Relevant bibliographies by topics / Società politica

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Academic literature on the topic 'Società politica'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Società politica"

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Gori, Franco. "Chiesa, società, politica." Augustinianum 36, no. 1 (1996): 271–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm199636130.

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Inglehart, Ronald. "LA NUOVA PARTECIPAZIONE NELLE SOCIETà POST-INDUSTRIALI." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 18, no. 3 (December 1988): 403–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200012600.

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IntroduzioneLo sviluppo economico dovrebbe condurre a crescenti livelli di partecipazione politica di massa per almeno tre buoni motivi teorici: 1) i cittadini delle società industriali avanzate hanno visto migliorare le loro capacità di partecipare: durante l'ultimo mezzo secolo i loro livelli di istruzione si sono accresciuti in modo impressionante e la formazione politica si è fatta più facilmente accessibile; 2) le norme sociali si sono fatte più permissive verso la partecipazione politica della metà femminile della popolazione. Una o due generazioni fa le donne non avevano neanche il diritto di voto. Oggi, non solo lo hanno acquisito in tutte le democrazie occidentali, ma vi è anche una crescente accettazione informale del fatto che esse debbano giocare un ruolo politico uguale a quello degli uomini e si sono diffusi i modelli di ruolo politico femminile. Infine, 3) vi sono segnali che le priorità valoriali del pubblico occidentale siano venute gradualmente passando da valori materialisti a valori postmaterialisti. Questo trend dovrebbe contribuire ad una crescita del tasso di partecipazione politica: liberatisi dalla necessità di concentrare le loro energie in via prioritaria nella lotta per la sicurezza economica e fisica, i cittadini dovrebbero essere in grado di dedicare più attenzione a preoccupazioni postmaterialistiche come la politica.
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Iori, Matteo. "Gioco d'azzardo, società e politica." PRISMA Economia - Società - Lavoro, no. 3 (January 2018): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pri2016-003009.

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Rosa, Paolo. "Stato, società e politica estera in Cina." Quaderni di Sociologia, no. 48 (December 1, 2008): 123–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/qds.842.

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Kriesi, Hanspeter. "IL CAMBIAMENTO DEICLEAVAGESPOLITICI IN EUROPA." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 28, no. 1 (April 1998): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200025752.

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IntroduzioneIn questo lavoro discuterò un aspetto dell'opera di Stein Rokkan che ha prodotto un'ondata di recenti pubblicazioni e di cui io stesso mi sono occupato. Mi riferisco al ruolo deicleavagesnella politica dell'Europa occidentale contemporanea. Le principali argomentazioni del grande scienziato politico norvegese sulle strutture di conflitto nelle società dell'Europa occidentale e sulla loro trasposizione in sistemi partitici sono state proposte nel famoso saggioCleavage Structures, Party Systems, and Voting Alignmentsche Rokkan scrisse con Seymour M. Lipset (Lipset e Rokkan 1967). La sua idea consisteva nel collegare le configurazioni dei sistemi partitici europei contemporanei alle divisioni sociali e culturali che caratterizzavano le società europee all'epoca della formazione dei sistemi partitici, nella seconda metà del diciannovesimo secolo. Quando emerse la politica democratica, queste divisioni tradizionali opponevano principalmente gruppi sociali definiti in termini di religione, classe, unità territoriale ed etnia. Come è noto, Lipset e Rokkan sostennero che queste divisioni tradizionali erano state politicamente «congelate» e che, all'epoca in cui scrivevano (1967), i sistemi partitici europei riflettevano ancora la struttura delle divisioni della società che era esistita nei primi anni '20, quando le masse popolari avevano fatto il loro ingresso nella politica democratica.
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Bonnet, François. "Spiegare le variazioni della politica sociale e penale con il principio di less eligibility." SOCIOLOGIA DEL LAVORO, no. 163 (August 2022): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sl2022-163001.

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Il welfare (politica sociale) e la punizione (politica penale) variano notevolmente nel tempo e nello spazio, con la politica sociale più o meno generosa e la punizione più o meno barbara. Cosa determina la generosità delle politiche sociali e l'umanità delle politiche penali? Il principio di less eligibility sostiene che in ogni società l'assistenza sarà resa meno attraente del lavoro a basso salario e la punizione renderà il crimine meno attraente dell'assistenza. Io sostengo che il principio di less eligibility determina il mix di assistenza e punizione che viene attuato per governare e gestire la povertà in una data società.
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Campana, Fiammetta. "Sovranità e democrazia senza Stato: prospettive antropologiche dal pensiero di David Graeber." Italian Review of Legal History, no. 8 (December 21, 2022): 369–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2464-8914/19257.

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Il tema della sovranità sembra aprire una scissione molto profonda tra l’occidente e le altre culture: i paradigmi della sovranità elaborati all’interno dello Stato sembrano inapplicabili all’organizzazione politica di altre culture e viceversa. La prospettiva antropologica di David Graeber mira a studiare la sovranità, concepita come struttura politica transculturale, in modo da elaborare un concetto che si possa adattare sia alle società occidentali sia alle società non statali. L’autore si concentra anche sul concetto di sovranità popolare e al suo nesso con la democrazia.
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Urbani, Giuliano. "INTRODUZIONE." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 17, no. 2 (August 1987): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200016634.

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IntroduzioneQuesto fascicolo riproduce le relazioni e gli «interventi programmati» che hanno introdotto il convegno annuale della Società Italiana di Scienza della Politica, svoltosi nell'ottobre dello scorso anno, presso l'Istituto Universitario Europeo di Badia Fiesolana, sul tema «Governo e parlamento nel sistema politico italiano». Il sottotitolo del convegno «Questioni teoriche e problemi di analisi empirica» contiene, sia pure in grande sintesi, le principali motivazioni e i relativi obiettivi che ispirarono quella riunione.
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Urbani, Brigitte. "Il teatro di Dario Fo tra Storia, politica e società." Cahiers d'études romanes, no. 33 (December 16, 2016): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesromanes.5313.

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Mori, Simona, Laura Di Fiore, Chiara Lucrezio Monticelli, and Marco Meriggi. "Un confronto sui sistemi di polizia politica nell'Italia preunitaria." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 176 (August 2022): 301–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2022-0176005.

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Il forum propone una riflessione a più mani sul tema della polizia politica nell'Italia post-napoleonica, che la maturità degli studi su quel comparto strategico dei governi legittimisti sembra ormai consentire. Questa prima messa a punto di taglio comparato vuole cogliere le molte risonanze esistenti fra i dispositivi di controllo politico che, muovendo dalla paradigmatica esperienza rivoluzionaria e napoleonica, gli stati della penisola misero in campo per contrastare le pulsioni eversive dilaganti nell'intero continente con strategie coordinate. L'esame dei casi evidenzia al contempo i profili comuni e le curvature che ciascun governo impresse alle politiche securitarie, tematizzandole in vario modo nel discorso pubblico. Si conferma così, accanto al portato repressivo di questa azione, la duttilità della funzione poliziesca e il ruolo ambivalente che essa giocò nei processi di politicizzazione delle società agli albori della contemporaneità. Per il Regno delle Due Sicilie il contributo di Laura Di Fiore guarda con particolare attenzione alla fase post-quarantottesca, rilevando per un verso l'intensa cooperazione instaurata dal governo borbonico con gli stati confinanti per il contrasto all'attività cospirativa degli esuli, per l'altro la strategia di degradazione del nemico, ovvero della militanza anti-sistema, adottata sul piano retorico. Chiara Lucrezio Monticelli mette a fuoco la peculiare interazione realizzata dallo Stato della Chiesa fra gli ordinamenti di polizia sperimentati nell'incisiva stagione francese e le più tradizionali strutture del controllo ecclesiastico, effetto di un'intensa dialettica interna fra conservazione e riforma. Il Regno Lombardo-Veneto esaminato da Simona Mori mette la polizia politica al servizio del suo progetto imperiale di temperata conservazione, sostanzialmente fallendo nell'intento di egemonizzare i servizi di sicurezza operanti nella penisola, mentre sul versante interno alterna fasi di tolleranza ad altre di rigore, senza riuscire ad arginare l'allargarsi del dissenso. Marco Meriggi conclude con un quadro d'insieme che attinge alla memorialistica, alla letteratura e alle fonti normative, per restituire una rappresentazione multiprospettica della polizia politica che, ridimensionata rispetto al titanismo evocato dalla narrazione risorgimentale, viene a configurarsi come strumento di un complessivo disegno di governo verticale della società, che accomuna i maggiori contesti politici dell'Italia restaurata.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Società politica"

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Carella, Danny <1984&gt. "Benedetto XVI: società e politica in Italia." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/6233.

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L’elaborato si propone di analizzare la figura di Joseph Ratzinger nell’ottica dei punti di contatto tra l’agire del pontefice e il mondo politico italiano e società civile. I primi tre capitoli si soffermano cronologicamente sugli anni da prefetto della Congregazione per la dottrina della fede, quando si vanno formando molte delle posizioni che poi Joseph Ratzinger farà proprie anche da capo della chiesa cattolica. Ad un inizio di matrice progressista ben presto segue un’evoluzione improntata ad un forte conservatorismo, con venature reazionarie. Gli anni successivi all’elezione vengono analizzati tematicamente, pur mantenendo un’impostazione tendenzialmente cronologica. La tesi si sofferma quindi sui temi della bioetica, della famiglia, dei rapporti con le altre religioni, dei diritti civili e della questione dei casi di pedofilia all’interno della chiesa. In tutti questi ambiti vengono messe in relazione le vicende vaticane con le conseguenze e le reazioni presso la classe politica italiana. Nessuna di queste vicende è stata gestita adeguatamente. Dalla ricostruzione emergono legami con settori trasversali dei partiti italiani, rapporti di subalternità da parte di esponenti politici, una generale carenza di strategia vaticana. Gli ultimi capitoli illustrano la parte finale del pontificato: il caso “vatileaks”, le falle comunicative, la perdita di prestigio presso l’opinione pubblica. Infine le dimissioni, con il carico mediatico che comportano.
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CANTARELLA, MICHELE. "Società in evoluzione nell'era del post-crash: saggi in economia politica." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Modena e Reggio Emilia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11380/1245182.

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La ricerca è intesa come una raccolta di articoli sui cambiamenti socio-economici che hanno fatto seguito alla crisi finanziaria del 2008. Un'attenzione specifica sarà riservata allo sviluppo di nuove forme di lavoro, agli effetti della politica basata sulla post-verità, alla migrazione forzata di massa e a cambiamenti distributivi della ricchezza, valutando aspetti di questi fenomeni attraverso gli strumenti della microeconometria applicata. Il primo capitolo “Workers in the Crowd: The Labour Market Impact of the Online Platform Economy”, si concentra sull'outsourcing di micro-task online, confrontando le caratteristiche del mercato del lavoro tra i lavoratori tradizionali e quelli su piattaforma. Il secondo saggio, “Does fake news affect voting behaviour?”, si concentra sugli effetti della diffusione della disinformazione sugli esiti elettorali nel corso delle elezioni generali del 2018 in Italia, sfruttando un esperimento naturale tipico della provincia dell'Alto Adige. Il terzo saggio, "#Portichiusi: the human costs of migrant deterrence in the Mediterranean", studia l'effetto delle politiche migratorie di dissuasione al salvataggio in termini di variazioni nei flussi migratori e costi umani, studiando anche le caratteristiche avversità al rischio, relativamente ad aumenti nel tasso di mortalità a breve termine, tra i rifugiati. Il saggio finale esaminerà l'efficacia degli aggiustamenti basati sulla stima della distribuzione Pareto nelle indagini sulle famiglie in sede di valutazione dei cambiamenti nella distribuzione della ricchezza in Europa dopo la crisi economica del 2008.
The research is intended as a collection of papers on the changing functioning of post-crisis societies. Specific attention will be given to the development of new forms of work, to the effects of post-truth politics, to forced mass migration and to distributional changes in wealth, assessing aspects of these phenomena through the tools of applied micro-econometrics. The first chapter “Workers in the Crowd: The Labour Market Impact of the Online Platform Economy”, focuses on micro-task outsourcing, comparing labour market outcomes between platform and traditional workers. The second paper, “Does fake news affect voting behaviour?”, focuses on the effects of the spread of misinformation over electoral outcomes during the 2018 Italian General elections, taking advantage of a natural experiment typical of the the South Tyrol province. The third paper, "#Portichiusi: the human costs of migrant deterrence in the Mediterranean", studies the effect of rescue-deterrence migration policies in terms of variations in migration flows and human costs, while also investigating risk adversity, relative to short-term increases in mortality rate, among forced migrants. The final paper will investigate the effectiveness of Pareto adjustments to the top tail of the wealth distribution in household surveys when assessing the distributional changes in wealth in Europe after the 2008 economic crisis.
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Zanetti, Lorenzo <1957&gt. "La Sicilia. Secoli XVI - XVII. Politica - Società - Economia." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/1769.

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Nell'ambito di questa tesi si prendono in considerazione tutte le tematiche inerenti la politica, la società e l'economia della regione durante i secoli di riferimento. Le istituzioni principali e gli uomini che per mano la conducono attraverso i primi secoli dell'età moderna.
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Tognon, Mattia <1991&gt. "La politica dei dividendi nelle società non quotate Italiane." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/18650.

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La politica dei dividendi è uno strumento importantissimo per creare valore d’impresa per le società quotate. Distribuire la ricchezza significa erogare un compenso monetario (o in altre forme) nei confronti del socio/azionista e allo stesso tempo questo è indice di una buona gestione finanziaria da parte dell’azienda. L’obiettivo di questo elaborato è dimostrare se anche per le società con ristretta base societaria, come la maggior parte delle società italiane, la politica dei dividendi generi valore per l’impresa stessa e i propri stakeholders. Nel primo capitolo sono riepilogate le principali teorie di distribuzione dei dividendi elaborate da diversi studiosi. Il secondo capitolo è incentrato sulle società non quotate, in particolare viene trattata la gestione degli utili e la conseguente politica dei dividendi per questo tipo di società. Infine, nel terzo capitolo vengono riportate due analisi sviluppate su un campione di aziende italiane: la prima analizza la gestione degli utili sulla base delle teorie presentate nel secondo capitolo; nella seconda analisi vengono applicate le teorie di distribuzione dei dividendi presentate nel primo capitolo al campione di aziende selezionate per verificare l'applicazione delle stesse nelle società Italiane non quotate.
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Rosin, Matteo <1992&gt. "la tassazione sulle società di capitali." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/11569.

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Analisi di quanto effettivamente è il peso dell'imposizione fiscale posta a carico delle società di capitali in Italia, e un breve raffronto con le gli altri Paesi Europei. Le principali imposte sulle società in Italia. Caso di studio su quanto effettivamente è il carico fiscale sopportato
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Del, Savio Alessandro <1990&gt. "Rivoluzione sessuale nella società capitalistica del XX secolo." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14713.

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La tesi ripercorre lo sviluppo storico, sociale e ideologico della Rivoluzione sessuale. Un periodo che nell’immaginario collettivo si concentra troppo superficialmente nell’iconico Sessantotto, in cui la sessualità è stata sdoganata da una morale sociale sentita troppo restrittiva e coercitiva. Tuttavia non è possibile pensare a una Rivoluzione sessuale senza fare riferimento al lavoro di Wilhelm Reich, iniziato tra gli anni Venti e Trenta, il quale attribuiva gran parte dei disturbi psichici alla repressione sessuale che è stata imposta dalla società borghese del tempo. Tema, quello della repressione delle pulsioni, che sarà ripreso da Marcuse sotto il concetto di principio di realtà al quale l’individuo si è dovuto adeguare così da permettere lo sviluppo della civiltà. Si concluderà con l’analisi del sociologo Zygmunt Bauman, secondo il quale l’uomo moderno, soggiogato dalla società dei consumi, ha perso la propria libertà diviso “tra il desiderio di emozioni e la paura del legame”.
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Garbeglio, Alessandro <1986&gt. "Cultura,politica e società nell'era del web 2.0: Il caso egiziano." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/5521.

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La ricerca tratta del rapporto che intercorre tra l'emergente, e oramai affermato, mezzo di comunicazione quale è internet e la formazione e perpetrazione di una data cultura sociale e politica esistenti all'interno della società, e conclude con un'analisi dello specifico caso egiziano durante la primavera araba. In prima istanza, l'analisi è finalizzata al sistema dei rapporti che intercorrono tra cittadino/individuo e struttura politica. Specificatamente, è analizzato il sistema di valori/credenze che compongono una società e la loro diretta interazione con il sistema politico vigente, inteso come “ente” in divenire e in continua mutazione. In un secondo momento, l'analisi si concentra sul singolo individuo e su come si rapporta con la società civile, è quindi preso sotto esame come il singolo, attraverso l'interazione con una moltitudine, crea nuova cultura e coscienza politica. Successivamente viene analizzato internet quale nuovo mezzo di creazione di cultura politica e sociale. La differenza che esso detiene rispetto ai precedenti media (televisione, giornali) e l'impatto che il singolo cittadino detiene nell'affacciarsi a molteplici e diversi canali di informazione, ha reso conseguente una diversa distribuzione dei meccanismi di creazione e modificazione di cultura politica e sociale. In tal senso son stati studiati i meccanismi attraverso cui il mondo del web 2.0 (blog, youtube, social media) si è configurato nella realtà odierna. Come caso specifico di analisi empirica, è stato analizzato il contesto egiziano della primavera araba, in cui il web, nelle diverse forme e metodologie, si è visto parte importante nello sviluppo delle rivolte protrattasi da Piazza Tharir in poi.
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Birtolo, Marco Stefano. "Democrazia e secolarismo. Il pluralismo religioso nelle società multiculturali." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi del Molise, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11695/66431.

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If we recognize that the concept of secularism originates and develops from the influence of Western culture and Christianity, we must take into account the possibility to rethink the distinction between politics, religion and law in multicultural and multireligious democracies. The aim of this work is to question the neutralist conception of secularism, which is characterized by the belief that the exclusion of religious elements from public sphere and legislation to guarantee of equality in a context characterized by religious pluralism. At this aim, I analyze the thought of two of the most influential political philosophers, John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas, who represent the neutralist view of secularism, as well as the criticism addressed to them by multiculturalist theorists – Bhikhu Parekh and Tariq Modood –, who suggest giving up the abandon of the rhetoric of neutrality in the construction of the political sphere and regulations, to pay more attention to the demands coming from individuals belonging to religious and cultural minorities. Indeed, particularly when these issues involve significant areas where the culturally conditioned nature of some institutions is more visible – family, marriage, hereditary issues – the possibility that they can be regulated in a different way is also taken into account. Therefore, a detailed analysis of the proposal is given to adopt a system of legal pluralism, with a special attention to an experiment started in the UK, which provides religious communities the possibility to go to religious arbitration tribunals, operating under the indirect control of the English courts, related to family law. The description of this case aims at emphasizing the need to seek for new consistent means with the idea of secularism I have tried to suggest. Such a secularism is based upon the belief that only a neutral public sphere and legislation can guarantee equality, but tries to embrace diversity and to suggest new political theories. As matter of fact, the channels of participation through which democratic systems have tried to integrate diversity do not seem to be able to face the requests from individuals who do not fully identify into the majority culture, which means thinking about new strategies of inclusion – for example legal pluralism – so to ensure the very value assumptions promoted by democracy, that is to say pluralism and equal liberty.
Riconoscere che i concetti di laicità e secolarismo possiedono un’origine e uno sviluppo condizionato dalla cultura occidentale e dal cristianesimo significa prendere in considerazione l’eventualità di un ripensamento della distinzione tra ordine politico, religione e diritto nelle democrazie multiculturali e multireligiose. L’obiettivo di questo lavoro è mettere in discussione una concezione neutralista del secolarismo, alla cui base vi è il convincimento per cui l’esclusione dell’elemento religioso dalla sfera pubblica e normativa sono garanzia di eguaglianza in un contesto caratterizzato dal ‘fatto del pluralismo’. Pertanto abbiamo analizzato il pensiero di due fra i più influenti filosofi politici, John Rawls e Jürgen Habermas, portavoci di una visione neutralista del secolarismo, e le critiche a essi rivolte da alcuni teorici del multiculturalismo – Bikhu Parekh e Tariq Modood –, che propongono, invece, l’abbandono della retorica della neutralità nella costruzione della sfera politica e normativa. Di conseguenza questi ultimi si rivolgono con maggiore apertura rispetto alle richieste provenienti dagli individui appartenenti a minoranze religiose e culturali, senza respingerle sulla base della loro natura culturale o religiosa. Al contrario, in particolare quando tali richieste di riconoscimento riguardano aree rilevanti della vita degli individui, come possono essere la famiglia, il matrimonio, le questioni ereditarie ecc., ossia aree in cui la natura culturalmente condizionata di alcune istituzioni è maggiormente visibile, viene presa qui in considerazione la possibilità che esse possano essere regolate e gestite in maniera differente. A tal proposito si è approfondita la proposta di far fronte a queste richieste attraverso l’adozione di sistemi di pluralismo normativo, con una particolare attenzione a un esperimento avviato in Gran Bretagna, che prevede per le comunità religiose la possibilità del risolvere le proprie controversie in materia di diritto di famiglia in tribunali arbitrali religiosi, che tuttavia operano sotto il controllo indiretto delle corti inglesi. La descrizione di questo caso è stata finalizzata a mettere in luce la necessità di ricercare nuovi strumenti coerenti con la visione del secolarismo che abbiamo cercato di proporre, ossia di una laicità che di fronte alle nuove istanze presenti nei contesti culturalmente e religiosamente plurali, piuttosto che arroccarsi dietro la convinzione che si possa garantire uguaglianza solo se si dà una sfera pubblica e normativa neutrale e che vi sia una soluzione razionale ai conflitti tra valori, tenta di accogliere la diversità nei suoi propri termini, andando alla ricerca di nuovi strumenti teorico-politici. Infatti, i canali di partecipazione attraverso i quali i sistemi democratici hanno cercato d’integrare la diversità non sembrano riuscire a far fronte alle richieste provenienti da individui che non si riconoscono a pieno titolo nella cultura della maggioranza. Ciò significa pensare a nuove strategie d’inclusione – di cui il pluralismo normativo può essere un esempio –, se si vogliono garantire proprio quei presupposti di valore che la democrazia promuove, ossia il pluralismo e l’eguale libertà di tutti i cittadini.
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COSSU, SARA. "I consoli francesi in Sardegna nel decennio preunitario. Politica, economia e società." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Cagliari, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11584/266523.

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The center of attention of this thesis is the commercial relations between France, the island of Sardinia and the city of Genoa, as well as the business ventures of French capitalists thanks to the support of the most important businessmen in the two financial cities of the Kingdom of Sardinia (Genoa and Turin) during the so-called Cavourian decade. This work is based mainly on French both political and economical consular reports sent from the post of Cagliari, one of the strategic Mediterranean ports. The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first chapter is entirely dedicated to the economic junctures that contributed to create a wide and integrated French-Ligurian-Sardinian trading and industrial area. The second chapter examines the commercial activity, the investment areas and the entrepreneurial units and companies in Sardinia, where there was a strong presence of French and Ligurian businessmen (mines, salines, agriculture, infrastructures, banks and so forth). The third chapter recreates the setting (cities and coastal towns) where French consuls, viceconsuls and consular agents were called to protect the French interests. The work analyses also the social setting by offering a description of the condition of life and economical problems that obliged people to strive for the annexation of Sardinia to an European main power as France. To conclude, the thesis describes the main aspects of the French community in Sardinia, mostly composed by merchants. It includes the biographies of French consuls in Cagliari from 1848 to 1861 .
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Sora, D. "IL MONASTERO DELLA VISITAZIONE DI MILANO (XVIII-XIX SECOLO). RELIGIONE, POLITICA, SOCIETÀ." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/354297.

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The purpose of this research is to go over and to examine the history of Milan’s nunnery of Visitation, called Santa Sofia, between 18th and 19th century. The large amount of documents kept into the archive of the convent allowed to investigate many aspects, especially those concerning the bonds with the others convents of the same order and with the Milan’s society. Other important aspects investigated are those concerning the nuns' relationships with the political power and the analysis of religious practices and cultural aspects. From the middle 18th century Santa Sofia joined in the wide-ranging process of catholic missionary openness.
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Books on the topic "Società politica"

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Prospero, Michele. Politica e società globale. Roma: GLF editori Laterza, 2004.

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Società e politica della comunicazione. Milano: Giuffrè, 2009.

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Petricone, Francesco. Società e politica della comunicazione. Milano: Giuffrè, 2009.

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Negro, Piero Del. Forze Armate. Cultura, società, politica. Edited by Nicola Labanca. Milan, Italy: Unicopli, 2014.

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Palma, Daniela De. Il Giappone contemporaneo: Politica e società. Roma: Carocci, 2008.

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Pezzini, Isabella, and Vincenza Del Marco. Passioni collettive: Cultura, politica e società. Roma: Nuova cultura, 2012.

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La moneta romana: Società, politica, cultura. Roma: Carocci, 2002.

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Giunta, Elio. Elogio del pessimismo: Cultura, società, politica. Palermo: ILA Palma, 2002.

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Belloni, Gian Guido. La moneta romana: Società, politica, cultura. Roma: NIS, 1993.

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Il Libano contemporaneo: Storia, politica, società. Roma: Carocci, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Società politica"

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Bowles, Samuel, Richard Edwards, and Frank Roosevelt. "Individui, preferenze e società." In Introduzione all’economia politica, 31–51. Milano: Springer Milan, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-88-470-1670-5_2.

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Christoffersen, Henrik, Michelle Beyeler, Reiner Eichenberger, Peter Nannestad, and Martin Paldam. "Political Institutions and Politics." In The Good Society, 139–65. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-37238-4_6.

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Howard, David B., Eva Didion, David B. Howard, Ranjita Mohanty, Rajesh Tandon, Richard D. Waters, Jennifer M. Brinkerhoff, et al. "Political Society." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society, 1248–50. New York, NY: Springer US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-93996-4_592.

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Chazan, Naomi, Robert Mortimer, John Ravenhill, and Donald Rothchild. "Deep Politics: Political Response, Protest, and Conflict." In Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa, 189–210. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12976-8_8.

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Chazan, Naomi, Peter Lewis, Robert Mortimer, Donald Rothchild, and Stephen John Stedman. "Deep Politics: Political Response, Protest, and Conflict." In Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa, 197–219. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14490-7_8.

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Cashmore, Ellis, Jamie Cleland, and Kevin Dixon. "Politics." In Screen Society, 67–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68164-1_5.

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van Krieken, Robert. "Celebrity politics." In Celebrity Society, 129–57. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315100814-6.

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de Nardis, Fabio. "Politics and Society." In Understanding Politics and Society, 1–38. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37760-1_1.

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Aughterson, Kate. "Politics and Society." In Aphra Behn: The Comedies, 186–203. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-62944-8_10.

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Aughterson, Kate. "Society and Politics." In Webster: The Tragedies, 137–60. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-1914-4_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Società politica"

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Stojanović, Radomir. "Society, law and politics." In 1st International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Belgrade: Center for Open Access in Science, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.01.10099s.

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Polcicova, Maria. "POLITICAL EDUCATION AS A NECESSARY PART OF AN EDUCATIONAL PROCESS IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b2/v4/27.

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"There is currently a noticeable increase in extremism, populism, hatred and intolerance in all EU countries, which are evoked by several political conflicts, social events (critical situation in Afghanistan, response to the COVID pandemic, conflict in Ukraine, migration from third countries etc.). Political education as an integral part of the educational process in schools, not only at the national level, we therefore naturally consider it one of the tools for promoting democratic tools in society. We also consider foreign language teaching to be one of the tools of political education. Within it, on the example of learning about important political events, which at the same time shaped the moral democratic values of the bearers of a given language, we can mediate a critical analysis of the way of life in a given developmental stage of society. The aim of our paper is to present the idea of the educational process as a driving force for the spread of democratic values on the example of foreign language teaching at our faculty. From the point of view of theoretical backgrounds, we define the very concept of political education on the example of several experts in the field of sociology, politics and education. In order to find out the current state of the concept of political education in the educational process at national and transnational level, we analyze the individual documents of the European Union. Throughout the post, we mainly use qualitative data, such as thematic analysis, to interpret patterns and meanings in the data and descriptive data."
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Yuslaini, Nina, Pahmi Amri, and Made Devi Wedayanti. "Political Participation And Electoral Society." In International Conference on Democracy, Accountability and Governance (ICODAG 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icodag-17.2017.15.

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Yuslaini, Nina. "Political Participation And Electoral Society." In International Conference on Democracy, Accountability and Governance (ICODAG 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icodag-17.2017.63.

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Antanoviča, Agnija. "Sabiedrības viedokļa ietekme uz sieviešu politisko pārstāvniecību: Latvijas gadījums pasaules situācijas kontekstā." In LU Studentu zinātniskā konference "Mundus et". LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lu.szk.2.rk.01.

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Women’s political representation is influenced by a number of different factors, including those belonging to political, socio-economic and cultural realms. The study analyses one of these factors – public opinion, which researchers classify into a group of cultural factors. While almost half of the world’s population believes that men are better political leaders than women, the median proportion of women in national parliaments in August 2020 on average is 25%. This suggests that women’s political representation may be related to low public support for women in politics. At the same time, although Latvian society in long-term prefers men in politics, there has been a rapid increase in the proportion of women in Latvian Parliament since elections of the 13th Saeima. The aim of the study is to establish whether the situation in Latvia resembles the general global and European Union tendencies, and if not, to identify the factors influencing the increase in the proportion of women in the Saeima. The study concludes that in the context of the world and the European Union, there is a correlation between public opinion on women in politics and the proportion of women in national parliaments. The case of Latvia could be considered a deviation from the norm. The rapid increase in the proportion of women in the 13th Saeima can be attributed to factors like the election of new political forces and a party representing the leftist values, as well as the increase in women’s activity in the labour market.
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Faraj, Anwar, and Narmeen Ahmed. "The Role of Global Civil Society in Promoting Human Rights." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp295-307.

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The tolerance is one of the issues that have aroused the interest of specialists and activists in political and cultural affairs in various countries of the world. Especially those countries whose societies have suffered from: societal crises, national or religious differences, and civil wars or internal or external political conflicts. Because of the developments in the human rights movement and the activities of international organizations and their role in alleviating conflicts and building peace in many countries, the issue of tolerance has become one of the global issues that receive the attention of global institutions, including global civil society organizations, which have witnessed an expansion in their activities by developments in Information and communication technology, to contribute an effective role in the cause of tolerance in various countries of the world, and is attracting interaction at the level of the international community.
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Marinković, Milica. "RAZVITAK FRANCUSKE ADVOKATURE U XIX VEKU." In XVII majsko savetovanje. Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Kragujevcu, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/uvp21.1067m.

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The paper is dedicated to the development of advocacy in France throughout history, and special attention is paid to the struggle of lawyers to repair the damage caused to their position by the Bourgeois Revolution. The goals of the legal struggle were fully achieved in the period of the Third Republic, rightly called the "Republic of Lawyers", when they took over the legislative and executive power. French lawyers, especially in the 19th century, were often real political dissidents. With their work as a politival opposition, they redefined the relationship between the state and society and set a clear border of state power, all of which enabled the easier emergence of a liberal constitutional monarchy, and then a republic. Due to the constant opposition activities in the courtroom, the lawyers demonstrated in the best possible way how closely law and politics stand in each state. In the introductory chapter of the paper, the author gives an overview of the historical development of advocacy from the Frankish period to the Revolution itself. During the Old Regime, lawyers enjoyed the status of "secular clergy" and, although members of the Third Class, were an unavoidable political factor in absolutist France. The second chapter contains an analysis of the devastating impact of the Revolution on the legal profession and timid attempts to improve the position of the legal profession with the advent of the Restoration. The third chapter provides an overview of the period from 1830 to 1870, which was characterized by the increasingly serious interference of lawyers in politics in order to fight for the advancement of the profession. The chapter on the Third Republic talks about the successful outcome of the lawyer's fight for their own rights, and the final chapter talks about the tendencies in the French legal profession in the 20th century.
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Shabunina, Viktoriia. "POLITICAL PROCESSES IN A NETWORK SOCIETY." In PUBLIC COMMUNICATION IN SCIENCE: PHILOSOPHICAL, CULTURAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND IT CONTEXT. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/15.05.2020.v3.28.

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Vinogradova, Svetlana, Dmitrii Rushchin, and Tatyana Shaldenkova. "Political Technologies in Modern Information Society." In IMS2017: International Conference. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3143699.3143706.

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Cecioni, A., and V. Pineda. "Ethics, geological risks, politics and society." In GEO-ENVIRONMENT 2006. Southampton, UK: WIT Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/geo060021.

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Reports on the topic "Società politica"

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Núñez Ladevéze, L., M. Núñez Canal, and JA Irisarri Núñez. Guidelines for the cultural and political integration of the mass media society into the network society. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, January 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2018-1252en.

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Fieldsend, Astrid. Evidence and Lessons Learned Regarding the Effect of Equitable Quality Education on ‘Open Society’. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.094.

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The purpose of this review is to assist FCDO in understanding the evidence of impact and any valuable lessons regarding the effect equitable quality education can have on ‘open society’. The search revealed that there is a considerable volume of evidence which focuses on education’s ability to reduce poverty, increase economic growth, boost employability and achieve better health outcomes. There is less which focuses on the aspects of ‘open society’ as defined in this paper. The scope of this review was narrowed to focus upon areas of the ‘open society’ definition where the most evidence does exist, given the timeframe for the review. The scope was narrowed to focus on: democracy, civic engagement, and social cohesion. The review of the literature found strong evidence that equitable quality education can have a range of positive impacts on democracy (specifically, its institutions and processes), civic engagement and social cohesion. There is a considerable body of evidence which indicates that there is a correlation between equitable quality education and benefits to societies (more peaceful, higher levels of trust, greater participation in politics, etc). However, there was no clear evidence that investment in equitable quality education directly leads to positive societal outcomes. This is because there are so many other factors to account for in attempting to prove causation. The lack of rigorous studies which attempt to attribute causation demonstrates a clear evidence gap. It is important to note that education systems themselves are politicised and cannot be divorced from the political process. The extent to which education can impact positively on open society depends a great deal on the value education has within the political system in which it is operating.
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Haider, Huma. Political Settlements: The Case of Moldova. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.065.

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The new elite in post-1991 independent Moldova gradually captured state institutions, while internal drivers of reforms have generally been weak. Civil society has had limited effectiveness; and the media is largely dominated by political and business circles (BTI, 2022). The Moldovan diaspora has emerged in recent years, however, as a powerful driver of reform. In addition, new political parties and politicians have in recent years focused on common social and economic problems, rather than exploiting identity and geopolitical cleavages. These two developments played a crucial role in the transformative changes in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2020 and 2021, respectively.1 The new Moldovan leadership has experienced many challenges, however, in achieving justice and anti-corruption reforms—the primary components of their electoral platform—due to the persistence of rent-seeking and corruption in the justice sector (Minzarari, 2022). This rapid review examines literature—primarily academic and non-governmental organisation (NGO)-based—in relation to the political settlement of Moldova. It provides an overview of the political settlement framework and the political history of Moldova. It then draws on the literature to explore aspects of the social foundation and the power configuration in Moldova; and implications for governance and inclusive development. The report concludes with recommendations for government, domestic reformers, Moldovan society, and donors for improving inclusive governance and development in Moldova, identified throughout the literature. This report does not cover political settlement in relation to Transnistria.
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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.

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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Racu, Alexandru. The Romanian Orthodox Church and Its Attitude towards the Public Health Measures Imposed during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Too Much for Some, Too Little for Others. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-3-racu.

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This paper discusses the religious dimension of the public debate concerning the public health measures adopted by the Romanian authorities during the pandemic and focuses on the role played by the Romanian Orthodox Church within this context. It delineates the different camps that were formed within the Church in this regard and traces their evolution throughout the pandemic. It contextualizes the position of the Church in order to better understand it, placing it within the broader context of the Romanian society during the pandemic and integrating it within the longer history of post-communist relations between the Romanian Orthodox Church, the Romanian state and the Romanian civil society. It analyses the political impact of the public health measures and the role of the Church in shaping this impact. Finally, starting from the Romanian experience of the pandemic and from the ideological, theological and political disputes that it has generated within the Romanian public sphere, it develops some general conclusions regarding the relation between faith, science and politics whose relevance, if proven valid, surpasses the Romanian context and thus contributes to a more ecumenical discussion regarding the theological, pastoral and political lessons that can be learned from an otherwise tragic experience.
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Girdap, Hafza. Book Review: The Turkish Malaise – A Critical Essay. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/br0012.

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Author Cengiz Aktar argues that Turkey is witnessed a victory of a non-democratic system—and the majority of society supports this transition. The regime consolidates its discriminatory, oppressive, autocratic politics by gaining the support of non-AKP constituents through the discourse of “native and national.” Thus, the situation in Turkey is not a simple deviation from the norm; it is a more complex socio-political conundrum. In other words, the regime represented by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, is not the reason for but the result of society’s mindset which is a reasonable part of the “Turkish malaise.”
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Yilmaz, Ihsan. Erdogan’s Political Journey: From Victimised Muslim Democrat to Authoritarian, Islamist Populist. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/lp0007.

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With “the people” on his side, Recep Tayyip Erdogan has changed the very fabric of Turkish society. Turkey has been changing from an oppressive Kemalist state to an aggressive autocratic and vindictive Islamist state. All opposition is securitised and deemed “the enemy,” state institutions spread Erdoganism’s populist narratives, and democratic checks and balances have been successfully dismantled.
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Haider, Huma. Scalability of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Interventions: Moving Toward Wider Socio-political Change. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.080.

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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.
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Mpofu, David, Michael Ndiweni, Kwanele Moyo, Samuel Wadzai, and Marjoke Oosterom. Youth Active Citizenship for Decent Jobs: A Handbook for Policy & Practice. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.017.

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This Handbook has been created for development partners and civil society actors that design and implement youth employment interventions, particularly in contexts marked by fragility and political-economic crises. Youth employment programmes usually strengthen young people’s business and entrepreneurship skills. They fail to consider the civic and political competencies needed by young people in order to negotiate fair, safe, and decent working conditions and influence the wider policy environment for decent work. The Handbook offers suggestions for integrating youth active citizenship strategies into youth employment interventions, thus building young people’s civic and political skills. Adopting these strategies will strengthen the capacities of young people to engage both private sector and government actors, foster inclusion, and strengthen coalitions that can influence a enabling environment for decent jobs for youth. Recognising that many young people start their trade and businesses in theinformal economy, the Handbook takes their experiences as the point of departure. It is widely recognised that political economy matters for development and development interventions. This also applies to youth employment programming. Ideas in this Handbook recognise that politics influence youth employment opportunities. This is particularly the case in contexts commonly referred to as fragile, conflict-affected and violent settings (FCVS). Approaches to youth employment interventions need to respond to these dynamics to avoid that powerful actors capture them to serve their interests and avoid increasing risks to conflict. Moreover, the Covid-19 pandemic has proved that fragility is multidimensional and manifests in many countries across the globe. Early on in the pandemic, it quickly became clear that the informal economy would be hard hit. In addition, the challenging politics of FCVS influence opportunities for both formal and informal employment.
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Kelly, Luke. Evidence on the Role of Civil Society in Security and Justice Reform. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.031.

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This rapid review focuses on the role of civil society in SSR in several contexts. It finds that donor driven SSR is seen to have failed to include civil society, and that such efforts have been focused on training and equipping security forces. However, in some contexts, donors have been able to successfully develop civil society capacity or engage civil society groups in reforms, as in Sierra Leone. There are also several examples of security and justice reforms undertaken by local popular movements as part of regime change, namely Ethiopia and South Africa. In other contexts, such as Indonesia, the role of civil society has led to partial successes from which lessons can be drawn. The theoretical and empirical literature attributes several potential roles to civil society in SSR. These include making security and justice institutions accountable, mobilising a range of social groups for reform, publicising abuses and advocating for reform, offering technical expertise, and improving security-citizen relations. The literature also points to the inherent difficulties in implementing SSR, namely the entrenched nature of most security systems. The literature emphasises that security sector reform is a political process, as authoritarian or predatory security systems are usually backed by powerful, skilled and tenacious vested interests. Dislodging them from power therefore requires significant political will – civil society can be one part of this. The evidence base for the topic is relatively thin. While there is much literature on the theory of SSR from a donor perspective, there are fewer empirical studies. Moreover, scholars have identified relatively few successful examples of SSR. The role of civil society is found to be greater in more economically developed countries, meaning there is less discussion of the role of civil society in many African SSR contexts, for example (except to note its absence). In addition, most research discusses the role of civil society alongside that of other actors such as donors, security services or political elites, limiting analysis of the specific role of civil society.
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