture and lifestyle. The purpose of this study was to investigate and compare the cultural values reflection on the national and international Persian TV cooking programs. The research method of this study was based on cross-cultural qualitative content analysis approach. In this research, data were analysed based on the method of Mayring (1983). To collect data, TV cooking programs from local and international Persian networks were selected as samples, which are explained in the research methodology section. The results showed that the main contents of national TV cooking programs along with the presentation of food offered the culture of patriotism, the importance of religion, consumerism, and collectivism. The emphasized cultural contents of the national TV cooking programs were about globalism, religion reluctance, individualism, and activism.
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Bradley, Joseph. "Associations and the Development of Civil Society in Tsarist Russia." Social Science History 41, no. 1 (2017): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2016.36.
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This article examines the growth of civil society in imperial Russia by focusing on voluntary associations, especially learned societies, closely watched by tsarist officialdom but neglected by historians. Although scholars often emphasize the peculiarities of Russian development, Russia's societies were part of a broader European phenomenon. A study of associations highlights the relationship between state and society in authoritarian regimes where civil society is most vigorously contested. Because authoritarian regimes close the channels of representative politics and make it difficult for their subjects to act freely in concert, associations demonstrate the potential for the self-organization of society. They cultivate the microspaces of initiative and autonomy not completely under state control where the capacity of citizenship can appear. This study conceptualizes the development of Russian civil society and the way in which the disenfranchised could enter public life by using the examples of six Russian learned societies. Owing to the mission of the learned societies, Russian civil society became inextricably linked to patriotism and the dissemination of scientific knowledge. Associations raised consciousness, accorded an opportunity for special-interest constituencies of men to enter the public arena, framed policy issues, and mobilized a public in the language of representation. Although civil society and the autocratic state are often described as bitter rivals, cooperation, not confrontation, in the project of national prestige and prosperity was more often the rule. However, an increasing public assertiveness challenged autocratic authority, as Russian officialdom was unwilling to relinquish its tutelary supervision of civil society. Thus, associations became a focal point of a contradictory political culture.
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Bazhenova, Stefaniia. "On the Issue of the Activities of the Polish Youth Organization «Corporation» in Right-bank Ukraine(1890 – 1904)." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, no. 48 (February 19, 2019): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2018.48.50-63.
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Among the problems that are insufficiently studied in historical science remains the life of the Polish community inRight-Bank Ukraine in the 1890s – early 20th centuryin terms of its opposition to the imperial policy of demonopolization and Russification, the activities of youth opposition organizations, in particular the Polish student «Corporation», formed in Kyiv in the early 1890s, the main purpose of which was to fight against autocracy for the freedom of speech, assembly, to protect their rights and, as a final result, to prepare the fighters for the independence of Poland.
The purpose of the article is to study the process of the formation of the illegal youth socio-political organization of Kyiv youth «Corporation», as well as its activities and transformations.
To a large extent, this issue was dealt with in studies by B. Titlinov, A. Rafalskyi, V. Trohymovych, I. Shevchenko and others. The memoirs of the participants of the «Corporation»V.Verzheyskyi, S. Kosutskyiand of the olthersare also used. The basis for writing the article was the funds of the security organs of the Russian autocracy of the archive of the Central Information Agency of Ukraine in Kyiv (f. 274, etc.), the State Archives of the Russian Federation in Moscow (f. DP-OE).
In the activities of the «Corporation»in 90sof the XIX century – atthe beginning of the XXcentury two stages can be distinguished: 1) 1890–1897, when Polish students took an active part in legal and conspiratorial associations, fraternities and societies were operating in Right-Bank Ukraine, and were structured in the revolutionary and national-patriotic movement; 2) 1898–1904 – aperiod when the members of the «Corporation» moved from propaganda to the practice of revolutionary action, participating in All-Russian student strikes, speeches of working enterprises, rallies and demonstrations of workers in the struggle for economic, social and political rights and freedoms.
The article highlights the transformations that took place in the «Corporation» itself, as well as the participation of the Poles in other secret revolutionary societies and circles.
Keywords: polish ethnic minority, student youth, «Corporation», opposition movement, autocracy
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MYSHKOV, Victor, and Tetyana SHAMSUTDYNOVA-LEBEDYUK. "OLD BELIEVER CHURCH: ASPECTS OF LIFE IN MODERN CONDITIONS." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 31 (2022): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2022.31.16.
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The article reveals certain aspects of Ukrainian Old Believer life in modern conditions. It is noted that Old Believers were formed as a result of deep moral and religious searches in the Russian and Ukrainian societies of the 17th century. For more than three hundred years of its existence, it has revealed significant spiritual potential and social opportunities and has become an integral part of Ukrainian society. With Ukraine gaining independence, the Old Believers were able to rebuild religious buildings closed during the Soviet era, freely send and attend religious services, open Sunday schools, revive national traditions, etc. Modern Old Believers on the territory of Ukraine act as a self-sufficient structural element of the religious culture of Ukraine, having significant potential not only for their own preservation, but also for further development. Today, the Old Believers are aimed at expanding their extra-cult priorities. In social life, such priorities are charity, philanthropy, education; in the political sphere - striving for freedom of conscience and cooperation with government and public institutions; in the cultural field - promoting the spiritual improvement of society, the development of national culture; in religious - active church life. The Old Believer Ukrainian Church, which is a part of the large Old Believer Church, immediately, after the large-scale invasion of Russia on our territory, took a patriotic pro-Ukrainian position and clearly declared its condemnation of Russia's aggression against Ukraine. Representatives of the Bilokrynytsia Metropolitanate were active participants in the resistance to Russian aggression eight years ago. Today, they also take an active part in the defense of Ukraine's independence. Despite their Russian ethnic origin, the Old Believers have no ties to the ideology of the "Russian world", they are aware of themselves as a part of Ukrainian society. They occupy a prominent place in social, spiritual and interfaith life and remain a dynamic Christian denomination, and strengthen their own positions in Ukraine.
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Aryal, Manish. "Neo-Nationalism: A Tool for National Integrity." Unity Journal 2 (August 3, 2021): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38821.
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An ever-growing trend of radical rightist parties has brought newer dynamics to world politics. Neo-nationalism has further substantiated national integrity for changing the socio-cultural, economic and political landscape brought by globalization during the 1980s. The paper intends to analyze the concept of neo-nationalism. The paper explores this concept through an intensive study of the origin and background of neonationalism. In the paper, a study is conducted on the use of national integrity and patriotism to implement the concept of neo-nationalism in those countries. The major precautions in adopting the neo-nationalism concept are discussed in the project. A deep study is undertaken to investigate reasons that have led the world on a modern neo-nationalist order are discussed. Four peculiar reasons, in particular, the oil crisis, the collapse of the USSR and 9/11, financial and refugee crisis, and new nationalists focusing on national integrity have remained key contributors to the formation of the neo-nationalist society in the modern world. The paper studies all the reasons in depth and analyzes the key factors which might determine the new world order. The paper also uses two contemporary examples of Scotland and Western Europe to study the effects of neo-nationalism. A proper comprehensive study is done to recognize the concept of neo-nationalism and its effect on societies. The positive and negative effects are expanded to formulate a better cohesive study. Neo-nationalism is found to be a double-edged sword with monumental benefits and drawbacks. Its concept must be adopted with proper care and precaution so that major extremity groups wouldn’t be formulated.
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Mestvirishvili, Maia. "Attitudinal modalities of citizenship representation styles in Georgia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 10, no. 2 (July 2019): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366519840165.
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This study investigates citizenship representation styles and their compositional modalities in contemporary Georgia. The article starts with a discussion of legal, social, and political influences that shaped conceptions of citizenship in post-Soviet countries, including Georgia. The study presents the results of a survey of 700 students from 10 universities in Georgia. They completed questionnaires exploring citizenship styles and associated predictor variables. The study suggests that a cultural citizenship style is dominant among Georgian students. It is best predicted by the level of national identification, followed by patriotism, nationalism, in-group attitudes, and religious orthodoxy. The data also show the opposing roles of nationalism and patriotism on ethnic and civic citizenship styles. The article argues that a cultural citizenship representation style could be the compromise solution in the ethnic versus civic citizenship dichotomy and might be more appropriate for societies characterized by ethno-nationalist tendencies.
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Vannucci, Alessandra. "A pátria no palco: mobilização política e construção de uma identidade nacional nos clubes recreativos italianos em São Paulo (1870-1920) / Motherland on Stage: Political Mobilization and Construction of a National Identity in Italian Philodramatic” Societies in São Paulo (1870-1920)." O Eixo e a Roda: Revista de Literatura Brasileira 28, no. 3 (September 3, 2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2358-9787.28.3.41-64.
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Resumo: O ensaio analisa a atividade dos clubes recreativos italianos em São Paulo, a partir do final do século XIX, quando a cidade se transforma de vila colonial em metrópole industrial e sofre o impacto das grandes migrações. A fuga dos trabalhadores das plantações para a cidade, onde conseguem articular formas de resistência à exploração através do associacionismo voluntário (jornais, sindicatos e teatro) alimenta um clima de discriminação, culminando em perseguição racial. A emancipação política é conquistada através da arte, principalmente nos palcos. Nas peças deste repertório, os valores patrióticos e nacionalistas do Risorgimento, que haviam alimentado uma primeira fase da literatura emigrante, são paulatinamente substituídos pela utopia internacionalista da sociedade “sem pátria e sem patrões”.Palavras-chave: teatro italiano no Brasil; amadorismo teatral; emigração.Abstract: We analyze some of the Italian recreational clubs activities in São Paulo, from the end of the 19th century, when the city was transformed from a colonial village into an industrial metropolis and suffered the impact of the great migrations. Escaping from plantation to the city, workers manage to articulate forms of resistance to exploitation through voluntary associations (newspapers, trade unions and theatre) which fuels a discrimination atmosphere, culminating in racial persecution. Political emancipation has been pursued through art, especially on stage. The patriotic and nationalist values of the Italian Risorgimento that had fuelled a first phase of emigrant literature are gradually replaced by the internationalist “homeless and boss less” society utopia.Keywords: Italian theatre in Brazil; amateur actors; emigration.
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Kucherov, Gennadiy, and Anatolii Skrypnyk. "OUT-OF-SCHOOL EDUCATION OF THE RURAL «PROSVITA» OF RIGHT-BANK UKRAINE (1917–1918)." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 35 (April 25, 2024): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2024-35-37-42.
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An analysis of the published works of Ukrainian scientists was carried out, in which the issues of the activity of «Prosvit» and the development of extracurricular education in Ukraine in 1917-1918 were outlined. The role of rural societies in the issue of population education is defined, in particular, the organization of libraries, lectures, concerts, courses for adults, etc. The role of educational congresses in the formation of extracurricular education is clarified. Forum delegates urged everyone to fight illiteracy by organizing relevant courses at each «Prosvit». The development of out-of-school education as an organic part of the educational system of Ukraine was impossible without the participation of educational societies – the main implementers of various cultural and mass events in the countryside. The holding of the latter contributed to the growth of national awareness of Ukrainians, the formation of patriotism, the preservation of the native language, original culture, etc. From the operational plan of the Department of Extracurricular Education, it can be seen that «Prosvits» played a key role in the development of extracurricular education, especially in the spread of such forms as lectures, concerts, etc. The lectures deepened the national consciousness of Ukrainians and contributed to the processes of self-determination of the rural population. The musical art of rural «Prosvits» became an effective means of aesthetic education, contributed to the further development of national traditions, and the consolidation of Ukrainians around the extracurricular sphere. The contribution of the meeting of zemstvo and city leaders of extracurricular education (December 12-15, 1917) to the coordination of extracurricular work is clarified. Due to the lack of resources, the village «Prosvit» began its activity by arranging small reading rooms and book collections. The centers paid special attention to the formation of educational institutions for adults.
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ZASHKILNYAK, Leonid. "History at Ukrainian Underground University (1921–1925)." Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, no. 23 (June 8, 2022): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2022.22-23.3610.
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The article considers and analyzes the origin and the activity of Ukrainian Secret University (USU) in Lviv through 1919–1925 and presents its significance for the development of Ukrainian national culture after the defeat of the Ukrainian liberation struggle in 1917–1921. Special attention focused on the reconstruction of historical studies at this university. General features of the USU history represented today in a number of essays and articles wrote by Ukrainian authors. This article offers new facts about the activities of USU teachers from unpublished materials of historians Myron Korduba and Ivan Krypiakevych, in particular about the organization and conduct the historical studies, conditions of teaching and learning. USU was established in Lviv in 1919 after the capture of the city and Eastern Galicia by Polish troops as a result of the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918–1919 and the Polish administration introduction there. The defeat of the Ukrainian national liberation movement led to a policy of repression and persecution by the Polish authorities. There was a threat of liquidation the Ukrainian national life due to the lack of opportunities for national professionals training. The Ukrainian intelligentsia sought to use the organizational and cultural-scientific potential accumulated in the previous period to preserve and develop national culture and education, contrary to the prohibitions of the Polish administration. In 1919, Ukrainian scientists, united in the Shevchenko Scientific Society and with the support of leading Galician politicians, created “university courses”, which in 1921 were transformed into a Ukrainian university. Under the conditions of bans and persecution by the Polish authorities, the activities of the university took place semi-legally, and the institution itself in journalism and literature was soon called a “secret university”. Despite the persecution and repression USU went down in history as a powerful factor in the consolidation and mobilization of Ukrainian society after the defeats in the struggle for national statehood. During the existence of UTU more than 1,300 students studied there, and 55 professors and associate professors taught them. The Faculty of Philosophy of USU managed to create a “history department”, which in different years studied from 20 to 50 students, and teaching was conducted by famous Ukrainian historians Myron Korduba, Ivan Krypiakevych and some others. The article lists the subjects they taught, as well as the high level of history teaching. In particular, for the first time in Ukrainian historiography, the courses “Methodology of History” by M. Korduba, “Ukrainian Historiography” and “History of the Ukrainian State of the XVII-XVIII centuries” by I. Krypyakevych were read and later published here. The Polish authorities created constant obstacles for the work of USU and historians, used attacks, pogroms and arrests of participants, did not allow the creation of scientific societies, in particular the Ukrainian Historical Society in 1924. Despite the generally modest results of the Ukrainian Secret University in Lviv in 1919–1925, it was noted that what was done by the efforts of USU teachers in the scientific and didactic spheres was worthy of respect. The creation of the national higher school foundations in the conditions of the defeat of the national-state building and in spite of the power of the occupying state was a bright manifestation of the high patriotic consciousness and moral qualities of the Ukrainian Galician intelligentsia. The responsible attitude of the representatives of Ukrainian historical science to the fulfillment of their civic and professional duty deserves special mention. They were able to create the professional historical studies, through which many figures of national science and culture have passed. Historians who have made a great contribution to the preservation of the national consciousness and culture of the Ukrainian population of Galicia in the unfavorable conditions of the defeat of the liberation struggle, have managed to preserve and later increase the historical capital of national history. They continued to build a network of national public scientific, cultural, and educational organizations and societies in Poland, which replaced state institutions and thus ensured the further development of the Ukrainian cause.
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Jędrzejewski, Jan. "Between Dublin and Siberia: Poland in the Nation Newspaper, 1846." Studia Celto-Slavica 5 (2010): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54586/otzq6702.
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It has for a long time been something of a critical commonplace among cultural historians and literary scholars alike to see Ireland and Poland as sister nations which, albeit geographically distant, have over the centuries followed similar historical and political trajectories, developed similar patterns of social and cultural life, and generated similar types of mentality. The popular stereotypes of a typical Irishman and a typical Pole – sociable, passionate, generous, patriotic, but at the same time irrational, dogmatic, intolerant, and obsessively preoccupied with ideologies of the past at the expense of pragmatically engaging with the realities of the present – are of course only partly accurate; in fact, it could well be argued that the perception of Poland as the Central-Eastern European equivalent of Ireland, a fervently Catholic nation which clung, during long years of political and cultural oppression, to its faith and its culture in an attempt to preserve its sense of national identity and pride, to eventually emerge, after the First World War, as an independent nation liberating itself from the political dominance of its powerful yet somehow morally inferior eastern neighbour, offers a rather simplistic and superficial interpretation of a much more complex set of historical, sociological, and cultural comparisons that could be made between those two nations. And yet there were indeed moments in Irish and Polish history, not least during the nineteenth century, when some straightforward historical analogies could indeed justifiably be made, and when the problems facing Irish and Polish societies, the concerns of the Irish and Polish public opinion, and the themes and ideas explored by Irish and Polish thinkers and artists followed similar lines, and possibly – as it is the intention of this paper to demonstrate – influenced each other in a dynamic and creative way.