Academic literature on the topic 'Société des Nations (1920-1946)'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Société des Nations (1920-1946).'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Société des Nations (1920-1946)"
1
Barros, Andrew, Nicolas Vaicbourdt, and Ludovic Tournès. "Les États-Unis et la Société des nations (1914-1946)." Monde(s) N° 19, no. 1 (2021): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mond1.211.0203.
Full text
2
Sierpowski, Stanisław. "Tajne spotkania członków Rady Ligi Narodów w świetle dokumentacji Archivès de la Société des Nations w Genewie." Przegląd Archiwalno-Historyczny 1 (2014): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2391-890xpah.14.009.14870.
Full textAbstract:
W artykule zostało uwypuklone znaczenie dokumentacji archiwalnej z poufnych lub tajnych spotkań lub „wymiany zdań” członków Rady LN, podczas których wykuwały się lub były ustalone rozwiązania prezentowane następnie podczas „prywatnych” lub „publicznych” sesji. Zwrócenie uwagi na rolę tej dokumentacji dla poznania polityki poszczególnych państw reprezentowanych w Radzie jest poza dyskusją. Nie wydaje się jednak, aby badacze dziejów LN, a więc i pośrednio stosunków międzynarodowych okresu międzywojennego, przywiązywali wagę do tej spuścizny. Pośrednio świadczą o tym trudności z dotarciem do sporządzanych na bieżąco protokołów, które za lata 1933-1939 nie są ujęte w Archives de la Société des Nations 1919-1946. Répertoire Général 1919-1946, (Genève sd., s. 664). Z dokumentacji tej – bardziej niż z innej – wyziera dominacja interesu własnego, aczkolwiek przyodzianego w „ligowe szaty”. Tajne spotkania członków Rady, mające pierwotnie na celu uzgodnienie stanowiska w kwestiach personalnych, przybrały charakter narady o najważniejszych, zwłaszcza konfliktowych problemach widniejących w programie sesji publicznych. Tym ostatnim nadawano szeroki rozgłos, w przeciwieństwie do narad tajnych, które kłóciły się z filozofią Ligi Narodów, wyrażoną także w preambule do Paktu, gdzie zakładano „utrzymywanie jawnych stosunków międzynarodowych”. Secret meetings of the members ot the Council League of Nations, as presented in the documents of Archivès de la Sociéte des Nations in Geneva The article emphasizes how important the archive documents drafted during secret or confidential meetings (or “exchange of opinions” sessions) of the members of the Council League of Nations are. During these sessions, the solutions subsequently presented during “private” or “public” sessions were developed. The role of these documents for understanding the policies of individual states represented in the Council is indisputable. It does not seem, however, that the researchers of the history of the League, and so indirectly the researchers of the international relations of the period 1918-1939, paid enough attention to this heritage. Indirectly, it is evidenced by the difficulties with accessing protocols drafted during these sessions, of which protocols for the years 1933-1939 are not included in the Archives de la Société des Nations 1919-1946. Répertoire Général 1919-1946, (Genève sd. p. 664). These documents – more than any others – prove than individual interests dominated, although they were disguised as the interests of the League. Secret meetings of the members of the Council were initially supposed to coordinate the positions on personal matters. However, they turned into debates about the most pivotal, especially conflictual problems present in the agenda of the public sessions. Those agendas were then highly publicized, as opposed to the agendas of the secret meetings – the fact which contradicted the philosophy of the League, which was also expressed in the Preamble to the Treaty, where sustaining transparent international relations was assumed.
3
Constant, Monique. "Combats contre la traite des femmes à la Société des Nations (1920-1940)." Relations internationales 131, no. 3 (2007): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ri.131.0039.
Full text
4
Piguet, Myriam. "Employées à la Société des nations : carrières et conditions de travail, 1920-1932." Monde(s) N° 19, no. 1 (2021): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mond1.211.0051.
Full text
5
Pénicaut, Emmanuel. "L’armée française en Sarre, 1918-1930." Revue Historique des Armées 254, no. 1 (2009): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rha.254.0020.
Full textAbstract:
En vertu des dispositions du traité de Versailles, le territoire de la Sarre fut, de 1920 à 1935, séparé de l’Allemagne et placé sous la tutelle de la Société des Nations, la France disposant de la propriété de ses houillères en compensation des destructions de son propre bassin minier pendant la guerre. Pour garantir ses intérêts et assurer la sécurité des voies ferrées, qui traversaient le territoire en direction des pays rhénans occupés, le gouvernement français entretint en Sarre une importante garnison militaire, dont la présence provoqua de multiples difficultés diplomatiques avec l’Allemagne, les pays alliés et la Société des Nations. Le présent article brosse l’histoire de ces troupes, depuis l’occupation militaire de novembre 1918 jusqu’à l’évacuation des derniers soldats, à la suite de l’évacuation de la Rhénanie.
6
Tournès, Ludovic. "La philanthropie américaine, la Société des Nations et la coproduction d'un ordre international (1919-1946)." Relations internationales 151, no. 3 (2012): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ri.151.0025.
Full text
7
Ghebali, Victor-Yves. "Before UNESCO and the WHO." Contemporary European History 11, no. 4 (2002): 659–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302004083.
Full textAbstract:
Jean-Jacques Renoliet, L'UNESCO oubliée. La Société des Nations et la coopération intellectuelle (1919–1946), foreword by René Girault (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1999), 352 pp., FF180, ISBN 2-6384-7701-1.Christel Taillibert, L'Institut international du cinématographe international éducatif. Regards sur le rôle du cinéma éducatif dans la politique internationale du fascisme italien (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1999), 401 pp., FF180, ISBN 2-85944-384-3.Marta Aleksandra Balińska, Une vie pour l'humanitaire. Ludwik Rajchmann, 1881–1965, foreword by Bronislaw Geremek, L'Espace de l'histoire (Paris: La Découverte, 1995), 399 pp., FF165, ISBN 2-7071-2485-0.
8
Rosenne, Shabtai. "The Changing Role of the International Court." Israel Law Review 20, no. 2-3 (1985): 182–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700017623.
Full textAbstract:
En s'efforçant, au lendemain de la guerre [1914 – 1918], de poser les bases d'une société de peuples régie par le droit, les fondateurs de cette communauté internationale nouvelle se rendaient pleinement compte qu'il ne saurait y avoir une société organisée sans un pouvoir judiciaire chargé de veiller, en dehors de toute préoccupation de politique et de force, à la stricte observation du droit. C'est dans cette conviction qu'ils ont prévu, dès l'origine, la création de la Cour permanente de Justice internationale.Feinberg in 1931Reviewing the history of the Permanent Court of International Justice and of the International Court of Justice from 1922—the World Court, a convenient but possibly misleading expression which embraces both the Permanent Court from 1922 to 1945 and the present International Court of Justice established as an integral part of the United Nations since—four clearly separated periods can be discerned. They run from 1922 to 1931, 1932 to 1940, 1946 to 1966, and from 1967 onwards.The establishment of the League of Nations and the Permanent Court after a cataclysmic war in Europe and the awe-inspiring Russian Revolution released a wave of euphoria upon the exhausted and war-weary peoples of what is now known as Western Europe, and they placed great hopes in the new League and Court.
9
Rossi, Benedetta. "Périodiser la fin de l'esclavage: Le droit colonial, la Société des Nations et la résistance des esclaves dans le Sahel nigérien, 1920-1930." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 72, no. 4 (2017): 983–1021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264918000598.
Full textAbstract:
RésuméQuand, comment et pourquoi l'esclavage a-t-il disparu dans le Sahel nigérien – si tant est qu'il ait complètement disparu ? Quels processus ont favorisé l’émancipation des personnes réduites en esclavage ? Quelles étaient les stratégies des administrateurs coloniaux, des propriétaires d'esclaves, des trafiquants, des esclaves eux-mêmes et de leurs descendants ? Au cours des deux premières décennies de l'occupation française du Sahel central, l'abolition légale n'a pas abouti à l’éradication de l'esclavage car les lois n’étaient pas appliquées. Mais, à partir des années 1920, l'internationalisation de l'abolition qui a suivi la création de la Société des Nations a entraîné la mise en œuvre des lois contre l'esclavage. Cet article entend montrer que l’émancipation a connu une impulsion initiale grâce à la mise en place de mécanismes internationaux de surveillance en mesure de (dé)légitimer le pouvoir colonial à un moment où personne ne cherchait activement à mettre fin à l'esclavage dans cette région. L'article met tout d'abord l'accent sur les ambiguïtés de l'abolitionnisme européen et sur les interconnexions entre la Société des Nations, l’État français et les administrateurs sur le terrain. Il propose ensuite une micro-analyse de la résistance à l'esclavage, en montrant comment des personnes asservies ou victimes de la traite des esclaves, en particulier des jeunes femmes, ont tiré profit des transformations institutionnelles à l’échelle mondiale pour poursuivre leurs propriétaires ou des trafiquants devant les tribunaux. Il examine enfin les souvenirs contemporains d'une femme âgée qui a connu, plus jeune, des situations analogues à celles décrites précédemment dans l'article. Sa perception, ainsi que celle d'autres personnes ayant eu des expériences similaires, s'inscrivent dans un contexte marqué par la tension entre des discours circonscrits en faveur de l'esclavage et la lutte pour l'abolition menée au niveau local.
10
Bourneuf, Pierre-Etienne. "La Société des Nations et la force internationale à Vilna (1920-1921) : un projet précurseur pour le maintien de la paix ?" Relations internationales 166, no. 2 (2016): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ri.166.0087.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Société des Nations (1920-1946)"
1
Mouton, Marie-Renée. "La Société des Nations et les intérêts de la France (1920-1924)." Paris 1, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA010671.
Full textAbstract:
La première institution internationale voit le jour après la grande guerre. Association des états vainqueurs, ouverte aux neutres et, sous certaines conditions, aux vaincus, façonnée par les anglo-saxons mais aussitôt privée du soutien américain, elle se trouve, dès l'origine, sous l'influence prédominante des deux "grands" européens, l’Angleterre et la France : leur entente assure son fonctionnement, leurs divergences le paralysent. Notre thèse s'appuie sur les archives diplomatiques françaises et les sources genevoises. Elle étudie l'action de la France à la société des nations, de 1920 à 1924, à travers quatre thèmes essentiels : l'administration de la Sarre, la sécurité et le maintien de la paix en Europe, les mandats, la coopération financière. Ainsi se dégage, à défaut d'une véritable doctrine, la continuité d'une politique dominée par la défiance (à l'égard du secrétariat permanent, de l'assemblée générale, des comités techniques. . . ) pour défendre les intérêts nationaux, hommes d'état (Millerand, Briand, Poincaré) et services du quai d’Orsay se servent de la SDN garante des traites et, par la, gage de stabilité. Mais ils restreignent ses compétences et combattent ses initiatives, dès que les droits de la France leur paraissent, à tort ou à raison, menaces. Absence de grands états, volonté d'indépendance, désaccords avec Londres sur les problèmes militaires et financiers, tous les incite à limiter cette expérience de diplomatie nouvelle. Les principales questions du temps ne se règlent pas à Genève!<br>The first international institution was born after the first world war. It is an association of the victorious states, opened to the neutrals and, under some conditions, to the defeated states, drafted by the anglo-saxons, but immediately deprived of united states support. From the beginning, it has been under the predominant influence of the two european great powers, england and france : their harmony guarantees its working, their differences render it powerless. Our thesis is based upon french diplomatic archives and genova sources. It studies french action in the league of nations, from 1920 to 1924, on four main points : the administration of the saar, security and peace in europe, the mandates, financial cooperation. It concludes that, in the absence of a proper doctrine, one may find the continuity of a policy of dis trust (against the permanent secretariat, the general assembly, technical committees). To protect national interests, statesmen (millerand, briand, poincare and quai d'orsay offices use the league, which guarantees the treaties and, therefore, stability. But they restrict its fields of action and fight its initiatives, as soon as they believe, rightly or wrongly, that french rights are threatened. The absence of some major countries, the desire of independance, the disagreement with london on military and financial problems, everything induces to limit this experiment of n
2
Florent, Julien. "Renseignement et diplomatie de la SDN à l'ONU : histoire des pratiques de l'espionnage dans les organisations internationales." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040221.
Full textAbstract:
Les Etats sont amenés à espionner les organisations internationales, les structures comme les membres qui les composent, car ces organisations ont déterminé depuis 1920 la place et la puissance des Etats dans l’ordre international. Cette recherche traite de la dynamique du renseignement dans la relation diplomatique de l’Etat à la Société des Nations et aux Nations Unies, de son articulation avec la diplomatie dans l’élaboration d’une politique étrangère à la SDN et à l’ONU. L’enjeu est de définir les leviers théoriques de l’articulation stratégique entre les services diplomatiques et les services de renseignement au cours de moments historiques précis et marquants des appréhensions, des objectifs, des moyens de mise en œuvre et de conduite des politiques d’influence des Etats dans les organisations internationales. A la SDN puis à l’ONU, nous étudierons le renseignement par le biais de son évolution vis-à-vis de ces nouveaux cadres internationaux, des figures et des jeux d’espions qui entourent les activités des organisations internationales, puis au cours de temps diplomatiques forts qui ont renforcé son rôle dans les organismes internationaux. Cette étude revisite l’histoire des relations internationales et des grandes institutions multilatérales telle qu’elle a été appréciée par les services de renseignement. Nous verrons ainsi que le renseignement à la SDN et à l’ONU se construit en fonction des impératifs diplomatiques comme un outil traditionnel de puissance et d’influence, un instrument de force et d’intégration de la politique étrangère des Etats. Il permettra de se projeter dans une actualité très contemporaine avec toute la profondeur de l’Histoire<br>States are encouraged to spy on international organizations, as much on the structures themselves as on the members who compose them, because these organizations have determined since 1920 the role and power of states in the international order. This research deals with the intelligence process in the State diplomatic relation with the League of Nations (LN) and the United Nations (UN), and its coordination with diplomacy in developing a foreign policy within the LN and the UN. What is a stake is to define the theoretical levers of strategic coordination between the diplomatic and intelligence services during specific historical moments of apprehensions, objectives, means of implementation and conduct of policies of influence of states within international organizations. In the LN then in the UN, we will study intelligence through its evolution with regard to the new international frameworks, figures and spy games around the activities of international organizations and during strong diplomatic times which strengthened its role in international bodies. This study revisits the history of international relations and major multilateral institutions as it was appreciated by the intelligence services. We will see therefore that Intelligence in the LN and the UN is built depending on the diplomatic imperatives, as a traditional tool of power and influence, an instrument of strength and integration of the foreign policy of States. It will throw us in very contemporary affairs with all the depth of History
3
Papadaki, Marilena. "Nicolas Politis (1872-1942) : la science au service de la construction d'une société internationale entre ordre et liberté." Paris, EHESS, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EHES0085.
Full textAbstract:
L'objet de cette thèse est l'étude du personnage de Nicolas Politis, juriste internationaliste libéral, d'origine grecque mais d'expression française, né à la fin du XIXe siècle. Ce personnage est demeuré inconnu de l'historiographie grecque et française, malgré le rôle majeur qu'il a exercé dans plusieurs registres de sa compétence reconnue : celui d'universitaire, théoricien et expert du droit international français; celui de diplomate et d'homme politique au service de la Grèce; celui d'arbitre et avocat international, à plusieurs niveaux d'action : la Grèce, la France et les institutions internationales de la Haye, de Paris et de Genève. Membre d'une famille connue d'hommes de science originaire de l'île de Corfou, Nicolas Politis est parvenu à se placer au centre d'une élite internationale qui s'est engagée, durant les années qui ont suivi la Première Guerre mondiale, dans une organisation nouvelle des relations internationales. La thèse examine comment il a pu exercer ce rôle grâce à une rare combinaison de génie, de stratégie, de circonstances ainsi qu'à un juste équilibre entre son patriotisme grec, son libéralisme politique et son internationalisme juridique. L'étude de son parcours permet de lier histoire politique, histoire intellectuelle, histoire des institutions, histoire et philosophie du droit international. Elle constitue une source précieuse d'informations sur les activités, la vie personnelle et les stratégies d'un savant engagé, une présentation des événements de la période à laquelle il a vécu ainsi qu'une analyse de l'évolution de sa pensée et de sa doctrine juridique, en interaction avec les pratiques étatiques suivies<br>The purpose of this thesis is to study the life of Nicolas Politis, an international liberal jurist of Greek origin but of French expression, born in the late 19th century. Almost unknown to the Greek and French historiography, he played a major role in the socio-political scene of his time not only as a French academic, theorist and expert but also as a Greek diplomat, politician and an international arbiter and lawyer. In doing so, he intervened at three levels of action, that of France, Greece and new international institutions in The Hague, Paris and Geneva. Originating from a well-known family of scientists on the island of Corfu. Nicolas Politis managed to be at the center of an international elite committed to reorganizing international relations, in the years following the First World War. The thesis examines the way his internationalist discourse and his political career were constructed in terms of his genius, and his strategy to approach the socio-political situation of his time. It provides valuable information on his personal life and his career as a scientist through a presentation of the events of the period he lived in, as well as, an analysis of the evolution of his thinking and doctrine which combined his Greek patriotism, his political liberalism and his internationalism. In this study, political history, intellectual history, history of institutions, history and philosophy of international law are in a constant interaction
4
Franza, Michel. "L'Europe nouvelle (1920-1934) : étude et réactions d'une revue politique face au mouvement de rénovation internationale et sa double approche de la construction de la paix par la presse et la Société des nations." Paris 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA010687.
Full textAbstract:
L'idée de rénovation devint le maitre mot de l'entre-deux-guerres. La politique étrangère constitua l'un des chantiers principaux de cette réflexion réformatrice. La SDN fut l'expression politique officielle de ce renouveau annonce, mais condition nécessaire, elle était loin d'être suffisante pour tous ceux qui considéraient que le siècle avait bascule dans une ère moderne ou le progrès était synonyme de solidarité entre les peuples. Une opposition vit le jour entre les tenants d'une paix morte et les partisans d'une paix vivante. Dans cette lutte pour la construction de la paix par l'organisation internationale un grand nombre d'associations, de groupes et de mouvements réformateurs, soutenus ou à l'origine d'une presse militante, s'employèrent à dessiner les contours d'une société internationale solidaire. L’Europe nouvelle fut une de ces revues qui, dès 1918, entama, sous la direction de Louise Weiss, un patient travail de réflexion et de rassemblement des élites afin de définir cette nouvelle diplomatie. Cercle de sociabilité pacifiste et européen ou se réunissaient les ailes avancées des élites de la diplomatie, de la politique, de la presse et de la culture internationales, l’Europe nouvelle, milita de 1920 à 1934 pour le désarmement moral et pour la construction de l’Europe<br>The idea of reform became the major word of the years between the two wars. International politics was one of the main reasons of this reformer reflection. The league was the official political expression of this announced reform, but it was far from being sufficient for all those who considered that the century had toppled into a modern era where progress was synonymous with solidarity between the populations. An opposition saw the day between the supporters of a passive peace and the partisans of an active peace. In this struggle for the construction of peace by the international organisation, a large number of associations, groups and reforming movements, supported or at the origin of a militant press, worked at the conception of a solidary international company. « L’Europe nouvelle" was one of these reviews which, as from 1918, started, under the management of Louise Weiss, a painstaking work of reflection and gathering of the elite so as to define this new diplomacy. Circle of pacifist and european sociability , "l'Europe nouvelle" militates in favour of moral disarmament and for the construction of europe
5
Gradvohl, Paul. "Genèse et mise en place du contrôle militaire interallié en Hongrie : un exemple de politique militaire française au centre de l'Europe en 1918-1927." Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA040010.
Full textAbstract:
Le statut international de la Hongrie n'a été établi définitivement que par le traité de Trianon (signe le 4 juin 1920) qui a été mis en vigueur le 26 juillet 1921. Située au centre de l’Europe danubienne, la Hongrie a fait l'objet dès l'armistice signe à Padoue, le 3 novembre 1918, de mesures de désarmement importantes. Le but de cette thèse est de comprendre comment le désarmement, et son corollaire le contrôle militaire, sont apparus en tant qu'instrument de la politique militaire française à la fin de la guerre, puis ont été mis en œuvre l'essentiel du travail a porté sur la période fondatrice : 1918-1921. C'est alors que se fixent les traits principaux de la politique française. La préparation des traités de paix a été l'occasion de réflexions profondément novatrices - désarmement des vainqueurs aussi bien que des vaincus, prise en compte des réalités du terrain, par exemple - qui furent abandonnées. C'est ce qui explique les termes assez durs pour la Hongrie des clauses militaires du traité de paix entrées en vigueur en juillet 1921. Mais en 1919-1920, la révolution puis la contre-révolution en Hongrie mettent les militaires français responsables sur place dans une position très délicate, tout en ouvrant pendant l'année 1920 des perspectives stratégiques méconnues. L'échec du rapprochement franco-hongrois amène les militaires chargés des questions de contrôle à tenter de rétablir la coopération interalliée. La place de la Hongrie dans le dispositif stratégique français est donc importante, notamment sur la base de considérations géographiques qui paraissent échappera beaucoup de responsables à Paris et parfois dans les pays voisins de la Hongrie. La question de la puissance française est donc posée des 1918/1919 dans l’Europe danubienne, de façon sans doute plus abrupte qu'en Allemagne. Mais des solutions alternatives ont bien existé, du moins jusqu'à l'automne 1920 pour ce qui est de la Hongrie et de la politique hongroise de la France.
6
Malmer, Elin. "Hemmet vid nationens skola : Väckelsekristendom, värnplikt och soldatmission, ca 1900-1920." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-97794.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is set within a framework of the revivalist Christians’ Inner Mission, and presents as a case-study their mission to conscripts stationed in military exercise areas and garrison towns across Sweden. The revivalists’ evangelical zeal is given special attention. This is in contrast to much of the earlier research, which worked with the secularization paradigm formulated by the founders of sociology. Conscription in the early 20th century was regarded in various civilian and military circles as a platform for social and national integration, although these attitudes remain largely unstudied in Sweden’s case. Those engaged in missionizing the army were also drawn to this ‘School of the Nation’. The thesis shows that the motives of those involved in this home mission to soldiers were grounded in religion. However, the expansive missionary work was strengthened by the positions held by its male protagonists in the power structures of society. The mission was maintained by social contacts between an informal alliance of upper-class officers from among the mission’s military members, and by civilian missionaries from lower social classes. A decisive contextual factor for the army-mission as an educational project was that Sweden remained at peace. The civilian contribution to the mission grew as it spread more widely through the country. It is argued in this thesis that the soldiers’ homes were dominated by a discourse of domesticity. This discourse designated a place, a relationship, and a state of mind for the conscript during his free time at the military base. The missionaries were convinced that contact with the domestic and family values of civilian society should be preserved by the soldiers’ homes. The discourse of domesticity also looked ahead to the conscript’s subsequent life in civilian society: the missionaries wished to train up conscripts to be sober, moral family breadwinners.
7
Eke, Collins U. "Where Did They Go? Analysis of Out-Migration from Mammoth Cave National Park, 1920-1940." TopSCHOLAR®, 2019. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/3111.
Full textAbstract:
The 52,830-acre Mammoth Cave National Park, located in the karst region of south-central Kentucky, was formally established in July of 1941, culminating nearly three decades of park creation that displaced several thousand residents of the region. This thesis sampled residents using the 1920 manuscript census for the United States Census of Population and Housing and tracked their migration destinations using the 1930 and 1940 manuscript censuses. Migration patterns for the entire sample, as well as by race and homeownership status, were identified through mapping. Out-migrants generally chose locations north, west, and east of the proposed park area, noticeably neglecting the Deep South. Statistical analyses proved significant differences between proportions of Black out-migrants and White out-migrants moving to urban areas, as well as those of homeowners and renters who were not successfully tracked during analysis. The research underlines unintended consequences of the forced out-migration from the proposed Mammoth Cave National Park and several factors that contributed to it. In the process, the thesis fills a gap in research on Mammoth Cave National Park and sheds light on an important aspect of Kentucky’s history.
8
Berkes, Antal. "L'affaire des optants : les enjeux nationaux et internationaux d'un différend roumano-hongrois." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 3, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022PA030035.
Full textAbstract:
Le différend roumano-hongrois des optants, qui se déroula de 1922 à 1930, est un conflit international qui accompagna la politique des affaires étrangères de la Hongrie et de la Roumanie tout au long de l’époque d’entre-deux-guerres, et qui s’inséra dans un contexte historique plus global. À la suite de l’occupation et l’annexion de la Transylvanie par la Roumanie, quelques 360-370 familles hongroises d’origine de la Transylvanie utilisèrent leur droit d’option et choisirent la nationalité hongroise. Or, contrairement aux dispositions du Traité de paix de Trianon, ils perdirent leurs domaines fonciers dans la réforme agraire transylvaine sans aucune compensation. Ils initièrent, ainsi que le gouvernement hongrois dans leur nom, un litige international contre la Roumanie pour revendiquer la restituttion ou la compensation des domaines fonciers expropriés. La thèse démontre qu’aussi bien la Roumanie que la Hongrie furent intéressées non pas au règlement prompt de la dispute à tout prix, mais à sa publicité sur la scène internationale afin de renforcer leurs narrations favorable (position roumaine) ou hostile (position hongroise révisionniste) au statu quo créé par le traité de paix de Trianon. Quant aux optants, peu d’entre eux réussirent à sauvegarder leur position économique et sociale d’élite, mais la plupart d’entre eux subirent un déracinement et un appauvrissement, malgré leur réussite finale à obtenir justice et une compensation pour les terres perdues<br>The Romanian-Hungarian optants dispute, which took place from 1922 to 1930, is an international conflict which accompanied Hungary’s and Romania’s policy of foreign affairs throughout the interwar period, and which fits into a global historical context. Following the occupation and annexation of Transylvania by Romania, some 360-370 Hungarian families of Transylvanian origin used their right of option and chose Hungarian nationality. However, contrary to the provisions of the treaty of peace of Trianon, they lost their land estates in the Transylvanian agrarian reform without any compensation. They initiated, as well as the Hungarian government in their name, an international dispute against Romania to claim the restitution or compensation of the expropriated land estates. The thesis demonstrates that both Romania and Hungary were interested not in the prompt settlement of the dispute at all costs, but in its publicity on the international scene in order to strengthen their narratives favorable (Romanian position) or hostile (Hungarian revisionist position) to the status quo created by the Trianon peace treaty. As for the optants, few of them managed to safeguard their elite economic and social position but most of them suffered uprooting and impoverishment, despite their ultimate success in securing justice and compensation for the lost lands
9
Fabian, Rika. "Making the national farmer progressive educational reforms and transformation of rural society in the United States (1902-1918) and Japan (1920-1945) /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3297429.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.<br>Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Aug. 8, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 231-236).
10
Brunt, Matthew. "Analysis of Mammoth Cave Pre-Park Communities." TopSCHOLAR®, 2009. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/132.
Full textAbstract:
Before the creation of Mammoth Cave National Park, this area was home to numerous communities, each with a sense of identity. To prepare for the creation of the National Park, all residents living within these communities were relocated, and many of these communities were lost to the passage of time. Today, public memory of these lost communities is being fostered by the descendents of the pre-park area.
Through the use of a Historical Geographic Information System, 1920 Edmonson County manuscript census data, and statistical analysis, the demographic composition of these lost communities was explored. This project not only brought to light a past that is not well known, but also built interest in sustaining public memory of the Mammoth Cave pre-park area through the use of historical GIS and public participation.
Books on the topic "Société des Nations (1920-1946)"
1
La Société des nations: Vers un monde multilatéral : 1919-1946. Presses universitaires François Rabelais, 2017.
Find full text
2
Renoliet, Jean-Jacques. L' Unesco oubliée: La société des nations et la coopération intellectuelle, 1919-1946. Publications de la Sorbonne, 1999.
Find full text
4
Northedge, F. S. The League of Nations: Its life and times 1920-1946. Leicester University Press, 1985.
Find full text
5
The League of Nations: Its life and times, 1920-1946. Leicester University Press, 1986.
Find full text
6
Goto-Shibata, Harumi. The League of Nations and the East Asian Imperial Order, 1920–1946. Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4968-7.
Full text
7
Ercolani, Sara. La tratta delle bianche in Italia e in Gran Bretagna: Dall'associazionismo alla Società delle Nazioni (1885-1946). Società editrice Il mulino, 2022.
Find full text
8
Valledor, Roberto Fernández. Identidad nacional y sociedad en la ensayística cubana y puertorriqueña (1920-1940): Mañach, Marinello, Pedreira y Blanco. Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, 1993.
Find full text
10
Patricia, Bradley. Making American culture: A social history, 1900-1920. Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Société des Nations (1920-1946)"
1
Trotter, David. "Nation and Society." In The English Novel in History 1895–1920. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315002088-8.
Full text
2
Ball, S. J. "A Rejected Strategy: The Army and National Service 1946–60." In The British Army, Manpower and Society into the Twenty-First Century. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315039657-4.
Full text
3
Guieu, Jean-Michel. "La Société des Nations, un projet transatlantique (1914-1920)." In Les États-Unis en France et en Europe, 1917-1920. Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pur.172782.
Full text
4
Mukařovský, Jan. "Tradition de la forme." In Jan Mukarovsky. Ecrits 1928-1946. Editions des archives contemporaines, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17184/eac.1419.
Full textAbstract:
À une époque où la question de la spécificité de la culture nationale tchèque revêt une portée historique (car seule la capacité de vivre pleinement dans la société des autres nations, tout en transformant les idées et les influences étrangères à sa propre image donne à une nation le droit de participer sur un pied d’égalité à la compétition culturelle) et, dans un recueil consacré à un chercheur qui, dans toute son œuvre jusqu’à ce jour a répondu à la question de l’autonomie de la production écrite tchèque, cherchant sans relâche à y apporter une réponse plus complète, il n’est pas déplacé d’envisager la singularité qui caractérise l’évolution de la forme artistique dans la littérature tchèque…
5
Guieu, Jean-Michel. "La paix par la Société des Nations ? Les évolutions du pacifisme français dans les années 1920." In Paul d'Estournelles de Constant. Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pur.95385.
Full text
6
Vaicbourdt, Nicolas. "La querelle de la Société des Nations au Sénat américain : le dilemme des républicains entre souveraineté nationale et convergences atlantistes." In Les États-Unis en France et en Europe, 1917-1920. Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pur.172787.
Full text
7
John P, Pace. "2 The Agenda (1946)." In The United Nations Commission on Human Rights. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198863151.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the issues that the Commission on Human Rights took up in the decades following the drafting of the International Bill of Human Rights. The work of the Commission reflected international, political and social developments, largely propelled by a vital civil society. Thus, the period of decolonization brought the first issues to the agenda of the Commission, as did the Cold War and the emergence of the Non-aligned Movement between the 1950s and the mid-1970s, with the focus on racism and self-determination. This influenced the character of the Commission from that of a largely technical drafting body to a forum where situations were taken up. The Commission’s agenda thus widened in scope and with it, the challenges that are considered in these chapters. The challenges that emerged for the Commission related to the appreciation by states of their human rights obligations at the domestic level as a result of their becoming parties to international human rights law; and the realization of economic, social and cultural rights as an integral component of international human rights law, consistent with the Charter of the United Nations. These two challenges were to dominate the further evolution of the Great Enterprise for the rest of the existence of the Commission and that of the Human Rights Council after 2006.
8
"Social transition: state, society, individual and nation." In An Economic and Social History of the Netherlands, 1800–1920. Cambridge University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511496974.011.
Full text
9
Brint, Steven, and Jerome Karabel. "The Takeoff Period: 1946–1970." In The Diverted Dream. Oxford University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195048155.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
At the end of World War II, a sense of expectancy pervaded America’s colleges and universities. Enrollments had dropped during the war years, and many institutions looked forward to the return of millions of veterans. These veterans were themselves eager to get ahead in civilian life after the hardships of war, and the nation was eager to reward them for the sacrifices that they had made. Already in 1944, as the war was coming to a close, the prestigious Education Policies Commission of the National Education Association and the American Association for School Administrators came out with a report entitled Education for All American Youth. Though focused more on secondary than higher education, the report sounded some themes that were to shape thinking about education for veterans as well. Perhaps the most powerful of these themes was the belief that the war had called on all of the American people to make sacrifices and that efforts must be made to see that no segment of the population would be excluded from the rewards of American society. For higher education, in particular, this meant that new measures would be required to realize the traditional American dream of equality of opportunity. Alongside the idealistic impulse to extend to veterans unprecedented educational opportunities, there was also the fear that the nation’s economy would be unable to provide work for the millions of returning soldiers. The massive unemployment of the Great Depression had, after all, been relieved only by the boost that war production had given the economy. The end of the war therefore threatened—or so it was widely believed at the time—to send the economy back into a terrible slump. With so many soldiers returning home, the possibility of such a downturn frightened policy elites and the public alike, for it was almost certain to revive the bitter social and political conflicts of the 1930s. Together with more idealistic factors, this concern with the effects of the returning veterans on domestic stability led to one of the major higher education acts in American history: the G.I. Bill of 1944.
10
Farquet, Christophe. "« Le comité financier ne pense et ne travaille que pour le bien de l’Autriche ». Théories et pratiques budgétaires du comité financier de la Société des Nations lors de la stabilisation monétaire autrichienne des années 1920." In Les crises de la dette publique. Institut de la gestion publique et du développement économique, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.igpde.6191.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Société des Nations (1920-1946)"
1
Mameli, Maddalena. "Le Corbusier and the American Modulor." In LC2015 - Le Corbusier, 50 years later. Universitat Politècnica València, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/lc2015.2015.984.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: The definition of the Modulor as a set of measurements obtained through “universal” rules for composition of the new architecture has a long and complex development, stemming from a combination of studies in architecture, geometry and mathematics, but also from approximation and intuition. The process began in Paris in 1920, was completed in 1946 in New York and its results were published in an autobiographical vein in 1950 in the book entitled Le Modulor completed in 1955 by the book Le Modulor II. In his trip to New York in 1946 as French delegate for the project of the United Nations’ headquarters, his urgency to define the Modulor responded to an immediate need: to create a simple tool and a compositional principle to be applied to the United States’ building programme and to UN reconstruction and recovery programs. Unfortunately Le Corbusier did not manage to find a patron in America. He was unable to apply the Modulor in the USA. Not so in Europe, where work started on building the Unités d’habitation in Marseilles. Resumen: La definición del Modulor como un conjunto de medidas obtenidas a través de reglas "universales" para la composición de la nueva arquitectura tiene un largo y complejo desarrollo, derivada de una combinación de estudios de arquitectura, geometría y matemáticas, sino también de aproximación y intuición. El proceso comenzó en París en 1920, se completó en 1946 en Nueva York y sus resultados se publicaron en el libro titulado Le Modulor completado en 1955 por el libro Le Modulor II. En su viaje a Nueva York en 1946 como delegado francés para el proyecto de la sede para las Naciones Unidas, la urgencia de definir el Modulor respondió a una necesidad inmediata: para crear una instrumento fàcil y un principio compositivo que se aplicará al programa de construcción de los Estados Unidos y para los programas de reconstrucción de la ONU. Desafortunadamente Le Corbusier no encontró un patrón en América. No fue capaz de aplicar el Modulor en los EE.UU.. No es así en Europa, donde comenzó a trabajar en la construcción de la Unités d'habitation de Marsella. Keywords: New York; UN Headquarter; Modulor; USA. Palabras clave: New York; Naciones Unidas; Modulor; USA. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.984
2
Sussman, Michael. "International Standards for Food Authenticity and Allergen Detection from ISO TC 34/SC 16 Horizontal Methods for Molecular Biomarker Analysis." In 2022 AOCS Annual Meeting & Expo. American Oil Chemists' Society (AOCS), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21748/mylm7606.
Full textAbstract:
ISO Technical Committee 34 “Food Products”/Subcommittee 16 “Horizontal methods for molecular biomarker analysis” works to ensure that standardized biomolecular testing and laboratory criteria are reproducible and technically sound reducing potentialdisputes between exporting and importing nations and increasing predictability in world trade. Harmonized, easy to handle methods of analysis with defined patterns and known nomenclatures bring more customers to the market. TC 34/SC 16 has increased international stakeholders’ participation in standardizing biomarker testing, improved the quality and relevance of these standards and continues to increase transparency in international markets, particularly for food authenticity, varietal identification and genetically engineered (GMO) products. ISO standards have been adopted by Codex Alimentarius and many governments throughout the world. The International Organization for Standardization (ISO.org) was formed in 1946. It is an independent, nongovernmental voluntary consensus standard body based in Geneva, Switzerland with a membership of 165 national standards bodies. The US ISO member is the American National Standards Institute (ANSI.org) a consortium of US standardization organizations. ISO TC 34/SC 16 was created in 2008. There are 45 participating countries. Contributing organizations in liaison with TC 34/SC 16 include AOAC International, Cereals and Grains Association, the European Commission, the International Seed Testing Association, the US Pharmacopeia, the European Plant Protection Organization and the International Plant Protection Convention. The scope of TC 34/SC 16 is, "Standardization of biomolecular testing methods applied to foods, feeds, seeds and other propagules of food and feed crops." The US delegation responsible for developing the US position for standards development in food authenticity and allergen detection is called the US Technical Advisory Group (TAG). It was delegated to the American Oil Chemist’s Society (AOCS.org) by ANSI. AOCS also hosts the TC 34/SC 16 international secretariat.
3
Khanolkar, AR, N. Chaturvedi, D. Davis, et al. "OP21 Inequalities in the prevalence and development of multimorbidity across adulthood: findings from the 1946 national survey of health & development." In Society for Social Medicine and Population Health Annual Scientific Meeting 2020, Hosted online by the Society for Social Medicine & Population Health and University of Cambridge Public Health, 9–11 September 2020. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2020-ssmabstracts.21.
Full text
4
Bacsardi, Laszlo, and Laszlo Csurgai Horvath. "Establishment of the Space Engineering Program in Hungary." In Symposium on Space Educational Activities (SSAE). Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/conference-9788419184405.068.
Full textAbstract:
The Hungarian space age started in 1946 with the successful Lunar Radar experiment by Zoltán Bay. In the past 75 years, the Hungarian space sector evolved and grew dramatically, achieving international recognition in space communications, material science, picosatellites, dosimetry, and many more domains. However, there was no space engineering related higher education program in the country. After hosting the 2nd Symposium on Space Educational Activities in 2018 in Budapest, there was an emerging need for starting a space program for engineering students. A summer workshop organized by the Hungarian Astronautical Society in 2018 fostered further the process, and the Budapest University of Technology and Economics (BME) officially initialized the establishment of the space engineering master curriculum in 2019. By the end of 2020, the relevant ministry approved the national space engineering master curriculum. This means that every Hungarian university, which has the necessary competences, can start a space engineering program for their students. In early 2021, the BME Faculty of Electrical Engineering and Informatics at BME requested approval for its space engineering master program. In October 2021, the relevant body approved the program, allowing the first class of space engineering students to arrive to the university in September 2022. The Hungarian space engineering master curriculum is a 2-year-long master program for 120 credits (in the European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System, ECTS). The master's program at the Budapest University of Technology and Economics has 26 subjects and a 4-week-long industrial training. We outline the establishment process of the national space engineering curriculum and introduce the curriculum of BME
5
Sussman, Michael. "ISO TC 34/SC 16 Horizontal methods for molecular biomarker analysis—international standards for molecular biomarker analysis/isothermal nucleic acid amplification methods." In 2022 AOCS Annual Meeting & Expo. American Oil Chemists' Society (AOCS), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21748/fnwh5573.
Full textAbstract:
Harmonized, easy to handle methods of analysis with defined patterns and known nomenclatures bring more customers to the market. The International Organization for Standardization (ISO.org) was formed in 1946. It is an independent, non-governmental voluntary consensus standard body based in Geneva, Switzerland with a membership of 165 national standards bodies. The US ISO member is the American National Standards Institute (ANSI.org), a consortium of US standardization organizations. There are 45 participating countries. The US delegation responsible for developing the US position for standards development in agricultural molecular biomarker analysis was delegated to the American Oil Chemist’s Society (AOCS.org) by ANSI. The AOCS US TAG also hosts the TC 34/SC 16 international secretariat. TC 34/SC 16 has published 31 standards with another 6 under development. The six under development are: ISO/AWI 5354 Molecular biomarkers of agricultural fibers. Screening of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in cotton and textiles; ISO/DIS 16577 Molecular biomarker analysis. Vocabulary for molecular biomarker analytical methods in agriculture and food production; ISO/CD 16578 Molecular biomarker analysis. Requirements for microarray detection of specific nucleic acid sequences; ISO/DTS 20224-8 Molecular biomarker analysis. Detection of animal-derived materials in foodstuffs and feedstuffs by real-time PCR Part 8: Turkey DNA detection method; ISO/DTS 20224-9; Molecular biomarker analysis. Detection of animal-derived materials in foodstuffs and feedstuffs by real-time PCR. Part 9: Goose DNA detection method and ISO/FDIS 22942-1 Molecular biomarker analysis. Isothermal polymerase chain reaction (isoPCR) methods. Part 1: General requirements. We will discuss details and publication of these new standards.
6
Gardiner, Fiona. "Modernist and Heritage Conservationist: Karl Langer’s Contribution to the Heritage Movement in Queensland." In The 39th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. SAHANZ, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a5020pep5t.
Full textAbstract:
Karl Langer (1903-1969), architect, town planner, landscape architect and academic fled Austria for Australia, settling in Brisbane in 1939. Required to spend the Second World War as a draftsman with Queensland Railways Department and denied a planning position with the Brisbane City Council, Langer commenced private practice (1946-1969). His significant influence on Queensland’s built environment is now belatedly being recognised and has resulted in the recent publication of Karl Langer: Modern Architect and Migrant in the Australian Tropics. This paper explores Langer’s contribution to the establishment of the heritage movement, as an early member of the National Trust of Queensland. Like many of his contemporaries, in Australia and overseas, he was both a modernist and a conservationist. Langer joined the Trust in 1964, its first year of operation, and was deeply involved when it acquired its first property in 1965. The property Wolston House is an 1852 stone farmhouse on the suburban fringes of Brisbane. He gave architectural advice on the physical condition of the building and prepared landscape plans for the grounds. He was a member of the restoration and appeal committees and prepared the artwork for the fundraising brochure. Before the term ‘adaptive reuse’ had currency, Langer advised the Trust on converting the 1870s bedroom annex into a caretaker’s residence and coffee shop. The annex was unceremoniously demolished, but Langer, the sophisticated European modernist, was at the heart of an early debate about conservation. Langer represented Queensland on the Australian Council of National Trusts committee which deliberated on classifications and criteria by which the heritage value of buildings would be determined. He contributed to the establishment of the early lists of historic Queensland buildings and wrote a paper on the conservation of landscape in urban areas. Langer’s unexpected death in 1969 meant that his influence on the nascent heritage movement in Queensland was foundational but is largely forgotten or misinterpreted. His legacy remains in his surviving buildings, eight of which are now heritage listed.
7
YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
Full textAbstract:
Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.