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Journal articles on the topic 'Socialist pluralism'
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1
Morawska, Ewa. "On Barriers to Pluralism in Pluralist Poland." Slavic Review 47, no. 4 (1988): 627–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498184.
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Having crushed the Solidarity movement’s unprecedented attempt to pluralize postwar Polish society, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the first secretary of the Polish United Workers’ party (Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza or PZPR) ordered a special commission of the party’s Central Committee to study the causes of the political crises that have repeatedly convulsed Poland during forty years of Communist rule and have resulted in the downfall of successive first secretaries and their principal associates. After several months of labor, the commission declared that one of the main causes was that the authorities ignored popular opinion and discouraged local initiatives for independent action and reforms. To show that it had learned its lesson, the PZPR adopted “socialist pluralism” as one of the principal points of its program for “normalization” and “renewal” soon after martial law was lifted in 1982.
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Pitcher, M. Anne. "Forgetting from Above and Memory from Below: Strategies of Legitimation and Struggle in Postsocialist Mozambique." Africa 76, no. 1 (February 2006): 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0005.
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AbstractThis article examines two opposing strategies – one used by government officials and businesses, the other expressed by urban workers – that have emerged in postsocialist Mozambique. On the one hand, government officials and businesses have pursued a deliberate strategy of what several writers in other contexts have called ‘organized forgetting', whereby they seek to airbrush the socialist past from history. They have revised the country's ideological orientation, built new coalitions of support among domestic and internal investors, and remade the ruling party's legitimacy following the abandonment of socialism and the transition to a free‐market democracy. On the other hand, some urban workers have revived and repackaged the language of socialism to protest against the effects of neo‐liberalism. Relying on collective and individual memories of socialism, they denounce ‘exploitation', ‘recolonization', ‘injustice’ and ‘inequality’ as they struggle to understand, resist or modify the impact of structural adjustment and privatization. I argue that, although the end of socialism has allowed a plurality of voices to surface in Mozambique, such discursive pluralism is characterized by increasing power inequities. The consolidation of capital and the ideological pronouncements that accompany it may ultimately silence the now dissident language of the socialist past.
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Górski, Eugeniusz. "From "Socialist" to Postmodern Pluralism in Poland." East European Politics & Societies 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088832502766276172.
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Górski, Eugeniusz. "From “Socialist” to Postmodern Pluralism in Poland." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 16, no. 1 (February 2002): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325402016001009.
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Eisfeld, Rainer. "The Emergence and Meaning of Socialist Pluralism." International Political Science Review 17, no. 3 (July 1996): 267–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251296017003004.
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OKLOPCIC, ZORAN. "Beyond Empty, Conservative, and Ethereal: Pluralist Self-Determination and a Peripheral Political Imaginary." Leiden Journal of International Law 26, no. 3 (July 31, 2013): 509–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156513000216.
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AbstractOver the last couple of years, a stream of pluralist theories of international legal order has developed at the intersection of international law and political theory, having immediate implications for conceptualizing self-determination. The understanding of self-determination under the framework ofbounded,constitutional, andradicalpluralism markedly departs from the previous wave of normative theories in the 1990s: self-determination is now evacuated from the field of national pluralism and struggles over territory.This article does not question the thrust of pluralists’ recent work, but complements their critical attunement to global disparities of power, and complicates their neglect of nationalism and rejection of territorial reconfigurations as self-determination's core meaning. In doing so, it unearths two visions that come from the (semi-)periphery of the international political order. The first belongs to Edvard Kardelj, pre-eminent Yugoslav theorist of socialist self-management and the Non-Aligned Movement. The second belongs to Leopold Sédar Senghor, the poet and politician, advocate ofnégritude, a proponent of French West African integration, and a constitutional advocate for the reconfiguration – not abolition – of the French Union, the heir to the French Empire. While they are suspicious of extensive territorial reconstruction, like contemporary pluralists, unlike them they have seen a role for territorial reconfigurations in the name of national plurality.
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Liu, Huwy-Min Lucia. "Ritual and pluralism: Incommensurable values and techniques of commensurability in contemporary urban Chinese funerals." Critique of Anthropology 40, no. 1 (January 8, 2020): 102–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x19899447.
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The default funeral in Shanghai today consists of religious variations of a secular socialist civil ritual. Within this ritual, however, is a clear paradox: how can one create religious “variations” of a secular and socialist funeral that explicitly denies any recognition of spirits or the afterlife? How do socialist, religious, Confucian, and even Christian ideas of personhood and death become commensurable in one single ritual? This paper explores the relationships between incommensurable values through commemorations of the dead in Shanghai. This article not only shows how a single ritual can realize multiple seemingly incommensurable values but also details two different techniques for making such incommensurable values commensurable. My findings show that what makes value pluralism possible depends on how people conceptualize rituals. When people see rituals as following social conventions, there is more space for pluralism, but when people treat rituals as making personal testimonies, the possibility for pluralism decreases.
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Schoenman, Roger. "Captains or Pirates? State-Business Relations in Post-Socialist Poland." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 1 (February 2005): 40–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404271065.
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In the 1990s, post-socialist states faced a critical dilemma: how to privatize and transform thousands of firms in the absence of domestic entrepreneurs with enough capital to assume control of the state's industrial patrimony. In the fifteen years of post-socialism, the elites created by the processes of transformation have been a decisive force in the economic and political development of Eastern Europe. Yet few studies focus on these early winners of reform. This article explores the interactions between the new economic elite, their firms, and the Polish state to construct a multilayered framework of state-society relations in post-communism. It concludes that the structure of state-firm relations and heightened political pluralism was crucial in limiting the predatory behavior of the new economic elite during the period of restructuring and privatization despite. This was critical in avoiding the rampant corruption present in other post-socialist countries and placed Poland on a markedly different path.
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Ettrich, Frank. "Neotraditionalistischer Staatssozialismus." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 22, no. 86 (March 1, 1992): 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v22i86.1090.
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By discussing the theoretical concepts of »totalitarianism« and »pluralism«, a frame of reference for analysing state-socialist societies is presented which determines the latter as »neo-traditionalist«. Within this context, which analyses real-socialist countries as politically constituted labour societies, great significance is attached to social mechanisms of integration beyond force and violence. Peaceful agreements and willingness to consent were secured within labour and authority structures by, particularly, institutionalised clienteleism.
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TRAN, Thi Quang Hong. "The Choice of Norms in Courtroom Adjudication in Vietnam: In Search of Legitimacy in a Socialist Regulatory Context." Asian Journal of Law and Society 6, no. 01 (January 16, 2019): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2018.44.
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AbstractNotwithstanding its defining feature of normative pluralism, the socialist state of Vietnam basically adopts a legal centralist approach to regulation. The judiciary is arguably the most illustrative of this approach, since it is the main forum where legal centralism encounters normative pluralism. Our research examines the choice of norms in judicial adjudication in Vietnam to check the effectiveness of its legal centralist approach. It finds that, despite lacking institutional support, judges managed to apply customary norms at their discretion against the state’s emphasis on top-down legal rules. A legitimacy-based analysis explains this phenomenon. It points out that judges conceptualized their legitimacy under the influence of both legal and extra-legal rules, thus making it apart from the legality. Judges attempt to bridge the gap between legitimacy and legality enabled de factor normative pluralism. In looking at the influence of customary norms over judicial adjudication, the article aims to make both theoretical and practical contributions. Theoretically, it enriches the scholarship of normative pluralism by showing how legitimacy-building keeps normative pluralism effective, irrespective of the dominating legal centralism. Practically, it proffers insightful implications for the ongoing court reforms in Vietnam based upon the findings.
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Kagalkar, Pratibha C. "African Socialism Re-Examined." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 48, no. 3 (July 1992): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849204800304.
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Socialism has collapsed. The ideology is in utter chaos in eastern Europe. The Soviet Union is in none too happy condition either. Sharp edges of the ideological conflict between the two global systems have been blunted. Disarray was a gradual process which culminated in the events of 1989 in East Europe. Many have argued that there is no room any more for socialist thrust as the system had failed to deliver the goods. The bipolarisation of the world appears to be gradually fading. Meanwhile the market forces demonstrated their world wide application. President Gorbachev's thought process embodied in the concepts like ‘glasnost’ and ‘perestroika’ unleased a revolutionary wave whose ripples reached far and wide. The declining Socialist surge had in turn led to increasing boost to the ideals like political pluralism. The pertinent point is whether the euphoria generated in the west by the sudden and unexpected turn of events in the eastern block of countries is really suggestive of the collapse of socialist thought and all that went with it. However, this writer believes that all is not over; what has happened is that only a particular variant of socialism has lost its luster. May be socialism in its extreme form has run amuck. It was the failure of its rapid ideological phase, its totalitarian and bureaucratic bungling. At initial stages of Socialism in Russia and China and Eastern Europe it was a triumphant march. It eliminated feudalism, created more equal society and a basic industrial structure next only to United States. But it encountered situations that Marx and Lenin did not forsee. Any ideology that moves away from its central moorings can be counter-productive.
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Remington, Thomas. "A Socialist Pluralism of Opinions: Glasnost and Policy-Making under Gorbachev." Russian Review 48, no. 3 (July 1989): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130365.
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Robinson, Neil. "Parliamentary politics under Gorbachev: Opposition and the failure of socialist pluralism." Journal of Communist Studies 9, no. 1 (March 1993): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279308415194.
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Bara, Mario. "Some Aspects of Socialist Modernization in the Croatian Cities." Review of Croatian history 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v16i1.11288.
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The paper focuses on the period of socialist modernization in Croatian urban settings, in a country guided by ideologically shaped administrative measures, absence of social pluralism, and private economic initiatives. The socialist regime mainly promoted the announced transformation of social and economic relations, as well as technical progress, in the urban areas, where cultural and symbolic interventions took place along with the technical ones. The socialist city was to become an ideal city that met all the needs of the “working people”. Industrialization and urbanization caused labour migration from rural to urban areas. Due to the large number of new residents in the cities, the authorities paid much attention to housing policies. Accelerated construction resulted in a discrepancy with the existing urban and communal infrastructure. The consequences of half a century of socialist modernization in the cities were most evident in the altered population structure. At the beginning of the observed period, only one quarter of the population lived in cities, but when the socialist epoch ended, this ratio was over 50 %. The negative consequences of socialist modernization in the cities could be seen in the polarized development of the main urban centres, the unevenly developed network of medium-sized and small towns, and the depopulation of a significant part of rural areas.
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Jovanović Ajzenhamer, Nataša, and Haris Dajč. "The Serbian Socialist Party Attitudes towards the EU through the Lens of Party Programmes." Politeja 16, no. 6(63) (December 31, 2019): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.63.04.
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In this paper, we will analyse the attitudes of the oldest political party in Serbia (the Socialist Party of Serbia – SPS) towards the European Union from the party’s establishment to the present day. We have chosen this party for two important theoretical and methodological reasons. First, it is the only party in Serbia to inherit the continuity of socialist heritage, i.e. the only one to retain the socialist nomenclature when, at least nominally, party pluralism, an electoral regime and the transformation to capitalism began. The second reason is that the SPS is the largest left-wing party in Serbia, and one of the largest parties in Serbia in general. In this paper, we will apply a narrative analysis of the party’s most important legal documents. The focus of our analysis will be on documents from 2010 and 2014, but to be able to follow the historical development of the attitudes of the SPS towards the EU, we have also included a document from 1990 in the analysis.
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Jovic, Dejan. "Critical analysis of political system in Yugoslav socialism: Jovan Miric’s theoretical contribution." Sociologija 60, no. 3 (2018): 691–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1803691j.
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In this article we analyse theoretical contribution to critical analysis of political system of socialist Yugoslavia by (1934-2015), professor of Political Science at University of Zagreb. The article focesses on his writings during the socialist period (before 1989). Of 10 books he published during his life, five are relevant for the topic of this paper: Interest Groups and Political Power (1973), Work and Politics (1978), Pluralism of Interests and Self-Managing Democracy (1982), System and Crisis (1984) and Challenges of Democracy (1990). We also refer to the book of his interviews and articles, which was published after his death. In is writings Miric gave interesting and relevant contribution to Marxist Political Science, both in terms of his theoretical work and in his analysis of Yugoslav Political System. In later period, from 1989 onwards, he evolves towards Liberalism, but remains highly critical towards the objects of his analysis. Critical thinking remained a continuity in his writings and public appearences, in both his Marxist and Liberal phases. His articles on the origins of the crisis of Yugoslav Political System were in fact warnings that Yugoslavia could collapse, largely due to its own internal structure and the lack of trust between various segments of its political elites. In this sense, Miric?s work justifies the question of predictability of events that soon led to collapse of socialism and of Yugoslavia as state. Miric already in 1987 mentions civil war as one of possible outcomes of the Yugoslav crisis. His work challenges conclusion that 1989 in Europe and 1991 in former Yugoslavia were completely unpredictable, and that these moments were (two) Black Fridays in social and political sciences.
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Penn, J. B. "Changes in Europe and the USSR: An Overview for Southern Agriculture and Agribusiness." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 23, no. 1 (July 1991): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0081305200017866.
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The world was astonished in 1989 by the initial collapse of socialist institutions and subsequently by the pace at which change swept across the Eastern European region. For a time, even the Soviet Union seemed to be moving toward greater political pluralism, market orientation and the effective end of the Cold War. It is now approaching two years since this political convulsion began (in Poland). This is sufficient time to enable the transition programs to take form, and to permit informed speculation about the potential for their success and, ultimately, how the Eastern European and Soviet situations could affect the farming and food sectors of our economy.
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Shmatova, Elena S. "The Marxist-Leninist Doctrine in State Cognition: Legal Science Fundamentals and Novelties." History of state and law 2 (February 11, 2021): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2021-2-19-25.
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The article deals with the origin and development of the state on the basis of Marxist-Leninist theory. It is proved that in matters of understanding the state, a special role is played by the question of the versatility of the essence of the state and its typology. Attention is focused on the features of the formation of the socialist state from the position of the formation approach in the typology of the state. The author emphasizes the evolution of the provisions of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine in modern legal science, as well as their relevance in the context of political and legal pluralism.
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Sovtic, Nemanja. "The non-aligned humanism of Rudolf Bruci: The composer and the society of self-management socialism." Muzikologija, no. 23 (2017): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1723083s.
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In 1979 the oratorio We Are All a Single Party was performed, composed by the Yugoslav composer Rudolf Bruci, who in an interview for the Novi Sad daily newspaper Dnevnik explained his driving motives in the following way: ?I wanted to preserve the spirit of our revolutionary songs and to speak in a modern, familiar way, understandable to everyone, about the decades in which our revolution was born and grew; about the legendary activities of pre-war communists, the difficult days of the War of National Liberation, the liberation and reconstruction of the country, about Tito and his invaluable contribution to the development of our selfmanagement socialism and non-aligned humanism? (Dnevnik, 10 April, 1979). In this article I argue that the syntagm ?non-aligned humanism? is suitable for identifying the connection between the aesthetic and the political in Rudolf Bruci?s creative output, observed as a consistent author?s opus. At the core of this thesis lies the assumption that non-alignment in regard to the West or East was a major political and aesthetic orientation of Yugoslav self-management socialism. The intersubjective field of this self-management socialist pluralism produced creative entities - composers such as Bruci - whose works were created under the principles of direct political engagement and modernist aestheticism as different manifestations of the same ideology. Within the specific rationality of non-aligned humanism, the concrete poetic-morphological characteristics of Bruci?s compositions become coherent subjective (Bruci?s personal) and objective (social) achievements.
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Loth, Wilfried. "The East—West Conflict in Historical Perspective — An Attempt at a Balanced View." Contemporary European History 3, no. 2 (July 1994): 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730000076x.
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The conflict between East and West had its origins in diverging views of how society should be organised which emerged in the course of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century industrialisation: the contrast between the pluralism of ‘Western’ civilisation, which in principle permitted a multiplicity of ways of life and patterns of power, and the centralised all-powerful state with its ‘Asiatic’ imprint; the contrast between capitalist means of production and socialist planning; the contrast between a parliamentary state under the rule of law and a totalitarian state. Such contrasting attitudes appeared to be irreconcilable, but they were indissolubly linked, at the latest, from the time of the Bolshevik victory in the October Revolution of 1917. Furthermore, the Bolshevik's seizure of power in Russia turned these conflicting views into an international political problem. By claiming to be the vanguard of an historically necessary world revolutionary movement the leadership of the Soviet Union tied a particular combination of socialist and anti-Western attitudes to the advancement of Soviet national interests, thus introducing into the international system a specific conflict between ‘Western’ industrialised nations and the Soviet state.
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Lafrance, Xavier, and Alan Sears. "Beating Time in the Slow Movements: Bensaïd’s Revolutionary Rhythms." Historical Materialism 24, no. 4 (December 2, 2016): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341501.
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Daniel Bensaïd was prominent among the revolutionary thinkers and activists who emerged from the mass insurgency of the 1960s, a period in which anti-capitalist organisers had genuine social weight grounded in connections to broad layers of the working class and radical movements. As the neoliberal offensive developed, working-class and allied movements experienced crucial defeats that marginalised anti-capitalist theory and practice. Bensaïd developed a unique theoretical analysis of radical mobilising during the neoliberal period, at once grounded in the history of revolutionary organising and audaciously open-ended in assessing the impact of capitalist restructuring and the employers’ offensive. The basis of his theoretical renewal lay in a new approach to understanding temporality that undercut any sense of socialist inevitability, and a commitment to revolutionary pluralism that was crucially located in the political sphere.
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Iwanowski, Zbigniew. "Left-wing Regimes in Contemporary Latin America: Theoretical Concepts and Political Practice." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (August 26, 2021): 126–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-126-160.
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The article examines contemporary approaches to the interpretation of left-wing political regimes and offers his own typology. Particular attention is paid to the fluctuations of the political pendulum in the region in the first decades of this century, the reasons for the successes and failures of the left forces. The author analyzes the ideology and practical activity of the center-left and radical left governments and comes to the conclusion that the persisting and even deepening disagreements between them are associated not only with the interpretation of the socialist ideas, the recognition of various forms of property, the role of the state in the economy, its social functions and foreign policy orientation, but also with the peculiarities of electoral legislation, ensuring political pluralism, forms of political participation and respect for human rights and civil liberties.
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Junger, M. "THE ROLE OF THE HUNGARIAN SAMIZDAT IN INTENSIFYING OF OPPOSITION-MINDED PUBLIC (1976 – 1988)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 132 (2017): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.132.1.15.
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The paper reviews the origins and development of samizdat in the Hungarian People's Republic. The samizdat for a long time remained the only way of doing opposition activities. It contributed to the spread of uncensored information and dissident's consolidation. The main opposition groups were urban and populist. The principle of the "popular front", which had deep historical roots in Hungary, meant joint efforts of various actors. It played an important role for their consolidation during the work on the collection of papers "In Memory of Bibo". The authors questioned the legitimacy of socialist states in Central and Eastern Europe. They had also written a program for achievement political pluralism, multi-party democracy. There was a positive impact of the political legacy of the philosopher to the ideological development of the urban group. The reaction of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party to the "In Memory of Bibo" testified a deep understanding of the causes of origin and prospects of the opposition's growth. Thematic areas of the leading samizdat journals "Beszélő", "Hirmondó", "Demokrata", their contribution to the consolidation of opposition-minded part of the Hungarian society were estimated. In this paper for the first time in the Ukrainian historiography we gave an account on the image of the Ukrainian dissident movement in the Hungarian samizdat.
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Warnaby, John. "A New Left-Wing Radicalism in Contemporary German Music?" Tempo, no. 193 (July 1995): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298200004277.
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‘Communism is dead’, crowed a recent Prime Minister, little realizing that the shaky condition of capitalism would precipitate her downfall in short order. ‘Socialist art is a phenomenon of the past’, pronounced many post-modernist critics, who equated creative expressions of radical politics with a modernist aesthetic they had already consigned to their re-interpretation of history. Yet as the developed economies totter from one crisis to the next, interspersed with stock market upheavals or corruption scandals, and the ‘new world order’ fails to materialize, a new left-wing idealism is beginning to assert itself in the work of several German composers, and the growing number of discs of their music testifies to the existence of a substantial international audience for their output. It is a movement of considerable diversity, but also genuine sophistication, for it takes account of the limitation of modernism, and is not averse to encompassing expressions of radicalism from the ‘romantic’ era, where appropriate. Thus, it does not shun post-modernism, but incorporates those features which have not been sucked into the new world chaos, or into the prevalent nostalgia, usually associated with the banner of ‘pluralism’. Above all, the new radicalism reaffirms certain fundamental truths, respected by socialism, which have been overlooked both by postmodernists and proponents of the ‘new world order’. It also asserts the importance of artistic integrity at a time when consumerism is undermining creative values.
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Chudakova, Tatiana. "Contingent Efficacies in Buryat Tibetan Medicine." Asian Medicine 10, no. 1-2 (October 3, 2015): 249–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341344.
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Focusing on sites of encounter between post-socialist biomedicine and Tibetan medicine in Eastern Siberia, this article explores overlapping ideologies of efficacy at work. In the absence of a single framework for determining its potencies, Tibetan medicine is caught between multiple regimes of legitimacy necessitated by scientific research, clinical protocols, and state regulatory frameworks. Through an exploration of three ethnographic case studies, this article tracks how those working with Tibetan medicine highlight instead the conditional nature of its therapeutic action. By adopting the frame ofcontingent efficacies, the article explores how practitioners of Tibetan medicine in Russia conceive of the medicines and techniques they deploy as always already situated extensions of specific social relations, political formations, forms of practice, and epistemological commitments. By pointing to the failures at commensuration with different regimes of abstraction these accounts offer a lens into the cultural politics of medical pluralism in Inner Asia.
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Nicolás, Pilar. "Spanish Regulation of Biobanks." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 801–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12321.
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Spain occupies an area of 504.645 km, and it has a population of 46.5 million people, out of which 4,538,503 are immigrants. Life expectancy is 82.5 years (85.5 for females and 79.5 for males). Its economy grew 1.4 % in 1014. Its current Constitution was enacted in 1978. It has been part of the European Union since 1986.Spain is a social and democratic state subject to the rule of law. Liberty, justice, equality, and political pluralism are the highest values of the legal order of the rule of law. Spain is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary government. The legislative power rests upon two chambers: the Congress and Senate. The government exercises the executive powers and the regulatory powers. There have been six presidents since 1978 from all parties, socialist, centrist, and conservative. The judicial power rests upon the courts and tribunals established by law.
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Crook, Stephen. "Book Reviews : MARXISM, CLASS ANALYSIS AND SOCIALIST PLURALISM. Les Johnston. London, Allen and Unwin, 1986. 155pp. $45.00 (cloth), $19.50 (paper)." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology 23, no. 2 (August 1987): 312–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078338702300227.
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Mišina, Dalibor. "Beyond Nostalgia." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 50, no. 3 (2016): 332–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05003004.
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This article addresses the issue of socialist nostalgia. Specifically, it deals with the inadequacy of treating the post-socialist “return of socialism” as different incarnations of socialist nostalgia. The author contends that this kind of treatment suffers from “nostalgia reductionism” and “socialism essentialism,” and leads to the very problematic conceptual and analytical shortcoming of pre-determining the nature of what needs to be understood and explained. Correspondingly, the author argues that a meaningful consideration of the post-socialist return of socialism has to free itself from the “nostalgia presumption” and embrace a non-essentialist analytical viewpoint whereby socialist nostalgia is recast as a plurality of heterogeneous and context-dependent post-socialist socialist discourses. To this end, the author analyzes two post-Yugoslav documentary films, Sretno dijete and Orkestar, to substantiate the claim that socialist nostalgia is too narrow of a framework to encapsulate adequately the span of an entire range of post-socialist socialist discourses and the ways they operate in specific sociocultural contexts and communicate to and with particular audience(s). In advancing this argument, the author does not propose that “the nostalgic” has no place in the analysis of the post-socialist memory of socialism but, rather, that the degree and nature of its presence has to be established through an interpretive reading of particular post-socialist socialist texts, rather than presumed a priori.
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Group, Mihajlov. "The Zadar Declaration." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 24, no. 1 (2012): 152–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2012241/210.
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The Zadar Declaration of 9 August 1966 is a curious document. Its original intent was the founding of the Movement of Independent Intellectuals at the Faculty of Philosophy at the Zadar branch of Zagreb University, which would sponsor a new independent socialist magazine, Free Voice or Free Word, in Tito's Yugoslavia. It was a test case whether Tito's "liberal" national communism would allow genuine freedom of thought, speech, press, association, pluralism, and tolerance characterizing an open society, democracy, and popular self-government. The regime response was the arrest of Mihajlo Mihajlov on the eve of the meeting on 8 August 1966. Yet the Mihajlov Group pressed on with the project. Due to regime pressure on the organizers, the founding meeting and Declaration became an occasion both for a critique of the ruling Party's ideological-political monopoly and an endorsement of Titoism. Nonetheless, it is a testimony to the courage of non-Marxist intellectuals who sought to speak the truth. The organizers were intimidated before the meeting, while all the signers of the Declaration were persecuted.
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Beutelschmidt, Thomas, and Richard Oehmig. "Connected Enemies?" Television Histories in (Post)Socialist Europe 3, no. 5 (June 24, 2014): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2014.jethc056.
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This article examines GDR television from a media-historical perspective with special focus on the inter- and transnational communication between Eastern and Western Europe in the Cold War until the dissolution of the separate spheres of power in 1990. It focuses on the development and function of the “Organisation Internationale de diffusion et de Télévision Radio” (OIRT), which was founded in 1946, and their network “Intervision”, founded in 1960, both centred in Prague. The OIRT, as an umbrella organization, coordinated cooperation between the TV-stations in the socialist community and represented their interests to the “European Broadcasting Union” (UER/EBU) and the “Eurovision” system. While “Intervision” handled the direct program traffic between the stations, exchange of movies and occasionally TV series was an autonomous field. A central conclusion is that the program transfer had a hand in a partial rapprochement and dialogue between East and West. In addition, these permanent relations triggered an early synchronization process with a tendency to cross-culture productions – even if the partial opening in Eastern Europe before 1990 brought only limited pluralism and could not contribute to genuine participation.
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Ram, Uri. "Israeli Sociology: Social Thought Amidst Struggles and Conflicts." Irish Journal of Sociology 23, no. 1 (May 2015): 98–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.23.1.6.
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The basic challenge of Israeli sociology always has been, and continues to be to present days, the designation of its object of study; i.e. ‘Israeli society’. The history of Israeli sociology and its conception of ‘Israeli society’ may be discerned into the five following modules: 1. Proto-sociology. In the pre-state era, sociological thought thrived within the context of the socialist Zionism. The two prominent ‘proto-sociologists' were Arthur Ruppin and Martin Buber, who professed German communal perspectives. 2. Modernization sociology. The formative phase of sociology as a discipline was from 1950 to 1977. It was led by Shmuel Noah Eisenstadt, who effected a transition from the German anti-modernist paradigm to an American modernization theory. 3. Critical sociology. The critical phase took place in the 1970s and 1980s. Critical sociology was manifested in elitism, pluralism, Marxism, feminism and colonization approaches. Simultaneously there emerged a robust branch of ‘quantitative sociology’. 4. Post-modern sociology. The turn towards post-modernity started in the 1990s. The three noticeable post-modern perspectives are: post-structuralism, post-colonialism and post-Marxism. 5. Palestinian Arab sociology in Israel. Palestinian Arab sociology is emerging and coming to its own since the 1990s. It reflects integration as well as alienation.
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Navarro, Vicente. "Why Some Countries Have National Health Insurance, others Have National Health Services, and the United States Has Neither." International Journal of Health Services 19, no. 3 (July 1989): 383–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/a767-1tby-mcbh-9170.
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This article presents a discussion of why some capitalist developed countries have national health insurance schemes, others have national health services, and the United States has neither. The first section provides a critical analysis of some of the major answers given to these questions by authors belonging to the schools of thought defined as “public choice,” “power group pluralism,” and “postindustrial convergence.” The second section puts forward an alternative explanation rooted in a historical analysis of the correlation of class forces in each country. The different forms of funding and organization of health services, structured according to the corporate model or to the liberal-welfare market capitalism model, have appeared historically in societies with different correlations of class forces. In all these societies the major social force behind the establishment of a national health program has been the labor movement (and its political instruments-the socialist parties) in its pursuit of the welfare state. In the final section the developments in the health sector after World War II are explained. It is postulated that the growth of public expenditures in the health sector and the growth of universalism and coverage of health benefits that have occurred during this period are related to the strength of the labor movement in these countries.
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Peters, Anne, and Heiner Schwenke. "Comparative Law Beyond Post-Modernism." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 4 (October 2000): 800–834. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064666.
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The legal version of post-modernism has not failed to challenge comparative law. It points out that, traditionally, comparatists have participated in a project of objectivity, universalism and neutrality of law, of which the “new” approach to comparative law is altogether sceptical.1 In the era of globalisation, both the discipline and its critique have gained relevance. What the transition of post-socialist countries and the unification of Europe have effected regionally, globalisation now accomplishes on a global scale: it creates desires for harmonisation and, as a pre-requisite, legal comparison. However, not only the technical function of comparative law is needed, but also its critical potential. In the process of globalisation, different legal systems and different cultures are confronted with each other and must interact. This provokes new questions about the options and limits of comparative law and legal unification, regarding, for instance, the applicability of specific moral and legal standards to other cultures by comparatists and law-makers. These questions are all the more pressing as we begin to realise that governing globalisation, in particular economic globalisation, with the help of global law perhaps requires a concept of a global legal order which is based on a “global legal pluralism”.2
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Trifunovic, Branislava. "Fin-de-siccle in Russia: Politics and culture." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 174 (2020): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2074185t.
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In this research paper, author discusses artistic responses to political turmoil from 1850 to 1917. This period in the Russian Empire was marked by a gradual striving for a radical and total social transformation initiated by, sometimes even violent, social reactions to the existing autocratic form of government in the mid-19th century, and completed by the Great Russian Revolution of 1917. The article dwells upon historical problems of social and cultural transformations of the Russian society and highlights artistic contribution in strive for modernization. In exploring the mode of adaptation of Russian society to the challenges of modernity, the possibility arose for the setting of three chronologically conditioned, but complex, cause-effect correlations of art and socio-political change: national-imperial, then (paradoxically named) larpurlartist-democratic and avant-garde-socialist correlation. These political and, at the same time, cultural platforms, are recognized as suitable for creating and strengthening a revolutionary climate in imperial Russia. Referring to the revolutionary nature of the artistic movements that preceded the Russian avant-garde, we insist that pluralism of styles and aesthetics in the socio-cultural sphere, as well as social engagement of artists, are factors that are of utmost importance in the preparation of the October Revolution in 1917.
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NUTTALL, JEREMY. "PLURALISM, THE PEOPLE, AND TIME IN LABOUR PARTY HISTORY, 1931–1964." Historical Journal 56, no. 3 (August 5, 2013): 729–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1300023x.
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ABSTRACTObserving the increasing, yet still partial exploration of pluralism, complexity and multiplicity in recent Labour party historiography, this article pursues a pluralist approach to Labour on two central, related themes of its middle-century evolution. First, it probes the plurality of Labour's different conceptions of time, specifically how it lived with the ambiguity of simultaneously viewing social progress as both immediate and rapidly achievable, yet also long term and strewn with constraints. This co-existence of multiple time-frames highlights the party's uncertainty and ideological multi-dimensionality, especially in its focus both on relatively rapid economic or structural transformation, and on much more slow-moving cultural, ethical, and educational change. It also complicates neat characterizations of particular phases in the party's history, challenging straightforwardly declinist views of the post-1945–51 period. Secondly, time connects to Labour's view of the people. Whilst historians have debated between positive and negative perceptions of the people, here the plural, split mind of Labour about the progressive potential of the citizenry is stressed, one closely intertwined with its multiple outlook on how long socialism would take. Contrasts are also suggested between the time-frames and expectations under which Labour and the Conservatives operated.
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Goldstein, Philip. "Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe: The Evolution of Post-marxism." Global Discourse 9, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15526540593615.
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In their groundbreaking Hegemony and socialist strategy (1985), Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe develop a new account of radical politics in which the subjective construction of hegemony establishes political conditions, not the objective historical stages and class contexts of traditional Hegelian Marxism. On this basis, they forcefully justify the 'identity politics' of contemporary women's, African-American, gay, and working class groups and organisations and oppose both the hegemony of the new right and the 'classism' and revolutionary orientation of the radical left. In their later work, they elaborate their accounts of hegemony and move in new directions. In On populist reason (2005) and The rhetorical foundations of society (2014), Laclau draws on poststructuralist discourse or rhetoric as well as notions of populism or the masses to show that hegemony involves what he terms antagonism, frontiers or we/they oppositions, equivalential logics, and other elements. By contrast, in On the political (2005) and Agonistics: thinking the world politically (with Wagner, 2013), Mouffe elaborates the notion of the fissured subject which, as she and Laclau argued in Hegemony, was constituted by the antagonisms of diverse social movements or the dislocation of social structures; however, her new accounts of the antagonisms or, as she says, 'agonisms' dividing the political field forcefully oppose universal norms of rationality or democracy in order to establish a genuine pluralism on a national and a global scale.
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Kępa, Mateusz. "Kościół katolicki wobec parlamentaryzmu II Rzeczypospolitej na przykładzie nauczania społecznego kardynała Stefana Adama Sapiehy." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 14, no. 2 (April 27, 2016): 197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1564.
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The purpose of this article is to describe the relationship between parliamentarism and the social teaching of the Catholic Church, with a special emphasis on pastoral, social and political activities of cardinal Adam Stefan Sapieha. The system of parliamentary government is a system of government in which the legislative authority in the form of parliament passes laws and controls the executive authority, which is wielded by the president together with the government. An important aspect of this system of government is the interpenetration of these two authorities and their mutual complementing, which is evident even in the possibility of bringing forward bills by the executive. The view of the parliamentary system held by cardinal Adam Stefan Sapieha was based on the social attitude which was represented by the Christian Democrats. The political system accepted by the Christian Democrats was democracy, which very clearly demonstrates all positive forms of local government’s actions and the principle of subsidiarity. The basis of this assumption is that it is on the lowest levels of society where the common good based on social solidarity can be realized. The Archbishop of Krakow perceived the political, social and economic issues through the prism of the Catholic Church. He believed that the task of the state is to protect society against the moral decay of anti-Christian totalitarian systems. According to Sapieha, the state should act as a servant in relation to the nation. The Metropolitan claimed also that the vision of the relationship between social ranks, contrary to the socialist vision, was not burdened with a conflict. Sapieha saw the danger of drastic social inequality, but definitely spoke out against socialist and communist solutions. The cardinal emphasized the accent which should be laid on the development of all forms of civic government. So the ideal state is a decentralized state, in which citizens, due to rights and activities taken up by themselves, have an influence over the governments. According to Sapieha, a democratic state of law should respect political pluralism based on the principle of subsidiarity and justice, as well as sovereignty, and above all – the principle of parliamentary majority.
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Vowles, Jack. "Les Johnston, Marxism, Class Analysis, and Socialist Pluralism: a Theoretical and Political Critique of Marxist Conceptions of Politics (London: Allen and Unwin, 1986) pp. 155. $28.50 (pb)." Political Science 39, no. 2 (December 1987): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231878703900218.
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Kuczyński, Janusz. "Pluralism and Universalist Socialism." Dialectics and Humanism 16, no. 1 (1989): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/dialecticshumanism198916141.
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Kodres, Krista. "Toward a New Concept of Progressive Art: Art History in the Service of Modernisation in the Late Socialist Period. An Estonian Case." Artium Quaestiones, no. 30 (December 20, 2019): 211–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2019.30.10.
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The paper deals with renewal of socialist art history in the Post-Stalinist period in Soviet Union. The modernisation of art history is discussed based on the example of the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic (Estonian SSR), where art historians were forced to accept the Soviets’ centrally constructed Marxist-Leninist aesthetic and approach to art and art history. In the art context, the idea of progressiveness began to be reconsidered. In previous discourse, progress was linked with the “realist” artistic method that sprang from a progressive social order. Now, however, art historians found new arguments for accepting different cultures of form, both historical and contemporary, and often these arguments were “discovered” in Marxism itself. As a result, from the middle of 1950’s Soviet art historians fell into two camps in interpreting Realism: the dogmatic and revisionist, and the latter was embraced in Estonia. In 1967, a work was published by the accomplished artist Ott Kangilaski and his nephew, the art historian Jaak Kangilaski: the Kunsti kukeaabits – Basic Art Primer – subtitled “Fundamental Knowledge of Art and Art History.” In its 200 pages, Jaak Kangilaski’s Primer laid out the art history of the world. Kangilaski also chimed in, publishing an article in 1965 entitled “Disputes in Marxist Aesthetics” in the leading Estonian SSR literary journal Looming (Creation). In this paper the Art Primer is under scrutiny and the deviations and shifts in Kangilaski’s approach from the existing socialist art history canon are introduced. For Kangilaski the defining element of art was not the economic base but the “Zeitgeist,” the spirit of the era, which, as he wrote, “does not mean anything mysterious or supernatural but is simply the sum of the social views that objectively existed and exist in each phase of the development of humankind.” Thus, he openly united the “hostile classes” of the social formations and laid a foundation for the rise of common art characteristics, denoted by the term “style.” As is evidenced by various passages in the text, art transforms pursuant to the “will-to-art” (Kunstwollen) characteristic of the entire human society. Thus, under conditions of a fragile discursive pluralism in Soviet Union, quite symbolic concepts and values from formalist Western art history were “smuggled in”: concepts and values that the professional reader certainly recognised, although no names of “bourgeois” authors were mentioned. Kangilaski relied on assistance in interpretation from two grand masters of the Vienna school of art history: Alois Riegl’s term Kunstwollen and the Zeitgeist concept from Max Dvořák (Zeitgeist, Geistesgeschichte). In particular, the declaration of art’s linear, teleological “self-development” can be considered to be inspiration from the two. But Kangilaski’s reading list obviously also included Principles of Art History by Heinrich Wölfflin, who was declared an exemplary formalist art historian in earlier official Soviet historiography. Thaw-era discursive cocktail in art historiography sometimes led Kangilaski to logical contradictions. In spite of it, the Primer was an attempt to modernise the Stalinist approach to art history. In the Primer, the litmus test of the engagement with change was the new narrative of 20th century art history and the illustrative material that depicted “formalist bourgeois” artworks; 150 of the 279 plates are reproductions of Modernist avant-garde works from the early 20th century on. Put into the wider context, one can claim that art history writing in the Estonian SSR was deeply engaged with the ambivalent aims of Late Socialist Soviet politics, politics that was feared and despised but that, beginning in the late 1950s, nevertheless had shown the desire to move on and change.
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Adie, Bailey Ashton, Alberto Amore, and Colin Michael Hall. "Urban tourism and urban socialist and communist heritage: beyond tragedy and farce?" International Journal of Tourism Cities 3, no. 3 (September 4, 2017): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-02-2017-0011.
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Purpose Existing literature on state socialist and communist heritage as a form of tourist consumption predominately focuses on destination contexts, such as the former Soviet countries and the few remaining state communist countries (i.e. China, North Korea and Cuba). As a result, the visitation to places linked to the history of socialism and communism in the so-called western pluralist democracies has often been overlooked and, at most, unacknowledged, especially as most research on “socialist” heritage focuses on sites connected to statist heritage rather than sites connected to socialist movements. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach This paper aims to fill the gap in terms of research focusing on these types of sites, with evidence from a range of countries in Europe and the Americas. It does so by illustrating the presence and engagement with official and non-official communist/socialist heritage at varying levels of commodification. Findings The paper concludes that not only is there a need to broaden the concept of socialist heritage but that its framing needs to continue to be understood from present day ideological discourses and struggles with respect to the marking of urban heritage tourist locations. Originality/value This contribution advocates the broadening of the concept of socialist heritage by acknowledging the relevance of “hidden” urban sites related to key socialist thinkers, socialist opposition to fascism, and civil wars in which the socialist movement was involved, while also drawing parallels between the levels of socialist/heritage recognition and use as a commodity in relation to the historical narrative within the studied countries.
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Benazzo, Simone. "Not All the Past Needs To Be Used: Features of Fidesz’s Politics of Memory." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 11, no. 2 (December 29, 2017): 198–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0009.
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Abstract Since the 2010 elections, the current Hungarian government has proven to be a very active and restless “memory warrior” (Bernard and Kubik 2014). The ruling party, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz, shows both a neat understanding of national history and the ability to transmit it by the adoption of different tools. This politics of memory is instrumental in granting the government political legitimacy. By ruling out oppositional actors and their historical narratives from the public sphere, Fidesz presents itself as the primary champion of Hungarian national sovereignty. Hungarians is, then, portrayed as a nation that has long suffered from the yoke of external oppression in which the Ottomans, the Habsburgs, the Soviets and eventually the Europeans figure as the enemies of the Hungarians. Specific collective memories, including the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Nazi occupation (1944–5) and socialist period (1948–90), are targeted so as to enact a sense of national belonging and pride, as well as resentment against foreigners. Moreover, in its rejection of the pluralism of memories and yearn for the homogenization of national history by marginalizing unfitting elements, this politics of memory is consistent with the System of National Cooperation (Batory 2016) that Fidesz’s administration has tried to establish in Hungary. This paper carries out an in-depth analysis of Fidesz’s multilayered politics of memory by investigating both its internal and external dimensions separately. In the final section, conclusions are drawn up to summarize its key tenets. Official speeches, legislative acts, and four interviews with key historians of Hungary have been used as sources.
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Barnard, F. M. "Socialism, Politics, and Citizenship : Reflections On a Czech Tho Ught-Experiment." East Central Europe 12, no. 1 (1985): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633085x00018.
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AbstractThis article attempts to draw out some theoretical implications from the thought-experiment of Vladimir Klokocka, a Czech political jurist who was a leading member of a team of experts that was entrusted with the working out of electoral reform proposals during the late 1960s. The thought-experiment in question found articulation in chapter 9 of Klokocka's Volby v pluralitnich democraciích (Elections in Pluralist Democracies), which, published in Prague after the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia, had an exceedingly brief exposure because it was withdrawn from circulation shortly after publication.1 Substantial excerpts of this chapter have recently appeared in translation elsewhere with a brief commentary.2 I should like to enlarge here on this commentary. The chapter in question apart from its historical interest, presents a penetrating analysis of democracy under socialism that-sheds light not merely on the arguable possibilities of reform of existing Communist régimes, but also on the broader question of pluralism within any political context.
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Newby, Howard, and Michael Rustin. "For a Pluralist Socialism." Contemporary Sociology 16, no. 2 (March 1987): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2070699.
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N.V., Yaremenko, and Kolomiets N.Ye. "ESCAPISM AS A WAY OUT “OVER THE EDGE” IN THE PROSE OF UKRAINIAN WRITERS OF THE MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY." South archive (philological sciences), no. 84 (December 23, 2020): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32999/ksu2663-2691/2020-84-7.
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The purpose of this study is to identify the features of the specifics of the artistic expression of escapism as a form of resistance to Soviet unification based on the prose by Yu. Yanovskyi, O. Dovzhenko, O. Honchar.Methods. The article applies a combined technique based on elements of hermeneutic and semiotic analysis, the method of typological comparison of literary facts. The authors also used the toolkit of structural analysis. Results. It has been established that during the socio-cultural situation of the middle of the twentieth century, when the development of literature was going through politicization, excapism was a specific strategy of self-identification, a form of national and cultural manifestation of a number of artists. The authors emphasized that the leveling of national differences and the eradication of aesthetic pluralism led to the forced transfer of mental markers to the margins and forced mid-twentieth-century artists, who were constantly threatened with various punishments for deviating from the party and government, to balance between official, ideological requirements and their own creative potential to achieve consonance. The circumstances of the monopoly position of socialist realism, the dictates of the norms of creative behavior, the lack of conditions for self-reflection of the artist led to the fact that artistic cognition of the cultural environment, the outline of mental boundaries and semantic matrices of the nation were not possible. This kind of context allows us to consider escapism in these works not only as an escape from the problems of reality, but also as a way to transform the world.Conclusions. The study revealed that due to the presence of artists in the conditions of neutralization of the pro-Ukrainian part of the population, the escapic vector of works allowed to “slip” beyond the socialist-realist canon. Forms of expression of this tendency in the prose of Yu. Yanovskyi, O. Dovzhenko, O. Honchar were orientation to previous historical eras, excursions into the past, accents on cultural national codes. Specific features of artistic modeling of reality in the works “Four Swords” by Yu. Yanovskyi, “Ukraine on Fire” by O. Dovzhenko, “Man and Weapon” by O. Honchar are the appeal to folklore, the rise of national values, the expression of basic ethno-national features in subtextual layers. Such an emphasis on mental matrices undermined socialist realist guidelines, showed opposition to the official artistic tendency, allowed the authors to identify national self-identification and to form appropriate values in the recipients.Key words: escapism, socialist-realist canon, ethno-national features, subtext layers. Мета. Мета статті полягає в тому, щоб з’ясувати специфіку художнього вираження ескапізму як форми мистецького опору тоталітарній системі на матеріалі прози Ю. Яновського, О. Довженка, О. Гончара.Методи. У статті застосовано комплексну методику, в основі якої елементи герменевтичного та семіотичного аналізу, метод типологічного зіставлення літературних фактів. Використано також інструментарій структурального аналізу.Результати. У розвідці спостережено, що внаслідок перебування митців в умовах нейтралізації проукраїнськи налашто-ваної частини населення, ескапічний вектор творів дав змогу «вислизати» за межі соцреалістичного канону і був специфіч-ною стратегією самоідентифікації, формою проявлення творчої позиції Ю. Яновського, О. Довженка, О. Гончара. Авторами акцентовано на тому, що нівеляція національних відмінностей та викорінення естетичного плюралізму призвели до приму-сового переміщення ментальних маркерів на марґінеси. Виявлено, що в обставинах монопольного становища соцреалізму та відсутності умов для саморефлексії митця, ескапізм постає не стільки як втеча від проблем реальності, а й як спосіб трансформації світу.Висновки. Формами вираження ескапізму в прозі були орієнтація на попередні історичні епохи, екскурси в минуле, акцен-ти на культурних національних кодах. Специфічними ознаками художнього моделювання дійсності у творах «Чотири шаблі» Ю. Яновського, «Україна в огні» О. Довженка, «Людина і зброя» О. Гончара є апеляція до фольклорних первнів, піднесення загальнолюдських цінностей, увиразнення базових етнонаціональних ознак у підтекстових пластах. Акцентування на мен-тальних матрицях підривало соцреалістичні настанови, виявляло опозиційність до офіційної мистецької тенденції, давало авторам змогу виявити національну самоідентифікацію. Таким чином, ескапізм у художній картині світу прозових творів митців був специфічною формою протидії процесам стандартизації в мистецтві, які нав’язувалися радянською владою.Ключові слова: ескапізм, соцреалістичний канон, етнонаціональні ознаки, проза, підтекстові пласти.
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Flego, Gvozden. "Penser le post-socialisme : de la communauté socialiste à la société pluraliste." Lignes 20, no. 3 (1993): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lignes0.020.0115.
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Lobanov, Mikhail M., and Svetlana P. Glinkina. "Problems of the Evolution of the Comparative Capitalism Theory from the mid‑20th Century (On the Example of the Developed Countries)." Economics of Contemporary Russia, no. 4 (January 8, 2020): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33293/1609-1442-2019-4(87)-7-20.
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In the late 20th and early 21st centuries the problem of theoretical substantiation of transnational differences in the forms of capitalist relations became the subject of a broad scientific discussion. Given article deals with the ideas about the causes and consequences of the differentiation of the principles of capitalist society organization, and the authors consciously limit its geographical coverage to developed countries. It was the states of the Core of World economy that were in the focus of publications of the second half of the 20th centurywhich used the methods of comparative analysis within the framework of the theories of regulation, developmentalism, dependent capitalism, neo-corporatism, post-Fordism, etc. Modern concepts of comparative capitalism, especially focusing on emerging markets, are based on a variety of approaches to distinguish national models of capitalist relations. Despite the pluralism of typological criteria, many of these approaches basically contain provisions of the “varieties of capitalism” theory (VoC) developed in the early 2000s. Relying on its key postulate on the existence of various types of institutional complementarity, the authors of given article explain the principles of divergence of liberal and coordinated market economies, as well as analyze the groundings for identifying a mixed type of capitalism. It should be noted that the prospects for the adaptation of provisions of “varieties of capitalism” binary theory to analyze the experience of countries with emerging markets, including post-socialist states, remain vague. It’s noteworthy, that during the post-crisis recovery period of the late 2000s the VoC approach has undergone a certain transformation under the influence of new conditions of global economy functioning, having opposed its own methodological flexibility to the spread of alternative theories of the organization of capitalist systems.
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Yamamoto, Arata D. "Why agonistic planning? Questioning Chantal Mouffe’s thesis of the ontological primacy of the political." Planning Theory 16, no. 4 (June 24, 2016): 384–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095216654941.
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The thesis of the ontological primacy of antagonism, thus the political, is central to Chantal Mouffe’s call for taming antagonism into agonism, or agonistic pluralism. Within planning theory, Mouffe’s conflictual ontology that underpins this call has raised questions over the ontological assumption of the presently prominent and consensus-oriented communicative and deliberative planning approaches. This is because these approaches consider consensus formation as a normative ideal and always at least a potential outcome from open and inclusive deliberation, that is, ontological. Yet, the notion that antagonism is also an ever-present possibility for all social relations and therefore an ineradicable risk for consensus-building effort in planning practices appears to be increasingly accepted even by communicative planning theorists. In this article, I trace the origin of Mouffe’s thesis of the ontological primacy of antagonism back to both her original collaborative work with Earnest Laclau, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, and Carl Schmitt. With Derrida and Laclau, I then argue that this Mouffean thesis does not hold: antagonism operates at the ontic level in the social and it is only but one way of discursively inscribing the experience of exclusion and the use of power. This insight supports a new, post-antagonism approach to politics and the political based on the ontology of radical negativity. Finally, I discuss how this approach can be linked with planning theory by adopting a de-ontologised notion of the political. I conclude by arguing that since agonism is not the only option for dealing with antagonism for the socially established actors, for example, planners, its implementation in planning practice can appear merely as a top-down imposition of a democratic ethos. Sometimes, depoliticisation of agonistic planning might therefore be necessary.
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Auzan, A. "Pluralism of Property and Models of Socialism." Problems in Economics 33, no. 2 (June 1990): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pet1061-199133027.
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Ashford, Douglas E. "Decentralising France: How the socialists discovered pluralism." West European Politics 13, no. 4 (October 1990): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389008424819.
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