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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Socialist Republic of Vietnam'
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1
Hurst, Steven. "Regionalism or globalism? : the Carter administration and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam 1977-1979." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358893.
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Hai, Peter Nguyen Van, and n/a. "Recent administrative reform in Vietnam." University of Canberra. Administrative Studies, 1994. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060714.115805.
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Since the introduction in 1986 of Doi Moi program, a Vietnamese form of
Perestroika, which was designed partly to reduce the role of state bureaucracy
in the system, major economic reforms have been carried out in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV). However, while Vietnam's economic reforms
have generated considerable interest, its limited political reforms, especially in
the area of public administration, have not been a central concern among
political scientists, historians and researchers. In their efforts to revitalise the
state bureaucracy, reformers in Vietnam now recognise the importance of well
qualified bureaucrats, and they inevitably have to face the old issue of how best
to attract, motivate, train and retain public servants for a better government.
This paper, based on the search through the maze of official documents in
Vietnamese language, describes the SRV's political institutions, provides an
overview of Vietnam's administrative system against the backdrop of the
country's economic and political reforms, highlighting institutional interactions
induced by reform imperatives, discusses recent administrative reforms
emanating from the amended 1992 Constitution, and evaluates the effectiveness
of current administrative reform strategies. Comments will also be made on
. The roles and functions of central agencies in Vietnam
. Policy making processes and paradigms
. The 'emerging' dichotomy between policy and administration
. The 'ministerial department' a la Vietnamienne
. Machinery of government changes
. Human resource management initiatives
. The 'career service' nature of the Vietnamese public service, and,
. Central versus provincial governments.
Vietnamese Public Service is an important question and worthy of investigation
because of the increasingly close bilateral relationship between Australia and
Vietnam. Many Australian investors who have often been annoyed by
unnecessary delays caused by bureaucratic red tape and corruption, are now
keen to learn more about the policy making style of Vietnamese bureaucrats.
Vietnam still displays many deliberate trappings of a country run in a highly
centralist fashion. Its reorganisation strategy of the state's administrative
system will continue to bear the socialist imprints. Dr David Marr of the
Australian National University contends that layer upon layer of bureaucratic
influence, from Chinese Neo-Confucian to French Third Republic to Soviet
Stalinist, can be seen in Vietnam today. This paper argues that Vietnam's
political and cultural legacies will continue to exercise significant influence, as
they have in the past, on its public service's structures, strategies and ethics.
3
Askari. "Preventing escalation in the South China Sea disputed waters: a comparative study of Republic of the Philippines and socialist Republic of Vietnam." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45157.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe South China Sea is one of the maritime hot spots in the world and perhaps accounts for more clashes than other disputed waters, due to the abundancy of the natural resources that can fulfill the region’s rising demand of energy and food. Six countries currently claim some or the whole part of the South China Sea: Brunei, China, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam, all with overlapping claims. Although the South China Sea claimant countries have clashes with each other, the close proximity of the Philippines and Vietnam to China has contributed the greatest number of clashes. The modernization of naval forces in the region, combined with the increasing frequency and seriousness of these clashes, suggests that they may escalate to the level of military conflict. However, in almost every case, the vessels involved are civilian, not military. Without coordination and control between those agencies and naval forces from each country, there is a risk that those incidents could still escalate into military conflict. This condition highlights the importance of Civil-Military Relations; in particular, effective coordination between civil and military agencies within each country, and between the civilian and military agencies of each party in the dispute.
4
schmitt, jonathan m. ""With Vietnam We Are Bound as Brothers": Theorizing Socialism, Internationalism, and the Politics of Public Agency Among Vietnamese Contract Workers in the German Democratic Republic." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/61.
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This thesis considers the social, economic and ideological climate in the German Democratic Republic in the last decade of its existence (the 1980s) when excessive labor demands lead the country to import tens of thousands of “contract workers” from the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Focusing primarily on theoretical contradictions in GDR socialism, and their impact on the day to day lives Vietnamese workers, I will argue that ideologically freighted pronouncements of “socialist fraternity” with Vietnam functioned to obscure the true, economic reasons for labor importation.
5
Lam, Minh Chau. "Predict the unpredictable : rural experiences of late-socialist marketisation in northern Vietnam." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709414.
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McCarthy, Gregory Michael. "The socialist transition : a comparative analysis of Russia, China and Vietnam /." Title page, contents and synopsis only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm1231.pdf.
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Banovcova, Lenka. "Attitudes to work in the Czech Republic in post-socialist transition." Thesis, University of Bath, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.659201.
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In 1989, the Czech Republic rejected the totalitarian system and embarked on a long journey of rebuilding society. This complex process of transition is mainly marked with profound reshaping of the political and economic system. The main aim of this thesis is to explore the attitudes to work in the Czech Republic during the post-socialist transition, and to establish the main determinants of these attitudes. Moreover, it is the purpose of this study to assess the possible legacy of the socialist system in the area of work and employment. This research employs a mixed method approach which is a combination of broader quantitative analysis, setting out the patterns of the change, followed by an in-depth qualitative investigation into how people understand and perceive the change in their everyday lives. By means of combining these different methods, this research is set to reflect on the levels of complexity of the transition process. The most significant finding to emerge from the study, is the central role of the market and its forces as the main driving force of the transition, both in the area of work and in other spheres of life. While the effects of marketization in the Czech society are profound, my investigation shows that the consequences of market forces, including work and life insecurities, are not equally distributed across the population, but vary along the dimensions of age, gender, geographical location and the level of education and qualification. This reinstates social inequality and stratification in the society. The legacies of socialism were found to have an attenuating effect in the transition defined primarily in terms of social and cultural forces. Broader implications arising from these results are in the area of social solidarity in respect to the functioning of the capitalist organizations, as well as in the sphere of people’s relationships in general.
8
Poon, Siu-to. "Reform in China and Vietnam : a study of the transition from socialist system to market economy /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18933695.
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Koch, Glen Emmett. "Creating a crisis : the Diem coup as an American construction /." Lynchburg, VA : Liberty University, 2007. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.
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Payling, Daisy Catherine Ellen. "'Socialist Republic of South Yorkshire' : activism in Sheffield in the 1970s and 1980s." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6587/.
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This thesis explores the tensions present in left-wing projects of renewal in the 1970s and 1980s by examining the activism of one city; Sheffield. It finds that behind the 'Socialist Republic of South Yorkshire' lay a more complex set of relationships between activists from different movements, strands of activism, and local government. It sets out Sheffield City Council's attempt at a new left-wing politics, its form of 'local socialism,' and explores how the city's wider activism of trade unionism, women's groups, peace, environmentalism, anti-apartheid, anti-racism, and lesbian and gay politics was embraced, supported, restricted or ignored by the local authority. Despite deindustrialisation and contemporary discussions of the decline of class politics, there was a persistence of class and a dominance of the labour movement in Sheffield. Unsurprisingly archival evidence, oral histories, and photographs point to tensions between class and identity politics. Yet, the focus of this thesis on how a number of new social movements and identity-based groups operated in one place, and its detailed analysis of the sites, methods, and relationships of activism has revealed the extent to which tensions existed, not only between class and identity, but between the different subjectivities represented in new social movements and identity politics. In this way, Sheffield's activism sheds light on the wider British left, showing the resilience of class-based politics and how popular notions of renewal were limited by conventions of solidarity.
11
English, Richard. "Radicals and the Republic : socialist republicanism in the Irish Free State 1925-37." Thesis, Keele University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.291293.
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Epperson, Cynthia K. "An analysis of the community college concept in the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam /." Click on link to access e-book, 2010. http://etd.umsl.edu.
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McLellan, Josie. "Remembering Spain : the contested history of the International Brigades in the German Democratic Republic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391191.
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Tran, Dien Ngoc. "Education issues after reunification, the cases of the Socialist Republic of Viet nam, SRV, and the Federal Republic of Germany, FRG." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ28675.pdf.
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Leonard, David Anthony. "From totalitarianism to democracy : policing Czechoslovakia's transition." Thesis, University of Hull, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342873.
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Poon, Siu-to, and 潘小濤. "Reform in China and Vietnam: a study of the transition from socialist system to market economy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951466.
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Chadman, Steven W. "The national question and federal politics in the Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia, 1945-1980." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ44837.pdf.
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Watson, Amy. "'Needscapes' in post-socialist Czech Republic : gendered experiences of work, care and social security interventions." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7943/.
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Work and unemployment, care, and related social security policies have been flashpoints for gendered discourses and practices across many nation states. In the Czech Republic, this has been the case during Czechoslovak state socialism and in the emergence of market-based democracy since 1989. These systems have differently contested the figure of the working and caring woman, and the state’s role in providing support and resources to its citizens, but have both done so in gendered ‘productivist’ terms. The everyday experiences of those citizens living through these macro-level changes has not often featured in analyses of ‘transition’ and the (neoliberal) capitalism which has followed – their navigation of these gendered systems, and the ways in which this may be post-socialist, is further underexplored. Drawing on 22 interviews, alongside questionnaires and several months of observation with 10 previously unemployed single mothers participating in an NGO’s employability project, this thesis addresses this gap in the literature. Using a ‘needscapes’ analytical framework, I demonstrate that micro-level perspectives can usefully inform the design of policies and provision with which my participants were interacting. Many of my participants were experiencing financial, emotional and physical crises due to the Czech state’s disengagement with their needs, an inaccessible and low paying labour market which prioritised ‘independent’ male workers, and care services which excluded less well-resourced individuals. The group of single mothers and a small number of disabled people who numbered among my participants had particularly acute experiences of these issues. My participants’ experiences of labour market, social security and care provision issues associated with neoliberalism were often post-socialist. This included their navigation of a precarious and low paid labour market, which they critiqued using images of Communist scarcity, and in which discourses about the inappropriate figure of the Communist working woman contributed to disciplinary gender enactments and budget-saving policies which sought to channel mothers out of the labour market. My analysis suggests that (sometimes contradictory) neoliberal discourses and practices in the Czech Republic are complexly intertwined with and co-produced through post-socialism, and often function in tandem with neo-conservative discourses about gender. Many of my participants did not seek to live in the ways suggested by socially and politically prevalent discourses, that promote as the ideal citizen an (implicitly male) self-supporting, employed individual. My participants instead presented themselves as inter-subjectively connected to others, with their accounts of working, being unemployed, claiming social security, caring or receiving support experienced through their relationships with others and the needs of those around them. In their caring interactions, the value of dependent relationships and the involvement of both men and women in their caring kin networks highlight alternative gender enactments as characterising their navigations of post-socialist neoliberalism. Their perspectives dispute dominant political narratives about transition, which cast this as a process occurring at an individual – rather than collective – level, and resulting in a ‘self-supporting’ capitalist individual. Here, their experiences of ‘neoliberal’ change in the Czech Republic is complexly and inter-subjectively post-socialist, sometimes articulated through gendered enactments.
19
Boaz, Rachel E. "The Search for “Aryan Blood:” Seroanthropology in Weimar and National Socialist Germany." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247676999.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed April 16, 2010). Advisor: Richard Steigmann-Gall. Keywords: blood; National Socialism; Weimar Republic; eugenics; race science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 338-357).
20
Brock, Angela. "The making of the socialist personality : education and socialisation in the German Democratic Republic 1958-1978." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1363641/.
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This thesis explores the ways in which two decades of socialisation in the socialist education system of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) left their mark on the people growing up there from 1958 to 1978. The centre of investigation is the enigmatic 'socialist personality', an ideal human being cast from a mould rich in Marxist-Leninist principles. The 'socialist personality' was meant to have an all-round education of 'head, heart and hand' and to possess a wide range of virtues which took their cue from societal requirements rather than individual interests. The 'subjects' under investigation are children and young people up to the age of eighteen, whose experiences both within the education system and beyond are being explored. With this thesis I aim to show that between the project of turning children into 'socialist personalities' and its implementation at the grassroots stood human nature. It is my contention that despite the regime's claim to total control of education and socialisation, the practical execution of this experiment in social engineering had its limits. It collided with young people's individuality and self-determination, as well as with influences of a 'parallel education system' that often, but not always, had a different set of values: the family, peers, the Churches, and the Western lifestyle model just across the border. Yet whilst the great majority of young people were immune to the inculcation of certain aspects of education and socialisation (notably politicisation and militarisation), they did internalise a number of 'good' socialist values (for example love of peace, solidarity and helpfulness) during their formative years. At the end of the 1970s, the 'end products' of the GDR education system, whilst not resembling the envisaged 'socialist personality', showed nevertheless traits of a 'new kind of human being'.
21
Davis, Ginger. ""Being Vietnamese": The Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the United States during the Early Cold War." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/214107.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation examines the early U.S.-D.R.V. relationship by analyzing related myths and exploring Viet Minh policies. I go beyond the previous literature to examine the Viet Minh government's modernization and anti-imperialist projects, both of which proved critical to D.R.V. policy evolution and the evolution of a new national identity. During the French era, as Vietnamese thinkers rethought the meaning of "being Vietnamese," groups like the Viet Minh determined that modernization was the essential to Vietnam's independence and that imperialist states like the U.S. posed a serious threat to their revolution and their independence. I argue that D.R.V. officials dismissed all possibility of a real alliance with the U.S. long before 1950. Soviet and Chinese mentors later provided development aid to Hanoi, while the D.R.V. maintained its autonomy and avoided becoming a client state by seeking alliances with other decolonizing countries. In doing so, Vietnamese leaders gained their own chances to mentor others and improve their status on the world stage. After Geneva, Hanoi continued to advance modernization in the North using a variety of methods, but its officials also heightened their complaints against the U.S. In particular, the D.R.V. denounced America's invasion of South Vietnam and its "puppet" government in Saigon as evidence of an imperialist plot. In advocating an anti-imperialist line and modernized future, D.R.V. leaders elaborated a new national identity, tying modernization and anti-imperialism inextricably to "being Vietnamese." Yet modernization presented serious challenges and Hanoi's faith in anti-imperialism had its drawbacks, limiting their ability to critique and evaluate the U.S. threat fully.
Temple University--Theses
22
Schoenberger, Laura. "Crossing the line : the changing nature of highlander cross-border trade in northern Vietnam." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99599.
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This thesis investigates how changing Vietnamese state control over the Vietnam-China border has impacted cross-border trade networks and livelihoods of border residents in Lao Cai province, North Vietnam. The investigation uses information from qualitative research with 91 marketplace traders and border officials at four crossing points in the province. I find that state control over the border and cross-border trade has increased as this trade has been progressively brought within legal parameters from 1954 to 2005.By taking a commodity chain approach to investigate the trade networks of three locally produced goods that move across the border I discuss the complex interactions of state policy, social relations and location factors in shaping contemporary cross-border trade. This investigation suggests that state policy to encourage small scale cross-border trade and new tradable commodities are increasing the livelihood options available to border residents in the province.
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Bouska, Katelyn. "UNDER THE PARTY FAÇADE: MILOSLAV IŠTVAN AND THE INNOVATIONS OF THE BRNO SCHOOL IN THE CZECHOSLOVAK SOCIALIST REPUBLIC." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/369550.
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Music PerformanceD.M.A.
The innovative compositions of Miloslav Ištvan (1928-1990) and his influential theoretical writings contributed to the creation of the modern composition school in Brno, capitol of Moravia in the present Czech Republic. Through the vehicle of his three piano sonatas (unpublished, but composed in 1954, 1959, and 1979), this monograph places Ištvan and his music against the political background of ideological repression in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. The unique blend of Moravian folk music and fierce pride in Czech culture are clearly evident throughout Ištvan’s compositional oeuvre and specifically in his piano music. In particular, his sheer creativity and courage to create his own voice under severe artistic deprivation combine to create a body of work that remains one of the most prominent influences in the present-day compositional scene in Brno. Each of the six chronological sections in this monograph employs a single year as a frame of reference. These years were selected both for their political significance and to represent an important event in Ištvan’s personal or musical life. In addition to the biographical details, political context and analysis of the piano sonatas, other significant compositions and contemporary writings are considered to trace the developmental thread of Moravian music. Ištvan’s search for artistic expression brings the lineage of his direct predecessor, Brno compositional giant Leoš Janáček, into the avant-garde New Music movement of the 1960s. Ištvan’s further work as a composition professor and writer of theoretical texts in the 1970s and 80s continues to influence the current generation of composers in the Czech Republic. This monograph calls attention to a composer and his rich body of work, created during politically turbulent times, that remains virtually unknown outside his country of origin.
Temple University--Theses
24
Cromley, Gordon A. "Destroying the Jungle Republic: Counterinsurgency Theory and the Environment in South Vietnam (1967-1969)." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1564697803934883.
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Woodley, Daniel. "Im Mittelpunkt steht der Mensch : Socialist rationalisation and the division of labour in the German Democratic Republic 1961-1989." Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268864.
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Werkheiser, Edwin Brooks II. "''A far more formidable task'': the 101st Airborne Division's pacification of Thua Thien Province, Republic of Vietnam, 1968-1972." Texas A&M University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/4411.
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This thesis seeks to identify, describe, and analyze the tactics used by the 101st
Airborne Division in the pacification of the Republic of Vietnam's Thua Thien province
from 1968 to 1972. Despite the larger calamity of the Vietnam War, the 101st developed
an effective set of measures against the Vietnamese communist insurgency. These
measures depended largely on the ability of the division's lower-level units to attack the
Viet Cong political infrastructure, provide security for Thua Thien's population, and
build effective South Vietnamese territorial forces in their areas of operation following
the communist 1968 Tet offensive.
These findings are based on the official reports, orders, and records generated by
the division during its service in Vietnam and currently stored in the National Archives
in College Park, Maryland and U.S. Army's Military History Institute in Carlisle
Barracks, Pennsylvania. Additionally, the Military History Institute's "Company Command in Vietnam" series of interviews conducted from 1982 to 1984 with officers
who served in Vietnam provided valuable insight. This thesis looks at
counterinsurgency practices at the lowest levels where theory and policy are translated
into action. Operations Narrative: 3 September 1970. "At 0525 hours D Company, 3d
Platoon had two frag grenades tossed into its night defensive position. A member of the
platoon threw one of the grenades out of the position before it exploded. He jumped on
the other grenade and covered it with his body. The grenade did not explode due to the
fact that the safety had not been removed."1
I was inspired to undertake and complete this study by the courageous and
fortunate soldier in 3rd Platoon, D Company, 3-187th Infantry and the thousands of others
like him whose exploits I found in the footnotes of the Vietnam War. Their stories were
resting uneasily as antiseptic fragments in a hundred reports, giving single-sentence
snapshots of their part in a war many more clever people declared lost just as they began
their fight in 1968. Their names are forgotten to time and their efforts largely relegated
to obscurity by others who occupied a larger, grenade-free stage at much less personal
risk. Still, they are the men we all want alongside us in our night defensive position.
Their deeds are much easier to comment on than they were to perform.
1. Hq., 3-187 Infantry, "Combat After Action Report: Operation Texas Star, dated 20 September 1970," p. 5, Box 19, Command Reports, Assistant Chief of Staff Intelligence/Operations (S-2/3), 3d Battalion, 187th Infantry, Infantry Units, Record Group 472, National Archives and Records Administration II, College Park, MD.
27
Fialová, Lydie. "Remnants of humanity : psychiatry and post-socialism in the Czech Republic, 1989-2010." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/28684.
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This thesis explores the roles that medicine, human rights discourse, and the arts play in the project to improve the lives of patients suffering from severe forms of mental illness in the context of the post-socialist transformation of the Czech Republic. It is a study of the ways in which social solidarity and social exclusion intersect in the spaces of mental illness in a particular historical setting, and how the responsibility for care is negotiated between families, communities, the medical profession, and the state. The first part of the thesis focuses on the proposed reform of care for patients with severe mental illness that was put forward in the two decades after 1989. I examine the origins and aims of the attempted institutional change – the ‘humanization of psychiatry’ – in the context of the influential Charter 77 movement which demanded respect for the rights of those who are unable to claim them for themselves. I also trace how the re-establishment of a civil society that owed much to the concept of ‘apolitical politics’ and the process of the reintegration of Czech Republic into the European community impacted the attempted reforms. More than twenty years after the revolution, Czech Psychiatry still does not comply with international standards of care and, as I show, despite the explicit disclaimer with the totalitarian past and great hopes for change, there is in fact a clear continuation of many of the practices, ideas, interactions, as well as forms of governance of the preceding decades. These historical legacies, in combination with other factors, such as ideological disagreements within the psychiatric profession, a lack of political interest in this area, and a strong focus on other economic priorities have all contributed to the failure to improve mental health care. The second part of the thesis offers a complementary perspective on these processes – a view from ‘inside’ of the institutions that provide psychiatric care. The origins of institutional care in Central Europe date back to late nineteenth century, when large hospitals were built within parks as self-sufficient complexes surrounded by walls, outside of large cities. My research took place in two contrasting institutions: one a highly specialised clinical and research center for treatment of acute conditions, and the other a hospital for treatment of chronic conditions originally devoted to those with ‘incurable’ conditions. I show how the notion of ‘curability’ is a crucial factor in both the experience of the patients and the social responses to their conditions. In this part I also explore some epistemological issues in psychiatry, including knowledge, practices, and ideology, in the context of a strong scientific materialism where – unlike in many parts of the world – the tradition of psychoanalysis has been absent. Specifically, I examine the role of neurobiological paradigm in various interpretations of psychotic experience, its affect on patient’s self-understanding, and its role in the externalization of agency and responsibility. Finally I address the phenomenon of using ‘unclaimed bodies’ of psychiatric patients for anatomical teaching and research, and interpret this practice through notions of liminality, impurity, and sacrifice. I conclude the thesis by examining the ethical dimension of psychiatric care in the light of the writings by Emmanuel Lévinas.
28
Knight, Rebecca Louise. "Remembering the socialist past : narratives of East German and Soviet childhood in German and Russian fiction and autobiography since 1990/1." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4305.
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This study compares German memory of life in the German Democratic Republic with Russian memory of life in the Soviet Union, as represented and created within fictional and autobiographical narratives of childhood, published since the collapse of each regime. The chosen texts are, to varying degrees, fictionalized and/or autobiographical. A comparison between German and Russian narratives is particularly interesting because the socialist past is remembered very differently in each country’s public discourse and culture. An examination of narratives about childhood allows for a complex relationship between the post-socialist present and the socialist past to emerge. I study the texts and their reception, in conjunction with an analysis of the dominant ways of remembering the socialist past circulating within German and Russian society and culture. This allows the analysis to go beyond a straightforward comparison between the representations of the socialist past in the two groups of texts, to also explore how those representations are interpreted and received. It also demonstrates how the surrounding memory cultures appear to be producing quite different approaches to representing memories of broadly similar socialist childhood experiences. Chapter 1 explores the role of literary texts in revealing and shaping both individual and collective memory with a review of relevant research in the field of memory studies. Chapter 2 draws on existing scholarship on post-socialist memory in German and Russian society and culture in order to identify dominant trends in the way the socialist past has been remembered and represented in the two countries since 1990/1. The analysis in Chapters 3 and 4 reveals a more detailed picture of the complexities and ambiguities inherent in looking back at childhood under socialist rule through the example of the chosen texts, and in the ways they are received by critics and by readers (in reviews posted online). I demonstrate that, in line with the surrounding memory cultures, questions of how the socialist past should be remembered are a more central concern in the German texts and their reception than in the Russian texts and reception. I show, however, that the nature of the Soviet past is often portrayed indirectly in the Russian texts and I explore how critics and readers respond to these portrayals.
29
Hejsek, Jakub. "Hospodářské sankce proti SFRJ/SRJ." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-196941.
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Author analyses international economic sanctions at first from the theoretical view. Outcomes of the analysis are then applied on cases of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Dissertation also includes the analysis of the economic structure of the two countries as well as the analysis of impact of sanctions followed with critical assessment of the sanction tools, their effectiveness and the level of enforcement by the international community. Dissertation is based on Czech and international literature as well as direct experience of the author with the region during the sanctions period.
30
Pellegrin, Charles John. "United States diplomatic and military relations with the Republic of China in the era of the Vietnam War, 1961-1969." Diss., Mississippi State : Mississippi State University, 2005. http://library.msstate.edu/etd/show.asp?etd=etd-02032005-102444.
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Deth, Sok Udom. "The People's Republic of Kampuchea 1979 - 1989: A Draconian Savior?" Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1243453559.
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Fahrenkrug, David T. "Regime change and the role of airpower." Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, Air University, 2003. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA425584.
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Prentice, David L. "Getting Out: Melvin Laird and the Origins of Vietnamization." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1226597455.
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Gueorguieva, Petia. "La social-démocratie en Europe centrale et orientale: convergences et divergences par rapport à l'identité sociale-démocrate "occidentale"?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210951.
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Nsingui, Barros Francisco. "A contre courant : les Etats-unis ont gagné- à domicile- leur guerre du/au Vietnam." Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100142.
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Une récente floraison de livres parus sur The Vietnam War/la “Guerre du Vietnam” rassemblant études universitaires, témoignages d’acteurs et analyses stratégiques oblige à remettre en chantier une affirmation trop vite assénée : pour être parti sans gloire d’un théâtre d’opérations très éloigné de leurs véritables intérêts domestiques, les Etats-Unis ont - peut-être - perdu dans cette guerre un peu de leur belle image et de leur crédibilité dans un épisode certes marquant et médiatisé de leur histoire militaire et nationale. Mais l’intérêt de la présente recherche est de montrer que les Etats-Unis, à cause de ou suite à la guerre du/au Vietnam, sont restés ce qu’ils ont été depuis la formation de la nation américaine jusqu’à aujourd’hui grâce à leurs fondamentaux institutionnels et leurs constitutifs nationaux : Constitution, Loi, Prospérité, Puissance, Mission, Intervention, Influence, Pesée. Ce qu’ils ont été hier demeure aujourd’hui et sera encore là demain à cause des Héritages assumés même dans des Redondances conjoncturelles (Première Partie: Prolégomènes) puis, malgré la pesanteur des Evénements, croisant Pertes et Profits dans un conflit, la sauvegarde de l’essentiel (Deuxième Partie: Polarisations) par le retour aux Fondamentaux.Dans la longue histoire des Etats-Unis, la guerre du/au Vietnam n’est pas seulement une guerre perçue comme abominable ou comme “juste”, mais “juste une guerre”. Dans la balance des pertes et profits, cette guerre offre néanmoins une formidable grille de lecture de ce que ce pays a sauvegardé d’essentiel, de substantiel dans chaque épreuve : gagner contre le mauvais sort en faisant confiance à son “destin manifeste”. En attendant que l’Histoire tranche en définitiveA recent flowering of books published on The Vietnam War,that brings together researchers, testimonies of actors and policy analysis requires a re—affirmation too fast asserted. To leave without glory of a theater of operations far from their domestic and true interests, the United States - perhaps — in this war lost some of their good image and credibility in an episode that, of course, marks and media coverage of military history and national levels. But the interest of this research is to show that the United States, because of or after the war /Vietnam, remained what they were since the creation of the American nation until today 'Today thanks to their fundamental institutional and national constituent: Constitution, Law,Prosperity, Power, Mission Statement, Influence, Weighing. What they were yesterday and today remains will still be there tomorrow because of Inheritance assumed even in cyclical redundancy (PartI: Prolegomena) and, despite the gravity of events, crossing Profits and Losses in a conflict, the backup the bulk (Part Two: Polarization) by the return to basics.In the long history of the United States, War/ Vietnam War is not only seen as heinous or as "fair",but "just war". In the balance of profit and loss, the war still offers a great reading grid of what this country has saved essential, substantial in each race: to win against bad luck by trusting his "manifest destiny". Until history has a final word
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Jakovljević, Ana [Verfasser], and Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] Eger. "Fighting corruption with pyramids : a law and economics approach to combating corruption in post-socialist countries ; The case study of the Republic of Serbia / Ana Jakovljević ; Betreuer: Thomas Eger." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1160675775/34.
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Jakovljević, Ana Verfasser], and Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] [Eger. "Fighting corruption with pyramids : a law and economics approach to combating corruption in post-socialist countries ; The case study of the Republic of Serbia / Ana Jakovljević ; Betreuer: Thomas Eger." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2018. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-90567.
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Daley, Patrick. "Exporting airpower : the challenges of building partner nation air capacity for irregular war /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=5195508f-febb-4a9e-a93b-7ff90d822e10&rs=PublishedSearch.
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Trương, Thuỳ Dung [Verfasser], and Jörg Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] Engelbert. "The American Influences on the Higher Education of the Second Republic of Vietnam : The Case of the National Universities / Thuỳ Dung Trương ; Betreuer: Jörg Thomas Engelbert." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1215840411/34.
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Trương, Thuỳ Dung Verfasser], and Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] [Engelbert. "The American Influences on the Higher Education of the Second Republic of Vietnam : The Case of the National Universities / Thuỳ Dung Trương ; Betreuer: Jörg Thomas Engelbert." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2020. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-106090.
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Cohen, Matthew F. "“Bring security to the people and not the people to security”: security, refugee, and ethnic minority policies and implementation in Vietnam’s central highlands, 1968-1975." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/12438.
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Master of ArtsDepartment of History
David A. Graff
The central highlands of Vietnam were of vital strategic importance during the Second Indochina War (1955-1975); the collapse of South Vietnamese forces in this region in March 1975 led to the fall of Saigon just one month later. Despite this area’s importance, most central highlands historiography addresses large military campaigns, such as the 1972 Nguyen Hue “Easter Offensive” and the 1975 Ho Chi Minh Offensive. Micro-histories are of great value in examining the implementation of national programs, yet all province case studies examine events in the more heavily populated and ethnically homogeneous Saigon and Mekong Delta regions of the Republic of Vietnam (RVN). This thesis examines Lam Dong province, at the southern end of the Vietnamese central highlands. Focusing on the territorial forces initiative and RVN policy toward ethnic minority Montagnards in the highlands—two vital yet under-studied topics in Vietnam War historiography—this study demonstrates the operational success of the former and the strategic failure of the latter. The thesis is organized chronologically and concentrates on the final six years of the war, when South Vietnamese officials were increasingly promulgating and executing policy. The first part of the study details background information and outlines the war through 1967, when the National Liberation Front (NLF) held the advantage. The middle section scrutinizes the late 1960s and early 1970s and describes the factors that led to increased province security. The final section analyzes the final two years of the war following the departure of U.S. troops. In this period, South Vietnamese forces held the advantage against a weakened NLF, yet ordinary citizens’ discontent reached a climax. In-depth study of both province- and national-level documents from this period demonstrates that local officials, both American and Vietnamese, often attempted to address challenges but were hindered by the centralized nature of the Saigon bureaucracy. The inability and unwillingness of the RVN to address adequately issues such as highlands refugee policy led to the gradual dissatisfaction of many Montagnards in the highlands. This study elucidates RVN initiatives such as the territorial force, Main Living Area, and Return to Village programs—seldom-mentioned yet key facets of the Saigon government’s attempt to mollify ethnic tensions and counter the threat posed by the NLF.
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Blang, Eugenie M. "To urge common sense on the Americans: United States' relations with France, Great Britain, and the Federal Republic of Germany in the context of the Vietnam War, 1961-1968." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623983.
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America's Vietnam War had profound ramifications beyond its immediate effect on Southeast Asia and the United States. This dissertation utilizes the debate over Vietnam between the United States and its major European allies, Britain, France, and West Germany, as an analytical framework to examine inter-allied relations. The "Vietnam problem" strained the traps-Atlantic alliance and revealed the respective self-interest of the four member nations. The British, French, and West Germans had serious misgivings about the American strategy in Vietnam, based on a differing view of the nature of the conflict and a pessimistic assessment of American chances for success in South Vietnam. Equally important, the Europeans feared that Washington might disengage from Europe and that the fighting in Southeast Asia might develop into a major, perhaps even a world war. European security hence might be dangerously undermined by further American escalation in Vietnam. According to the European powers, the Cold War should be primarily fought in Europe. Although London, Paris, and Bonn were deeply apprehensive about the American engagement in Vietnam, they failed to develop a unified policy to affect American decision-making because they were unable to transcend their nationalistic agendas. Presidents Kennedy and Johnson unsuccessfully attempted to win substantial European support for America's role in Vietnam. to the United States, Vietnam was a prime domino that could not be allowed to fall and Washington viewed European concerns as parochial and counter-productive. The essentially unilateral approach of the United States in Vietnam led to tragic failure. as a result of the Vietnam experience, Washington realized that it could not fulfill all its global obligations without the backing of its European allies. The lack of a cohesive policy toward America's engagement in Vietnam revealed inherent shortcomings in the foreign policy-making of the European nation-states, which were still guided by a nationalistic, self-interested approach. Britain, France, West Germany, and the United States painfully recognized that in order to successfully meet global challenges they needed to listen more closely to each other and develop a mutualistic policy that would better serve their shared interests as allies and friends.
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Deane, Alexander, and n/a. "Nationalism in the Aims and Motivations of the Vietnamese Communist Movement." Griffith University. School of Arts and Education, 2001. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20051125.095630.
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The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.
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Nguyenová, Kristýna. "Vztahy mezi ČR a Vietnamem v rámci obchodní a rozvojové spolupráce." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85925.
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The subject of the thesis is the development of the bilateral relations between the Czech Republic and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in terms of trade and international development cooperation. Historical context, contractual base and diplomatic relations with top government officials are taking into account first. The main part of the thesis is the analysis of trade exchange and development support provided by the Czech Republic to Vietnam. The last chapter, dealing with the arrival of Vietnamese to the Czech Republic, completes the conception of the Czech-Vietnamese relations. The thesis also follows the perspectives of further development and potential of Vietnam as a future business partner for Czech companies.
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Suvanpanich, Thawatchai. "International commercial arbitration in Laos, Thailand and Vietnam : comparative perspectives in the light of the UNCITRAL model law, and the reference to the arbitration laws of England and People's Republic of China." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2001. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1608.
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The development of markets and indeed the 1997 financial crisis in the South East Asia region led to the increase of international disputes and the emergence of international commercial arbitration as the preferred settlement of disputes mechanism. One can observe a "cultural" difference in the way developed and developing countries approach the resolution of disputes: while the state controlled judicial authority is essential in the developing countries, developed countries opt for flexible and non-judicial settlement. Foreign investors have exercise pressure for the launch of international commercial arbitration in the countries where they invest. This thesis constitutes a survey of the international commercial arbitration regimes in Laos, Thailand and Vietnam in the light of the UNCITRAL Model Law and the arbitration systems of the United Kingdom, the United States, and China. It provides guidance to legislators in their regulatory efforts and intends to assist local courts and judges in their developing an arbitration culture. Further it will be useful to businesspersons with economic activity in South East Asia. The paramount consideration is to bridge the gap between developed and developing arbitration systems. Chapters One and Two highlight the importance and provide for a definition of party autonomy in international commercial arbitration. The theoretical background and the practice in each jurisdiction in question are discussed and the advantages of arbitration in comparison with litigation are presented. Chapter Three focuses on arbitration agreement. Three stages regarding the issue of validity of such agreements are distinguished. Chapter Four looks at the selection of arbitrators and the criteria for such a choice. Chapter Five deals with arbitral procedure; both ad hoc and institutional arbitration in the jurisdictions in question is discussed. Chapter Six addresses choice of law issues. Particular attention is paid on choice of substantive law and on lex arbitri. The thesis finally make critically evaluates the arbitration systems in Laos, Thailand, Vietnam and assesses their compatibility with the Model Law and the international standards set by the UK and the US practices. References are also made to the Chinese multi-jurisdictional arbitration system, but are rather limited.
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Ninh, Xuân Thao. "L'État du Viêt-Nam dans ses rapports avec la France (1949-1955) : une autre voie pour l'indépendance du Viêt-Nam." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BOR30037.
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« L’État du Viêt-Nam » reste encore un sujet controversé figurant parmi « les zones d’ombres » de l’histoire contemporaine du Viêt-Nam. Après l’échec des négociations de 1946, le gouvernement de Hồ Chí Minh choisit la guerre contre les Français, pour l’indépendance du pays. Bảo Đại et ses partisans nationalistes et pro-français s’orientent vers une voie pacifique et une indépendance progressive. Par les accords du 8 mars 1949 naît « l’État du Viêt-Nam » dirigé par son chef Bảo Đại. Il s’agit d’un État associé à la France au sein de l’Union française. De mars 1949 à octobre 1955, six présidents du Conseil (Bảo Đại, Nguyễn Phan Long, Trần Văn Hữu, Nguyễn Văn Tâm, Bửu Lộc, Ngô Đình Diệm) dirigent dix cabinets ministériels pour construire un État nationaliste non-communiste, en pleine guerre d’Indochine et de la guerre froide. L’existence de l’État du Viêt-Nam permet le développement du nationalisme vietnamien qui donne naissance à la République du Viêt-Nam en octobre 1955“The State of Vietnam” (État du Viêt-Nam) remains a controversial subject among the “shadows” of the modern Vietnam history. After the failure of the 1946-negotiations, Hồ Chí Minh government committed to the military solution against the French, for the independence of Vietnam. On the other camp, Bảo Đại, nationalists and pro-French collaborators were moving towards a peaceful strategy of gaining Independence. With the agreements of March 8, 1949, “the State of Vietnam” was born, led by Chief of State Bảo Đại. This was a political structure associated with France and belong to the French Union. Between March 1949 and October 1955, six Council President (Bảo Đại, Nguyễn Phan Long, Trần Văn Hữu, Nguyễn Văn Tâm, Bửu Lộc, Ngô Đình Diệm) led ten Cabinets to maintain a non-communist nationalist state in the midst of the first Indochina War and the Cold War. The existence of the State of Vietnam facilitated the emergence of Vietnamese nationalism which gave birth to the Republic of Vietnam in October 1955 headed by Ngô Đình Diệm. Its legacy had long-lasting impacts on the fate of the modern Vietnam
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Hall, Bruce W. "Gemeindegeschichte Als Vergleichende Geschichte: the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints in East Germany." BYU ScholarsArchive, 1998. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4743.
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From 1945 until the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) in the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) endured the hardships of existing as a religious organization under a Communist regime. An evaluation of the LDS Church within the category of general and minority religions, which serves as a microcosmic evaluation of religion in the GDR, constitutes one part of this study. The uniqueness of the LDS Church and its experience - especially its American ties, ironically earlier a liability and later an asset - make it a candidate for a more independent evaluation, and the second part of this study. The social aspect of religion in the GDR, as it related to those of faith - including the lives of LDS members, constitutes the final aspect of this study. The Leipzig branch of the LDS Church, upon which most of this reserach is based, serves as an example of religious conformity, while proving itself socially, politically, and culturally unique. By placing the LDS Church in the context of religion in general, as well as examinng the atypical experience of the Leipzig branch, a greater understanding can be had of the religious, political and social life within the former German Democratic Republic.
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Nguyen, Triet M. ""Little Consideration... to Preparing Vietnamese Forces for Counterinsurgency Warfare"? History, Organization, Training, and Combat Capability of the RVNAF, 1955-1963." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23126.
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This dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems.
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Quinque, Christian. "Musik für eine humanistischere Gesellschaft." Master's thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-134999.
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Günter Kochan (1930-2009) war einer der erfolgreichsten und bekanntesten Komponisten der DDR. Er hinterließ über 200 Werke, darunter zahlreiche bedeutende sinfonische Arbeiten, die jedoch nach der Wende größtenteils in Vergessenheit gerieten. Kochan galt als staatsnaher Komponist und wurde dementsprechend nach 1990 an den Rand gedrängt, seine Musik wurde nun vor allem nach ihrem politischen Inhalt hinterfragt und geriet aufgrund ausbleibender Aufführungen und Neuveröffentlichungen alsbald in Vergessenheit.
Die Arbeit behandelt das Spannungsfeld zwischen auferlegten kulturpolitischen Regeln und individuellem künstlerischen Entfaltungsstreben vor dem Hintergrund der offiziellen Leitlinie des "sozialistischen Realismus" in der DDR. Sie beleuchtet dieses exemplarisch anhand der Biographie und des Schaffens von Günter Kochan. Nach einer allgemeinen Darstellung der DDR-Kulturpolitik von 1949-1990, einer Kurzbiographie und einem Überblick über Kochans Gesamtschaffen konzentriert sich die Arbeit auf die Analyse und den Vergleich der 2. und 6. Sinfonie (entstanden 1969 und 2006), die als Beispiele für Kochans musikalische Hauptdomäne herangezogen werden und an denen typische Merkmale seiner Musik im mittleren und im greiften Stil vergleichend herausgearbeitet werden.
Die Arbeit baut auf mehreren Interviews mit Vertrauten Kochans auf und nutzt zudem bisher wenig bis gar nicht beachtete Quellen sowie bisher unveröffentlichte Werke Kochans. Sie ist die erste Gesamtdarstellung zu Leben und Werk des Komponisten und enthält zudem das erste vollständige, systematisch und chronologisch geordnete Werkverzeichnis der Kompositionen Günter Kochans sowie eine Übersicht der derzeit verfügbaren Tondokumente.
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Nguyen, Thi bich le. "La fondation philosophique de l’Etat de droit en France avec Montesquieu et Rousseau, et, son rôle dans la construction actuelle d’un Etat de droit socialiste avec l’exemple du Viet Nam." Thesis, Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080042.
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Dans l'histoire des idéologies philosophiques de l'humanité, les philosophes politiques français du XVIIIème siècle, et particulièrement Montesquieu et Rousseau, ont eu une importance décisive, non seulement dans la fondation de la république en France mais aussi pour leur contribution à la définition de ce qu'est un Etat de droit ou Etat juridique. C'est à ce titre que ces deux penseurs nous intéressent ici, comme autant de contributions idéologiques majeures à la détermination du pouvoir d'Etat et de l'Etat de droit. C'est pour ces raisons d'ailleurs que ces deux théoriciens jouent actuellement un grand rôle dans la construction d'un état juridique au Vietnam, et c'est ce rôle que nous entendons éclairer dans cette thèseIn the history of philosophical ideologies of humanity, the French political philosophers of the eighteenth century had a decisive importance, especially Montesquieu and Rousseau, not only in the founding of the republic in France but also for their contribution to the definition of the Rule of law or legal state. These two thinkers are of central interest to understand their evolution of political concepts, because of their major ideological contributions to the determination of the State power and the Rule of law. Likewise, their influence has been extended through the time until our days, playing a big role in the configuration of a legal state in Vietnam. This thesis aims to illuminate this role