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1
Barros, Andrew, Nicolas Vaicbourdt, and Ludovic Tournès. "Les États-Unis et la Société des nations (1914-1946)." Monde(s) N° 19, no. 1 (June 14, 2021): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mond1.211.0203.
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Sierpowski, Stanisław. "Tajne spotkania członków Rady Ligi Narodów w świetle dokumentacji Archivès de la Société des Nations w Genewie." Przegląd Archiwalno-Historyczny 1 (2014): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2391-890xpah.14.009.14870.
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W artykule zostało uwypuklone znaczenie dokumentacji archiwalnej z poufnych lub tajnych spotkań lub „wymiany zdań” członków Rady LN, podczas których wykuwały się lub były ustalone rozwiązania prezentowane następnie podczas „prywatnych” lub „publicznych” sesji. Zwrócenie uwagi na rolę tej dokumentacji dla poznania polityki poszczególnych państw reprezentowanych w Radzie jest poza dyskusją. Nie wydaje się jednak, aby badacze dziejów LN, a więc i pośrednio stosunków międzynarodowych okresu międzywojennego, przywiązywali wagę do tej spuścizny. Pośrednio świadczą o tym trudności z dotarciem do sporządzanych na bieżąco protokołów, które za lata 1933-1939 nie są ujęte w Archives de la Société des Nations 1919-1946. Répertoire Général 1919-1946, (Genève sd., s. 664). Z dokumentacji tej – bardziej niż z innej – wyziera dominacja interesu własnego, aczkolwiek przyodzianego w „ligowe szaty”. Tajne spotkania członków Rady, mające pierwotnie na celu uzgodnienie stanowiska w kwestiach personalnych, przybrały charakter narady o najważniejszych, zwłaszcza konfliktowych problemach widniejących w programie sesji publicznych. Tym ostatnim nadawano szeroki rozgłos, w przeciwieństwie do narad tajnych, które kłóciły się z filozofią Ligi Narodów, wyrażoną także w preambule do Paktu, gdzie zakładano „utrzymywanie jawnych stosunków międzynarodowych”. Secret meetings of the members ot the Council League of Nations, as presented in the documents of Archivès de la Sociéte des Nations in Geneva The article emphasizes how important the archive documents drafted during secret or confidential meetings (or “exchange of opinions” sessions) of the members of the Council League of Nations are. During these sessions, the solutions subsequently presented during “private” or “public” sessions were developed. The role of these documents for understanding the policies of individual states represented in the Council is indisputable. It does not seem, however, that the researchers of the history of the League, and so indirectly the researchers of the international relations of the period 1918-1939, paid enough attention to this heritage. Indirectly, it is evidenced by the difficulties with accessing protocols drafted during these sessions, of which protocols for the years 1933-1939 are not included in the Archives de la Société des Nations 1919-1946. Répertoire Général 1919-1946, (Genève sd. p. 664). These documents – more than any others – prove than individual interests dominated, although they were disguised as the interests of the League. Secret meetings of the members of the Council were initially supposed to coordinate the positions on personal matters. However, they turned into debates about the most pivotal, especially conflictual problems present in the agenda of the public sessions. Those agendas were then highly publicized, as opposed to the agendas of the secret meetings – the fact which contradicted the philosophy of the League, which was also expressed in the Preamble to the Treaty, where sustaining transparent international relations was assumed.
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Constant, Monique. "Combats contre la traite des femmes à la Société des Nations (1920-1940)." Relations internationales 131, no. 3 (2007): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ri.131.0039.
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Piguet, Myriam. "Employées à la Société des nations : carrières et conditions de travail, 1920-1932." Monde(s) N° 19, no. 1 (June 14, 2021): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mond1.211.0051.
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Pénicaut, Emmanuel. "L’armée française en Sarre, 1918-1930." Revue Historique des Armées 254, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rha.254.0020.
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En vertu des dispositions du traité de Versailles, le territoire de la Sarre fut, de 1920 à 1935, séparé de l’Allemagne et placé sous la tutelle de la Société des Nations, la France disposant de la propriété de ses houillères en compensation des destructions de son propre bassin minier pendant la guerre. Pour garantir ses intérêts et assurer la sécurité des voies ferrées, qui traversaient le territoire en direction des pays rhénans occupés, le gouvernement français entretint en Sarre une importante garnison militaire, dont la présence provoqua de multiples difficultés diplomatiques avec l’Allemagne, les pays alliés et la Société des Nations. Le présent article brosse l’histoire de ces troupes, depuis l’occupation militaire de novembre 1918 jusqu’à l’évacuation des derniers soldats, à la suite de l’évacuation de la Rhénanie.
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Tournès, Ludovic. "La philanthropie américaine, la Société des Nations et la coproduction d'un ordre international (1919-1946)." Relations internationales 151, no. 3 (2012): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ri.151.0025.
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Ghebali, Victor-Yves. "Before UNESCO and the WHO." Contemporary European History 11, no. 4 (October 28, 2002): 659–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302004083.
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Jean-Jacques Renoliet, L'UNESCO oubliée. La Société des Nations et la coopération intellectuelle (1919–1946), foreword by René Girault (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1999), 352 pp., FF180, ISBN 2-6384-7701-1.Christel Taillibert, L'Institut international du cinématographe international éducatif. Regards sur le rôle du cinéma éducatif dans la politique internationale du fascisme italien (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1999), 401 pp., FF180, ISBN 2-85944-384-3.Marta Aleksandra Balińska, Une vie pour l'humanitaire. Ludwik Rajchmann, 1881–1965, foreword by Bronislaw Geremek, L'Espace de l'histoire (Paris: La Découverte, 1995), 399 pp., FF165, ISBN 2-7071-2485-0.
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Rosenne, Shabtai. "The Changing Role of the International Court." Israel Law Review 20, no. 2-3 (1985): 182–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700017623.
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En s'efforçant, au lendemain de la guerre [1914 – 1918], de poser les bases d'une société de peuples régie par le droit, les fondateurs de cette communauté internationale nouvelle se rendaient pleinement compte qu'il ne saurait y avoir une société organisée sans un pouvoir judiciaire chargé de veiller, en dehors de toute préoccupation de politique et de force, à la stricte observation du droit. C'est dans cette conviction qu'ils ont prévu, dès l'origine, la création de la Cour permanente de Justice internationale.Feinberg in 1931Reviewing the history of the Permanent Court of International Justice and of the International Court of Justice from 1922—the World Court, a convenient but possibly misleading expression which embraces both the Permanent Court from 1922 to 1945 and the present International Court of Justice established as an integral part of the United Nations since—four clearly separated periods can be discerned. They run from 1922 to 1931, 1932 to 1940, 1946 to 1966, and from 1967 onwards.The establishment of the League of Nations and the Permanent Court after a cataclysmic war in Europe and the awe-inspiring Russian Revolution released a wave of euphoria upon the exhausted and war-weary peoples of what is now known as Western Europe, and they placed great hopes in the new League and Court.
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Rossi, Benedetta. "Périodiser la fin de l'esclavage: Le droit colonial, la Société des Nations et la résistance des esclaves dans le Sahel nigérien, 1920-1930." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 72, no. 4 (December 2017): 983–1021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264918000598.
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RésuméQuand, comment et pourquoi l'esclavage a-t-il disparu dans le Sahel nigérien – si tant est qu'il ait complètement disparu ? Quels processus ont favorisé l’émancipation des personnes réduites en esclavage ? Quelles étaient les stratégies des administrateurs coloniaux, des propriétaires d'esclaves, des trafiquants, des esclaves eux-mêmes et de leurs descendants ? Au cours des deux premières décennies de l'occupation française du Sahel central, l'abolition légale n'a pas abouti à l’éradication de l'esclavage car les lois n’étaient pas appliquées. Mais, à partir des années 1920, l'internationalisation de l'abolition qui a suivi la création de la Société des Nations a entraîné la mise en œuvre des lois contre l'esclavage. Cet article entend montrer que l’émancipation a connu une impulsion initiale grâce à la mise en place de mécanismes internationaux de surveillance en mesure de (dé)légitimer le pouvoir colonial à un moment où personne ne cherchait activement à mettre fin à l'esclavage dans cette région. L'article met tout d'abord l'accent sur les ambiguïtés de l'abolitionnisme européen et sur les interconnexions entre la Société des Nations, l’État français et les administrateurs sur le terrain. Il propose ensuite une micro-analyse de la résistance à l'esclavage, en montrant comment des personnes asservies ou victimes de la traite des esclaves, en particulier des jeunes femmes, ont tiré profit des transformations institutionnelles à l’échelle mondiale pour poursuivre leurs propriétaires ou des trafiquants devant les tribunaux. Il examine enfin les souvenirs contemporains d'une femme âgée qui a connu, plus jeune, des situations analogues à celles décrites précédemment dans l'article. Sa perception, ainsi que celle d'autres personnes ayant eu des expériences similaires, s'inscrivent dans un contexte marqué par la tension entre des discours circonscrits en faveur de l'esclavage et la lutte pour l'abolition menée au niveau local.
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Bourneuf, Pierre-Etienne. "La Société des Nations et la force internationale à Vilna (1920-1921) : un projet précurseur pour le maintien de la paix ?" Relations internationales 166, no. 2 (2016): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ri.166.0087.
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Gosselin, Guy. "RENOLIET, Jean-Jacques. L'UNESCO oubliée. La Société des Nations et la coopération intellectuelle (1919-1946) Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne, 1999, 352 p." Études internationales 32, no. 1 (2001): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704272ar.
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Brigot, André. "SANTAMARIA, Yves et Brigitte WACHÉ (sous la direction de). Du printemps des peuples à la Société des Nations, Nations, nationalités et nationalismes en Europe 1850-1920. Paris, La Découverte, 1996, 368 p." Études internationales 29, no. 1 (1998): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703864ar.
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Aballéa, Marion. "Michel Marbeau, La Société des Nations. Vers un monde multilatéral, 1919-1946 , Tours, Presses universitaires François-Rabelais, 2017, 302 p., ISBN 978-2-86906-427-0." Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 72, no. 3 (September 5, 2023): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.703.0211.
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Vincent, Nadine. "Arrêt ou stop ? Retour sur près d’un siècle de débat dans la presse écrite au Québec." Francophonies d'Amérique, no. 42-43 (November 26, 2018): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1054034ar.
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Cet article retrace les débats dont le panneau d’arrêt obligatoire a été l’objet dans les journaux francophones québécois, depuis son apparition vers 1920 jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Dès le départ, l’ajout du mot arrêt au mot stop a paru redondant à certains chroniqueurs linguistiques, irrités de voir le Québec se différencier de la France sur la question. Le Québec marquait alors son appartenance aux Amériques, où les autres peuples de langue romane ont aussi opté pour d’autres mots que stop pour indiquer l’arrêt obligatoire. Par la suite, l’imposition du seul mot arrêt après l’adoption de la Charte de la langue française en 1977 a relancé la polémique, ajoutant aux enjeux linguistiques des enjeux politiques et, aux positions des chroniqueurs, celles d’autres acteurs de la société. Au fil du temps, le panneau P-10 a été au coeur de jeux de coulisses aussi bien que d’échanges enflammés sur la place publique, et est aujourd’hui devenu une signature identitaire, d’abord du Québec francophone, mais aussi des autres nations habitant le territoire québécois et, par extension, de la francophonie nord-américaine hors Québec. La controverse autour d’arrêt/stop a d’ailleurs valeur de symbole dans le débat sur la langue au Québec et est, à ce titre, encore régulièrement évoquée dans les journaux.
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James, Alan. "The League of Nations: its life and times, 1920–1946." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620241.
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Baer, George W., and F. S. Northedge. "The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920-1946." American Historical Review 92, no. 1 (February 1987): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862786.
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Campbell, John C., and F. S. Northedge. "The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920-1946." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 1 (1986): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042869.
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Wold, Daniel. "Securing the World Economy: The Reinvention of the League of Nations, 1920–1946." History: Reviews of New Books 42, no. 4 (July 22, 2014): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2014.903770.
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Laqua, Daniel. "Patricia Clavin. Securing the World Economy: The Reinvention of the League of Nations, 1920–1946." American Historical Review 119, no. 2 (April 2014): 481–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.481.
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Yearwood, P. J. "Securing the World Economy: The Reinvention of the League of Nations, 1920-1946, by Patricia Clavin." English Historical Review 129, no. 541 (December 1, 2014): 1541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceu320.
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Häkkinen, Ville. "Redescribing the Nation." Democracy and Discriminatory Strategies in Parliamentary Discourse 17, no. 5 (August 14, 2018): 655–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18011.hak.
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Abstract Boosting national spirit through projection of otherness is not a new phenomenon, at least in authoritarian regimes. Yet the role of anti-Semitism in the Numerus Clausus debates in the Hungarian parliament in 1920 and 1928 is worth deeper analysis, as it bore a peculiar role in the Hungarian interwar counterrevolutionary nation-building. The Numerus Clausus law of 1920 set ethnic quotas to university enrolment; the explicit argument for this was countering the Jewish ‘over-representation’ in Hungarian society. However, in 1928 the law was amended, abolishing (in principle) the said quotas; this time the arguments favoured national consolidation, where segregation was to be moderated. In both cases, the national elites construed and made use of nation-centred political rhetoric, but used it for differing ends in different times. This article shall analyse the debates of the Hungarian Parliament concerning the Numerus Clausus laws, especially from the viewpoints of nation-building and rhetoric of exclusion.
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Zerubavel, Yael. "The Politics of Interpretation: Tel Hai in Israel's Collective Memory." AJS Review 16, no. 1-2 (1991): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003147.
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In 1920, a brief but fatal battle between Arabs and Jews took place at the Jewish settlement of Tel Hai in the northern Galilee. The defense of Tel Hai soon became a landmark in the history of Israeli society. The story of Tel Hai was regarded as a major symbolic text of the pioneering ethos and an important step toward the development of a new national Hebrew culture. Highlighting the theme of collective death and rebirth, Tel Hai offered a modern, secular text that sanctified the new nation and dramatized the emergence of a new type of Jew. For the Jewish pioneers in Palestine, Tel Hai embodied the ideals of settlement and defense, providing a concrete example of their resolute determination to hold on to new settlements at all costs.The present study examines the role of Tel Hai as a national myth, name-ly, a symbolic narrative relating to an important event in the nation's past that embodies sacred national values and is used as a charter for political action.1 Following Halbwachs's pioneering approach to the study of collective memory,2 this article explores the meaning of Tel Hai as it was constructed in public discourse, focusing upon two periods of conflict within Israeli society. Thus it is not a historical study of the event that took place at Tel Hai in 1920, but a study of how this event has been remembered and reinterpreted in Israeli culture.
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Bershov, Vladimir Nikolaevich. "Final stage of the struggle for independence of Syria: international discussion on evacuation of foreign troops (1945-1946)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2019): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2019.11.31200.
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The subject of this research is the final stage of the struggle for independence of Syria (1945-1946). The article explores the “Anglo-French Agreement on Near East” of December 13, 1945, as well as the response of Syrian society to its conclusion. The author reviews the discussion in the United Nations Security Council that took place on February 14-16, 1946 regarding the question of evacuation of foreign troops from the territory of Levant , as well as the results of decisions accepted in the UN Security Council that affected the attainment of independence of Syria. Moreover, the article analyzes the final stage of negotiations between Syrian, British and French governments, which led to evacuation of foreign troops from Syria on April 17, 1946. This event resumed the result of French mandate control in the country. The conclusion is made that the “Anglo-French Agreement on Near East” of December 13, 1945 became a breakthrough moment in the struggle of Syrian nation for independence. After it has been signed, the protest movement in Syrian cities reached its heights, forcing the government of Levant to propose it for consideration in the UN Security Council regarding the evacuation of foreign troops on February 14-16, 1946. Although no resolution has been adopted, the question received an international resonance. Under the international pressure, Britain and France had to withdraw their troops in April 1946. This marked another – Syrian – chapter of decolonization of Asian countries. The mandate system was left behind.
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Steiner, Zara. "Book Review: F.S. Northedge, The League of Nations, Its Life and Times 1920-1946 (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1986, 342pp., £28.00)." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 15, no. 3 (December 1986): 447–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298860150030915.
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Lloyd, Lorna. "Securing the World Economy: The Reinvention of the League of Nations, 1920-1946. By Patricia Clavin. Oxford University Press. 2013. xii + 400pp. £70.00." History 99, no. 338 (December 2014): 911–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.12091_24.
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Adamczyk, Anita, and Fuad Jomma. "Arab Nationalism in Syria." Polish Political Science Yearbook 52, no. 1 (December 31, 2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202251.
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Syria is one of many countries in the Middle East diverse in terms of religion, nationality, and ethnicity. Internal divisions emerged when Syria reclaimed independence in 1946, but the differences inside Syrian society have become a taboo. One of the reasons for that was Arab nationalism, which claimed that they were all Arabs. The Syrian authorities managed to maintain the appearance of national homogeneity owing to these claims. This article aims to show the uniqueness of Arab nationalism, which is not characteristic of one country but of numerous states sharing a common past, language, and their citizens belonging to the family of the Arab nation. As a case study for Syria, this article analyses the basic concepts relevant to the subject (nationalism, the nation from the perspective of Islam, and Arab thought), the roots of pan-Arabism in Syria and its presence in the public and legal space. It also attempts to demonstrate that Arab nationalism helped the Syrian authorities (represented by the Alawite minority) blur national, ethnic, and religious differences and thus preserve the unity of society and state.
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Doiar, Larуsa. "Ukrainian science in the time of "military communism" (on domestic books printed in 1920)." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 6 (June 25, 2020): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2020.6(287).31-35.
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The article presents the problem of spiritual achievements of the Ukrainian National-Democratic Revolution of 1917. With the legitimation of their own power institutions, Ukrainian studies became widespread, as a generalized complex of knowledge about the modern Ukrainian nation. The process of uniting Ukrainians into a political nation needed to educate and educate the society on the basis of Ukrainian values. Recognizing this important component of its development activities, the national governments of Ukraine (General Secretariat of the Ukrainian People's Republic, State Secretariat of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, Council of Ministers of Hetmanat Paul Skoropadsky, the Council of People's Ministers during the Development of the Directory of Ukraine). Having been defeated in the struggle for the preservation of Ukrainian statehood, national forces, meanwhile, were able to preserve and show to the society the potential of Ukrainian studies as a factor in the education of ethnic identity. Even the regime of the dictatorship of the proletariat, intensified by the policy of "war communism", did not become a hindrance. Moreover, the Bolsheviks, in their own way, accepted from the national forces the "baton" of public dissemination of Ukrainian studies. Considering the latter as an effective mechanism for gaining authority among the masses, the leaders of the Communist Party and the Soviet government treated Ukrainian economics with economic prudence. Not only did the Soviet authorities retain the achievements of their opponents in the civil war, but also transformed them into their own political "indigenization" campaign, which began in 1923 and brought numerous bonuses to the Bolsheviks, both on the internal and external contours of life. The author made the aforementioned analysis and his conclusions in this article on the basis of the study of the national books in 1920, kept in the State Archives of the Book of Ukraine named after Ivan Fedorov.
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Biltoft, C. N. "Securing the World Economy: The Reinvention of the League of Nations, 1920–1946. By Patricia Clavin.Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. Pp. xii+400. $125.00." Journal of Modern History 87, no. 3 (September 2015): 716–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/682844.
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PITT, JORDEN. "Mobilizing for the Mind: Veteran Activism and the National Mental Health Act of 1946." Journal of Policy History 36, no. 2 (March 14, 2024): 215–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030623000374.
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AbstractWithin a year of World War II’s end, the United States federal government passed the National Mental Health Act of 1946. This bill was the country’s first significant foray into the realm of psychological health. Many studies have examined the act and its legacy, including the creation of the National Institute of Mental Health. Fewer studies, however, have investigated the significant roles of veterans and veterans’ organizations in the passage of this legislation. This essay delves into these various roles and argues that veterans, from various professional backgrounds, united by creating strategic arguments to lobby for this act. Their motivations ranged from the desire to destigmatize mental health issues to discovering methods for the prevention and treatment of psychiatric problems among American society. Ultimately, these veterans helped the nation revolutionize its approach to mental health policy and paved the way for future servicemembers to take a stand and become political actors.
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Gulzar Ibrahimova. "NATIONAL-MORAL VALUES OF AZERBAIJAN IN THE CONTEXT OF SOVIET STATE POLICY (1920-1940)." ISPEC International Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 44–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ispecijsshvol2iss1pp44-78.
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The article analyses the national-moral values of Azerbaijan for the first decade of Sovietization in the political context of the soviet state and explains the peculiarities that characterize the communist totalitarianism. It says that, all spheres of society, including economic life undergo total control, private property is annulled and any and all basis of the autonomy of the members of the society and the activity are removed. The government and people struggle against “enemy”, and the “enemy” against the surrounding. The effect of de-jure and de-facto contradictions (the contradictions that were applied to people who are enforced to build a socialist state) to the national and moral values are explained by historic facts as it is in the other fields.
According to the information provided by the archival sources, the soviet regime that invaded the Northern Azerbaijan in a short period of time sacrificed 48 thousand people to the “red terror”, and the single-party dictatorship regime established in the country left the concepts of “nation” and “homeland” a step behind in the soviet empire through the single “traditional” system built for cultural development of the nation, having banned the national thinking of the Azerbaijani nation. The ideology, including the personal life of the citizens passed on to all spheres of public life and banned tough sanctions against certain acts.
In fulfillment of the socialist purposes in the current policy, the soviet government, as an ideological gun, pursued an offensive policy, strengthened the promotion of international upbringing and godlessness and used all means to affect the children practically in this field.
More than 2000 Turkish teachers were persecuted and exiled in 1923 and thousand of teachers with “pasha” and “bay” titles in their surnames were dismissed from their positions. The religious marriages concluded after September 08, 1923 have not been attached any legal force. The person of that period was treated as a social being with “traditional atheism” spirit, prohibitions were put against the muharrem rituals, the traditional customs of wedding, the purposes and reasons of the Ramadan were distorted by referring to some countries, the month of fasting was prohibited and atheism was propagated among the youth.
The “Atheists union” organization put different official prohibitions to the national traditions of the nation and created new traditions that were quite far away from the national spirit (Red wedding, civilians’ burial and so on) which led to disrespect to the national and spiritual values by time. Since 1929, 219 mosques, 2 madrasahs and 18 churches were utilized for other purposes (horse stables, barn and so on.) in 13 provinces. The women were forced to take off their veils and “antihat” propaganda was launched against the remnants of the old period. It was decided to take off hat that has been considered as a symbol of national self-esteem for thousands of years and “Novruz” Holiday was removed from the list of the public holidays as a result of obvious pressures against the religious and national holidays.
The facts show that, the peculiarities of the administrative domination in the official national and religious policy, enlightenment system and industry in the 20-30s years have affected the public policy realized in Azerbaijan. These were the invisible sides of the policy pursued by the totalitarian regime.
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Zulawski, Ann. "Hygiene and “The Indian Problem”: Ethnicity and Medicine in Bolivia, 1910–1920." Latin American Research Review 35, no. 2 (2000): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100018501.
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AbstractIn the first decades of the twentieth century, Bolivian intellectuals and politicians debated how the country's Indian population should be incorporated into social and political life as the nation became increasingly integrated internally and forged stronger links to the world market. Public health was central to this discussion because of elite fears of contagion due to greater contact between Indians and non-Indians and the realization that if Indians were to be productive members of society, then their physical well-being had to be considered. This study examines the proposals of two Bolivian doctors, Jaime Mendoza and Nestor Morales, for improving the health of the native population in the context of the larger national debate about ethnicity and citizenship.
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Jaworowska, Mirosława. "Europa, europejskość i naród w twórczości Józefa Chałasińskiego." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 50, no. 3 (September 22, 2006): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2006.50.3.6.
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The author alludes to Józef Chałasiński’s article from 1946 entitled Polska leży w Europie [Poland lies in Europe] and published in the major weekly of his day, “Odrodzenie” [Rebirth] devoted to social and cultural issues. That article is claimed to be absolutely valid today when Poland has joined the EU. By emphasizing the European aspect of the Polish culture and history, Chałasiński successfully played up the problem of Poland’s place in Europe and the need to consider the practicalities. In which Europe? He developed this idea further over the next 20 years of his scholarship (1946–1966) which he then compiled in his book Kultura i naród [Culture and nation] published in 1968.According to the author, Chałasiński treats the notion of society as primal and preceding the notion of socialism which only broadens the notion of society with ideas of social justice, freedom and solidarity in attaining common good. She also suggests that by linking the ideas of Europe and Europeanism with those of Poland and Polish Europeanism in 1946 he was accentuating not only their geographical but most of all historical and cultural connections.
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JIMÉNEZ, LAURA RUIZ. "Peronism and Anti-imperialism in the Argentine Press: ‘Braden or Perón’ Was Also ‘Perón Is Roosevelt’." Journal of Latin American Studies 30, no. 3 (October 1998): 551–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x9800515x.
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An analysis of the seven daily newspapers with the widest circulation in Argentina, including the Peronist La Epoca, shows the humanisation of capitalism and social justice as the main topics of discussion in Argentine society between 1930 and 1946. Newspapers and parties debated the foundations of a much desired democratic revival and depicted the government of F. D. Roosevelt as a model to be followed. By 1946 most Argentines supported the implementation of policies similar to those of Roosevelt. In the light of this, Perón and the Unión Democrática competed to present themselves as the Argentine version of the US president. The deciding factor in the 1946 elections was not the defence of national sovereignty but rather the impression of which candidate would be capable of developing a democratic system which included economic and social concerns.
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Valois, Jocelyne. "La presse féminine et le rôle social de la femme." Articles 8, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 351–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/055375ar.
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Nous nous proposons d'étudier deux périodiques de la presse féminine canadienne-française. La Revue moderne est publiée pour la première fois en novembre 1919, et l'année 1919-1920 apparaît comme le point de départ tout désigné de notre analyse. Nous poursuivrons avec les années 1939-1940 et 1945-1946 car elles nous permettront d'estimer l'influence de la deuxième guerre mondiale sur la conception du rôle social de la femme. Châtelaine fait son apparition en octobre 1960 et c'est une nouvelle orientation que nous nous attendons alors de trouver. Mais il s'agit d'une orientation susceptible de varier et les numéros de 1965, la dernière année complète que nous considérerons, nous permettront de les évaluer. Avant d'aborder notre analyse, il importe de préciser les perspectives et les limites du travail. Pareille recherche courait le risque de devenir un énorme inventaire allant des problèmes politiques aux soins de beauté. Il nous fallait centrer notre étude sur un thème susceptible d'en assurer l'unité. Nous chercherons comment la Revue moderne et ensuite Châtelaine conçoivent les modalités d'action de la femme dans la société. Pour ce faire, nous considérerons deux catégories de textes. Les éditoriaux et quelques articles de caractère général nous permettront de relever les modèles idéaux de comportement prônés par la revue. Des textes décrivant des situations concrètes et, plus précisément, des exemples de femmes jouant un rôle social, nous conduiront vers les modèles effectifs de comportement.
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Сактаганова, Зaypecx Г. "Репрессивная политика советского государства в Казахстане в 1920–1930-е годы." Studia Orientalne 1, no. 1 (2012): 207–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/so2012110.
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The punitive measures employed by the Soviet authorities were primarily used to create a system of society management based on fear. Furthermore, repressions in the USSR were one of the main methods employed in the power struggle and they allowed to resettle thousands of people to scarcely populated regions of Russia without additional cost, expanding the system of corrective labour camps, which in turn provided non-paid workers for the realisation of massive social and economic endavours. Repressions in Kazakhstan were introduced in stages, following the main directions of the social, economic and national policy of the communist party and the state. An analysis of the repressive policy under the Soviet regime reveals 9 stages of wide-scale repressions in Kazakhstan. As a result of the “Bolshevik genocide”, Kazakhstan was deprived of its national political, cultural, scientific, technical and engineering elites as well as of the affluent peasantry – the most creative and independently thinking part of the society. Between the late 1930s and the mid 1940s deported to Kazakhstan were members of various nations: the Koreans, the Polish, the Germans, the Chechens, the Ingush, the Crimean Tatars, the Meskhet Turks, etc. The scale of resettlement was unprecedented even in the USSR. In one day hundreds of people were displaced from their settlements on a basis of vague charges; tens of thousands of them died during the resettlement. Common for all the stages of repressions are several key moments. Most often subject to repression were the most outstanding people, ones endowed with initiative, having their own position and capable of defending their point of view. The ideological framework for the program of repressive actions were the words of V. Lenin about “the Red Terror as a response to White Terror” and later the theory of J. Stalin on the class struggle exacerbating with the progress of the socialist society, which needed to be fuelled with the presence of a factual “enemy presence.” It is impossible now to find a scholar that would be able to estimate the number of victims of the political repression in Kazakhstan. A conclusion based on the archival sources points to the fact that the repressions were not only conducted on a mass scale, but also that they were methodically planned.
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FINOHENOV, Oleh. "«UKRAINIAN ISSUE» IN THE ACTIVITIES OF THE WESTERN UKRAINIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-12-22.
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In the 1920-1930s, the «Ukrainian issue» remained unsolved. None of the European states defended the right of the Ukrainian people to create their own independent and united country. Declaring the ideals of independence and unity of Ukraine, established in 1922, the Western Ukrainian Society of the League of Nations (ZUTLN) had two important tasks. Firstly, to update the "Ukrainian issue" in the international arena, and secondly, to revise the decision of the Council of Ambassadors of March 14, 1923, and with strong condemnation of the Polish national and cultural policy in the first half of the 1920s. The study notes that in the early 1920s, the ZUTLN was almost the only emigration structure created by famous Ukrainian public and political persons to expand the international influence of the exile government of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR) to address the state status of Eastern Galicia. In 1922–1924, the ZUTLN defended the national and state interests of Ukrainians in Galicia in the international arena and promoted the idea of restoring Ukrainian statehood after World War I. The foreign policy activities of the society on dealing with the «Ukrainian issue» is analyzed. The efficiency of ZUTLN governing bodies, the activities of its representatives in the Union of Societies of the League of Nations (STLN), is characterized. Cooperation with political parties of Western Ukraine and a similar Dnieper society is emphasized. It was concluded that thanks to the ZUTLN leaders' efforts, the "Ukrainian" or, more accurately, the «Eastern Galician issue» was repeatedly discussed at meetings of the Grand Council and the Political Committee of the General Assembly of the League of Nations international obligations. That's how world politicians could obtain reliable information about national minorities rights violations by the Polish authorities
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Elesgerova, Sakibe. "The period of the national movement in South Azerbaijan (1941– 1946)." SHS Web of Conferences 164 (2023): 00051. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202316400051.
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The complexity of Azerbaijanis in national-cultural thinking is loaded with understanding what is happening in the example of Russian chauvinism in the North and Persian sovereignty in the South and solving it as a problem. The difference in the appearance of the situation with such complex situations manifests itself in a variety of ways, from emotions to a different perception of reality. The basic principle manifests itself by connecting the society to the values of the archaic time in all parameters, to the bottom layer of the ethnic consciousness, and the struggle for nation-building and nationalization. Prose works created in 1941–1946, either during the reactionary period (1947–1978) or after the Islamic revolution, stand out for their magnificent imagination. The works of writers such as H.F. Khoshginabi, B. Hayili, G. Qahramanzade, Aydın, Habiba, Ermagani, and others, covering the years 1941–1946, are characterized as the energy of the ethnic's artistic thinking. The period of reaction of the Southern prose (1947–1978) became a reality with the emergence of fundamental artistic examples. Habib Sahir, Rahim Cadniku, Ganjali Sabahi, Samad Behrangi, Ismayil Hadi, Nasir Manzuri, etc. Prose samples, which are the products of the artists' pen, provide enough material to clarify the picture of the historical-cultural process.
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Mosbah-Natanson, Sébastien. "Sociology against Zionism? The Thought of French Jewish Sociologist René Worms on Jews and Judaism at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century." Jewish Social Studies 29, no. 1 (January 2024): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jss.00003.
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Abstract: Among French Jewish intellectuals who rejected Zionism in the early twentieth century was René Worms, a sociologist who used sociological theories as well as "francojudaïsme," the French-Jewish model of assimilation, to oppose it. In 1920–21, during debates organized by the Société de sociologie de Paris on the future of Palestine and Zionism, Worms used various theories to counter Jewish nationalism. Influenced by biology and race science, he began by denying the existence of a Jewish race, emphasizing the racial heterogeneity of modern Jews. His understanding of the evolution of modern religions toward universalism, influenced by Auguste Comte and Émile Durkheim, also discredited Zionism. Finally, his sociology of nationality, interwoven with Ernest Renan's conception of the nation, precluded any national claim to Judaism. This article examines the arguments Worms made and compare them to those of other speakers in debates between sociologists in Paris.
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Anselme, Marina L., and Catriona Hands. "Access to Secondary and Tertiary Education for All Refugees: Steps and Challenges to Overcome." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 27, no. 2 (January 18, 2012): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.34725.
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During situations of displacement, access for refugee youth to secondary educational initiatives is limited at best. However, upon the return of refugees, the national structure of their home country is most often weak and unstable. To ensure the economic, social, and political development of a society that has been severely affected by conflict or disaster, it is imperative that there be a youth population of capable, productive, and educated citizens who may provide an exit strategy from the situation. Future leaders must therefore be given the opportunity to promote the development both of themselves personally, and of their national structures, through learning—notably, secondary, vocational, and tertiary education. This paper underscores the need for and gaps in the provision of secondary educational initiatives, highlighting the many challenges involved in improving refugee youth access to both secondary and vocational education, and highlighting the issues that must be considered by policy and decision makers in order to facilitate and support such access.
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Roma, Giovanna. "The Indochinese Refugee Movement: An Exploratory Case Study of the Windsor Experience." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 32, no. 2 (September 2, 2016): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40261.
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Following the fall of Saigon in 1975, thousands fled Indochina in small boats to attain political asylum in neighbouring countries. Canada played a leading role in the resettlement of thousands of Indochinese refugees, and a significant part of this national effort was led by the city of Windsor, Ontario. This article examines Windsor’s local efforts to sponsor and integrate Indochinese refugees into Canadian society. In late 1977, Windsor Mayor Bert Weeks established an ad hoc committee on Indochinese refugees. Together with volunteers from local faith communities and non-governmental organizations, the city created a vast resettlement network and assumed the sponsorship of several families, well before the wave of refugees arrived in 1979. As an exploratory work, this article provides evidence of Windsor’s pivotal role in shaping the Canadian response to the Indochinese refugee crisis and may challenge the national narrative that large Canadian cities led refugee resettlement efforts. This study is timely, as important lessons can be drawn from the Windsor experience.
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Romînașu, Radu, and Laura Ardelean. "School, society, culture and national identity in Oradea in the period 1920–1930." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 26, no. 1 (March 2023): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2023.1.2.
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Cultural and social life clearly contributes to accentuate the self-awareness within a community that, through the act of culture, asserts itself in the field of international relations. At the same time, culture represents a sensitive barometer for socio-economic and political life, through which a series of vital factors can be identified in the process of recovery and development of nations. In the interwar period, Romanian society faced a complex situation, generated by the extensive socio-political, economic and cultural changes that occurred after the end of the Great War. The promotion of the interests of the Romanian national state and of mass culture at the level of the entire country was pursued with consistency, this reality also manifesting itself in the historical province of Crişana, with the city of Oradea as its center. In the new context, a justified emphasis was placed on the culturalization project of Romanian society, for which an appeal was made to the main state institutions and the numerous cultural associations and reunions organized after 1918. Thus, the cultural and economic development program was intended to be implemented on a social scale as wide as possible. In a general view, the schools and organized cultural events led to a series of positive results, accepted as such by the society of Oradea. First of all, the percentage of illiteracy, at alarming levels at the beginning of 1920, was significantly reduced, especially in the countryside. The network of schools in Bihor County, together with intensive conference activity, supported by specialists, allowed not only the enablement of the peasantry in socio-cultural life, but also the understanding of some socio-economic and cultural phenomena that took place with an overflowing rapidity in the interwar society.
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Ulu, Cafer. "Armenians in Turkish politics and parliament (1923-1946)." Journal of Global Economics and Business 3, no. 9 (January 4, 2022): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/jgeb.v3i9.116.
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There is a long and complicated history between Turks and Armenians. Armenians have consistently found a place for themselves in business, the economy, society, and government. Before the Constitutional Monarchy, Armenians began to participate actively in the governmental structure throughout the Ottoman Empire and attained a variety of high posts, including ministerial positions. After the Constitutional Monarchy, they were represented in the parliament by a sizable number of lawmakers as well as by employees and ministers. After the Turkish Republic was established, the same condition persisted. Armenian representatives have served in the Turkish Grand National Assembly from the beginning of the Turkish parliament. Atatürk also allocated quotas for the minorities for their deputies and allowed them to enter the parliament. In this article, you will find the activities of the deputy and parliamentary Armenian citizens who served in the Turkish Grand National Assembly between 1923-1946.
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Osiecki, Jakub. "Towarzystwo Polsko-Ormiańskie we Lwowie (1920-1922)." Lehahayer 7 (March 15, 2021): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lh.07.2020.07.05.
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Polish-Armenian Society in Lwów (1920-1922)
Using Armenian and Polish sources, the author analyses the activities ofthe Polish-Armenian Society (Towarzystwo Polsko-Ormiańskie) founded in Lwów(Poland) on June 15, 1920. This organization focused on building relations betweenPoland and Armenia. Its leaders, Jan Grzegorzewski, Garabed Keuprulian and AugustTeodorowicz established cooperation with the Armenian National Delegationin Paris, chaired by Boghos Nubar Pasha, and with its branch in Berlin. They alsoundertook the difficult mission of lobbying for the Armenian case in Warsaw. In thefirst phase of its activity, the Society planned to relocate Polish Armenians (officialsand intelligentsia) to the territories of Western Armenia; due to the deteriorating internationalsituation, the idea was abandoned. Subsequently, efforts were focused onhelping Armenian refugees from Turkey in the Caucasus; on this matter, the Societymade an appeal to the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Konstanty Skirmunt.The suspension of the Society’s activity was related to the deterioration of Armenia’ssituation on the international arena. With the abandonment of the Armenianquestion by France and Great Britain, the exchange of letters with activists in Parisalso stopped. The author compares the Society with its counterpart in London – theBritish Armenian Committee, emphasizing the organization of Polish Armenianswas truly exceptional because it was the first one of its kind, and also because itfocused not on the problems of the local diaspora, but on the issue of Armenia’s independence.
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Mukhambetgalieva, A. K. "PENSION PROVISION OF THE POPULATION OF AKTOBE REGION IN POSTWAR YEARS (1946 -1953)." History of the Homeland 96, no. 4 (December 29, 2021): 172–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2021_4_172.
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The article deals with the issues of pension provision of the population of Aktobe region in the postwar years. The author of the article relies on the database of sources stored in the State Archive of Aktobe region (SAAR), in the fonds of the Aktobe region department of social security and the region committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan. The archival materials allow specifying Stalin's strategy of solving problems of social protection of Soviet citizens in the conditions of post-war devastation and restoration of national economy. The paper reveals the peculiarities of pension provision of post-war population and characterizes its mechanisms in terms of efficiency in solving social problems of the society. The article concludes that in the period under review the pensions of the population were miserable, and for most people it was the only means of survival. Significant improvements in the system of pensions occurred only after the adoption of the Law on State Pensions in 1956.
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McCreery, David. "‘This Life of Misery and Shame’: Female Prostitution in Guatemala City, 1880–1920." Journal of Latin American Studies 18, no. 2 (November 1986): 333–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00012050.
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A number of recent studies1 suggest that prostitution – ‘The act or practice of indulging in promiscuous sexual relations, especially for money’2 – in western society increased dramatically in the late nineteenth century, both in real terms and in popular consciousness. ‘Large scale, conspicuous prostitution’, they argue, ‘was a by-product of the first, explosive stage in the growth of the modern, industrial city…’ It is a proposition of this article that such changes were, in fact, far more widespread. From the evidence of Guatemala it appears that prostitution also increased during these years in agricultural export societies. Under the impact of demands from industrializing nations, colonial and neo-colonial regimes overhauled domestic economic and social structures to increase raw material and food production for export. Unprecedented but unstable economic prosperity, urbanization, and the social disorganization resulting from the implementation of systems of forced labour and removal from the land created a climate propitious for an increase in and institutionalization of commerical sex. This paper is an examination of the growth of female prostitution in late nineteenth-century Guatemala City, of the situation and attitudes of the women involved, and of state efforts to control the traffic. More broadly, it argues that attempts to regulate prostitution must be understood as part of a liberal drive to mobilize and control society as a whole in the interest of a class-defined vision of national development.
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Dagicour, Ombelyne. "Célébrer l'unité nationale: le Centenaire de l'indépendance de 1921 et les contradictions de la Patria Nueva au Pérou." Revista de Ciencias Sociales Ambos Mundos, no. 3 (March 10, 2022): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/ambos.20907.
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En 1921, la commémoration du centenaire est l’occasion pour le président Leguía d’affirmer l’image d’une nation « moderne » et l’intérêt du régime de la Patrie Nouvelle pour le développement matériel et social. Le faste des festivités et l’unité apparente de ce moment d’exaltation nationale ne doivent cependant pas masquer la simultanéité de profondes dynamiques de contestations intérieures de l’ordre politique et social, laissant apparaître une société péruvienne très polarisé. Au-delà de la propagande des discours officiels, cet article propose de repositionner le centenaire dans son contexte socio-politique afin de mieux comprendre les contradictions du projet libéral modernisateur léguiiste et éclairer la fragilité d’un État-nation péruvien en cours de construction en cette décennie 1920.
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Molodchikova, Tatiana S. "INDIGENOUS EDUCATION AS A NATIONAL PROJECT IN MEXICO 1910–1920S." History and Archives, no. 3 (2021): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-3-87-96.
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This article focuses on the study of the characteristics of the sociocultural policy of the Mexican state in relation to the indigenous population in the 1910–1920s – a period of revolutionary transformations and the building of a “new type” society in Mexico. During the Mexican Revolution, the “Indian question”, along with the work and agrarian question, became a key point in the policy of the revolutionary governments. The importance of the popular education issue in Mexico in the first post-revolutionary years was determined by the fact that three quarters of the population did not have access to the state education system, as well as by the existence of numerous ethnosocial groups, territorially and culturally separated from each other and the rest of the country. It should be emphasized that the 1910–1920s were marked by the genesis of numerous theories of the unification of Mexican society and the integration of the native population, as well as by the introduction of modern, experimental teaching methods (in particular, the rationalist and socialist school), the purpose of which was to translate into reality the Revolution ideals and build a new Mexican society. The policy of integrating the native population of Mexico was carried out through numerous educational projects, which include the “cultural missions”, “Indigenous Student House”, “House of the People” and others. Analysis of archival materials related to the preparation of the first «cultural missions», as well as the functioning of educational institutions designed to educate the indigenous student, made it possible to identify the characteristics of the socio-cultural integration of the rural population of Mexico during the above period.
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Molodchikova, Tatiana S. "INDIGENOUS EDUCATION AS A NATIONAL PROJECT IN MEXICO 1910–1920S." History and Archives, no. 3 (2021): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-3-87-96.
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This article focuses on the study of the characteristics of the sociocultural policy of the Mexican state in relation to the indigenous population in the 1910–1920s – a period of revolutionary transformations and the building of a “new type” society in Mexico. During the Mexican Revolution, the “Indian question”, along with the work and agrarian question, became a key point in the policy of the revolutionary governments. The importance of the popular education issue in Mexico in the first post-revolutionary years was determined by the fact that three quarters of the population did not have access to the state education system, as well as by the existence of numerous ethnosocial groups, territorially and culturally separated from each other and the rest of the country. It should be emphasized that the 1910–1920s were marked by the genesis of numerous theories of the unification of Mexican society and the integration of the native population, as well as by the introduction of modern, experimental teaching methods (in particular, the rationalist and socialist school), the purpose of which was to translate into reality the Revolution ideals and build a new Mexican society. The policy of integrating the native population of Mexico was carried out through numerous educational projects, which include the “cultural missions”, “Indigenous Student House”, “House of the People” and others. Analysis of archival materials related to the preparation of the first «cultural missions», as well as the functioning of educational institutions designed to educate the indigenous student, made it possible to identify the characteristics of the socio-cultural integration of the rural population of Mexico during the above period.
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Baud, Michiel. "Beyond Benedict Anderson: Nation-Building and Popular Democracy in Latin America." International Review of Social History 50, no. 3 (November 18, 2005): 485–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859005002191.
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Beyond Imagined Communities. Reading and Writing the Nation in Nineteenth-Century Latin America. Ed. by Sara Castro-Klarén and John Charles Chasteen. Woodrow Wilson Center Press, Washington DC; Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore [etc.] 2003. 280 pp. $45.00. (Paper: $22.95.)Boyer, Christopher Robert. Becoming Campesinos. Politics, Identity, and Agrarian Struggle in Postrevolutionary Michoacán, 1920–1935. Stanford University Press, Stanford (Cal.) 2003. xii, 320 pp. Ill. £45.95.Forment, Carlos A. Democracy in Latin America, 1760–1900. Volume I, Civic Selfhood and Public Life in Mexico and Peru. [Morality and Society Series.] University of Chicago Press, Chicago [etc.] 2003. xxix, 454 pp. Maps. $35.00; £24.50.Larson, Brooke. Trials of Nation Making. Liberalism, Race, and Ethnicity in the Andes, 1810–1910. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge [etc.] 2004. xiii, 299 pp. Ill. Maps. $70.00; £45.00. (Paper: $24.99; £17.99.)Studies in the Formation of the National State in Latin America. Ed. by James Dunkerley. Institute of Latin American Studies, University of London, London, 2002. 298 pp. £14.95; € 20.00; $19.95.
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Guerra, Maria Pia. "The Judiciary in the Thought of Oliveira Vianna." Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro 184, no. 493 (December 20, 2023): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.23927/revihgb.v.184.n.493.2023.74.
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Between 1920 and 1930, Oliveira Vianna theoretically formulated a new model of the judiciary, aiming for its integration into a corporatist-authoritarian power project that sought to reorganize society and the state. Vianna envisioned a robust judiciary, notwithstanding the dominance of the executive power and administrative agencies. This strength would emerge from the use of the "legal technique" of American legal realism. Moreover, due to its centralization in the Union, judges were expected to play a role in restraining deviations of legislative power and local authorities. The result was an institutional arrangement under tension, where the judiciary served the organization of the Nation but held a position subordinate to that of the head of the national executive power. These tensions reveal legal dilemmas in both authoritarian and democratic contexts.