Journal articles on the topic 'Socialisme arabe'

Les constitutions arabes et l'islam, les enjeux du pluralisme juridique., Sabine Lavorel, Québec : Presses de l'université du Québec, 2005, 202 pp.L'ouvrage de Sabine Lavorel cherche à analyser les mutations politiques à l'œuvre dans le monde arabe, à travers une nouvelle approche du droit constitutionnel des pays arabes. Son objectif est de brasser dans un seul corpus analytique l'ensemble du monde arabe, malgré les quelques spécificités observables par endroit. Pour ce faire, l'auteure propose une démarche qui tend à “ refuser que la religion représente le seul facteur d'explication du système constitutionnel actuel des États arabes : au même titre que l'Islam, les valeurs libérales, révolutionnaires ou socialistes s'intègrent au référent traditionnel pour former un système normatif plural ” (p. 15).

España durante la era socialista (1982-1996) vivió profundos cambios que inevitablemente se reflejan en la producción audiovisual de la época. Uno ellos atañe a la llegada de inmigrantes para trabajar en nuestro país. En esta época el inmigrante empieza a ser un personaje de nuestro cine pero su forma de aparecer puede ser diferente: como mero elemento paisajístico (personaje secundario del que no se muestra ni su problemática ni su personalidad), o por el contrario, un personaje sobre el que gira la trama y al que se le otorga una atención sustancial. Podemos considerar que estamos, en este último supuesto, ante el Cine de la alteridad. En este artículo se intentan establecer las bases narrativas de este cine surgido en la era socialista a partir de un estudio de casos con el análisis de dos discursos audiovisuales aparentemente muy diferentes: Las cartas de Alou (Montxo Armendariz, 1990) y Ciudadanos bajo sospecha (Llorenç Soler, 1993).

Figure du mouvement national arabe à Saïda à partir des années 1930, Maarouf Saad (1910-1975) fonde en 1973 l’Organisation populaire nassérienne (OPN), un parti nationaliste arabe à vocation socialiste. Au fil des décennies, l’OPN connaît des transformations qui coïncident avec les mutations politiques régionales et globales, tout en entretenant une continuité à la fois avec le type de socialisation politique de ses dirigeants, mais également avec son univers de référence arabiste qui fait son identité politique. L’article propose d’interroger les usages divers et les significations plurielles de l’arabisme sur près d’un siècle, à travers l’étude de l’OPN, en particulier des trajectoires de ses dirigeants, des ressources du parti et de sa culture politique, en articulation avec les différentes conjonctures politiques.

La alternativa socialista de 1982, que inicia la España de la postransición, otorga un impulso a la modernización del país y un notable crecimiento económico con la integración en Europa a la vez que defrauda las expectativas de cambio social. Desde el punto de vista social y político, la sociedad española del post-92 experimenta un desencanto del que se va a hacer eco el cine más comprometido y que, con bastante elocuencia, se aprecia en las películas de Mario Camus. En este trabajo se hace balance de los cambios sociales y sucesos relevantes de los gobiernos socialistas (1982-1996) y se indaga en cómo esos filmes los reflejan críticamente con énfasis en las diferencias sociales, las figuras de perdedores, la impostura y la violencia.

José Luis Garci es uno de los cineastas más personales de la Transición Española y de la etapa socialista (1982-1996). Marcado por el cine clásico de Hollywood, su filmografía está construida sobre un género tan arraigado como el melodrama –aunque también destaca el cine negro-, de manera que la nostalgia derivada de la pérdida producida por el paso del tiempo determina a sus personajes. Con los objetivos de poner en valor la obra del cineasta y reflexionar sobre la construcción del melodrama en sus películas, se estudian Volver a empezar (1982), Sesión continua (1984), Asignatura aprobada (1987) y Canción de cuna (1994), así como El Crack Dos (1983), que combina cine negro con rasgos melodramáticos. Desde estas consideraciones, se pretende destacar la producción cinematográfica que Garci realizó en estos años, y que, además, marca la transición con su obra posterior, más clásica, literaria y vinculada al pasado reciente.

Comment inclure les minorités dans le cercle des représentants au sein d’un pays où la conception universaliste de la nation rend illégitime toute distinction en fonction des « origines » et donc tend à invalider tout recours à des « quotas » ? Le problème taraude les militants noirs et arabes des partis politiques, en particulier au Parti socialiste, tout comme, en son temps, il avait taraudé les promoteurs de la parité qui cherchaient à construire une argumentation légitimant la mise en oeuvre de mesures préférentielles en faveur des femmes.

Because certain movements in the Arab world of the 1930s and 1940s showed similarities to Mussolini’s and Hitler’s regimes, historians have drawn comparisons with the fascist and National Socialist dictatorships. But not even those arguing for the concept of a “generic fascism” are able to wholeheartedly subsume these movements under their fascist rubric. Fascism and National Socialism evolved in Europe, were shaped by the mood at the fin de siècle, became effective after the First World War in a unique political, social, economic and cultural atmosphere, and only lost their appeal in 1945 at the conclusion of the Second World War. They flourished in industrialized societies and aimed—in novel and twisted ways—at reversing the liberalization of 19th-century Europe. They emphasized power, national rebirth, military order and efficiency; and they were, in the case of Germany, driven by anti-Semitism and racism, resulting in totalitarian rule with genocidal consequences. National-socialist and fascist movements and regimes required the atmosphere and culture of liberal democracy as a foil—and liberal democracy was virtually nonexistent in the Near and Middle East. The preconditions for fascism were thus lacking. Colonial rule was still in place, traditional culture still prevailed in these mainly rural societies, and their small bourgeois parties showed greater allegiance to their clans than to liberal and secular ideologies.

In the nineteenth century, the French utopian socialists, Saint-Simonians and Fourierists, developed different concepts of the colonisation of Africa. These concepts collided in Algeria. The Saint-Simonians were impressed by the Arab system of the tribal ownership of land. They wanted to preserve it and ultimately bring the two peoples, the Arabs and the French, together in the spirit of a commune. On the other hand, the Fourierists wanted to expropriate Arabs from their land and hand it over to the French colonists so that they could build new economic communities of a phalanstery type. This article presents the theoretical disputes between the two schools and also describes the actual practical consequences of these disputes for the French colonial politics.

Capitale révolutionnaire, Beyrouth représente un site privilégié pour étudier les tensions entre logique de guerre et solidarité et brosser un tableau des nouvelles gauches arabes en prêtant attention aux groupes méconnus. L’analyse se concentre sur trois sites d’observation de ces tensions : l’hebdomadaire Al-Hurriyya comme agent des luttes égyptiennes et libanaises ; les circulations révolutionnaires dans la capitale libanaise ; la reconfiguration des géographies de résistance dans les conceptions révolutionnaires de Liban Socialiste (LS) et du Groupe Communiste Révolutionnaire (GCR). Cette étude contribue de la sorte à la réflexion sur l’échec des nouvelles gauches aussi bien que sur leurs expériences inachevées et leur héritage.

Questo saggio indaga lo sviluppo dei rapporti politici, istituzionali e personali fra i rappresentanti del Parti Socialiste Unifié francese ed Israele (con particolare riferimento al Mapam) fra il 1960 ed il 1974. L'autore rintraccia nell'ideologia terzomondista il paradigma secondo il quale il partito francese definì la propria azione a livello internazionale ed inquadrò i fenomeni globali, fra cui anche il conflitto arabo-israeliano. Il saggio ripercorre lo sviluppo storico dell'analisi proposta dal Psu, i cambiamenti all'interno della dirigenza politica e gli effetti dei principali eventi globali sulla definizione dei rapporti internazionali del partito. Il testo scandisce il percorso fatto dal partito in tre diversi periodi, che determinarono il passaggio del Psu da aperto sostenitore delle istanze sioniste a promotore della causa nazionale palestinese, rintracciando le motivazioni di questo passaggio nella definizione dicotomica della politica internazionale promossa dal paradigma interpretativo terzomondista. L'analisi proposta si avvale di materiale documentario presente principalmente nel fondo del Psu presso l'archivio nazionale francese di Pierrefitte-sur-Seine e degli articoli del settimanale del Psu Tribune Socialiste.

Le traité de Versailles et les traités de la « banlieue parisienne », qui ont mis fin à la Grande Guerre, ont profondément bouleversé l’Europe et le Moyen-Orient. Les quatre Empires qui existaient, l’Empire allemand, l’Empire austro-hongrois, l’Empire russe et l’Empire ottoman ont disparu. Mais alors que l’Empire austro-hongrois cédait la place à une série de petits États affaiblis par leur hétérogénéité et que la nouvelle Turquie avait perdu tous ses territoires arabes, l’Allemagne et la Russie, même affaiblies maintenaient leur existence. Malgré la création de la Société des Nations, voulue par le président des États-Unis, la profonde humiliation de l’Allemagne sans que sa puissance soit réellement entamée, et dans une certaine mesure la volonté de la Russie soviétique d’étendre le socialisme au reste du monde, étaient des signes parmi d’autres de la fragilité de la paix, même s’il n’était probablement pas possible de faire autrement.

Berber Identity and the New Multi-Partyism in Algeria The article first argues that the present population of Algeria can be designed as Arabo-Berber and Berber. The original inhabitants, collectively identified by most historians as Berbers, formed no physical ethnic unity, but they had a common Berber language and culture. The Islamisation of the population of North Africa proceeded faster and became almost general, this in contrast to the slower and more limited Arabisation. The physical-ethnic process of Arabisation by settlement and fusion was altogether restrained. The Arabisaiton was essentially a cultural process (language, popular culture, customs, politics, science, arts). About one fourth of the present Algerians resisted to (entire) Arabisation. They are living in, or originated from mountain or desert regions (Kabyles, Shawiya, Mozabites, Touareg). Since independence the official policy of Arabisation, against the strong influence of the French language, referred exclusively to Arabic character of the nation. All expressions of the Berber identity, culture and language were oppressed. Since 1980, a growing cultural revival, mainly among the Kabyles, reacted to this policy. The movement was rather cultural than political. The Berber speaking Algerians seem involved into malry other regional and national alliances. With the introduction of the multi-partyism, in 1989, two ‘Berber’ political parties became active: the FFS (Front des Forces socialistes) and the RCD (Rassemblernent pour la Culture et la Démocratie). Both parties claim to be national parties and insist on defending, besides the recognition of the Berber identity and culture, general political options (socialism, democracy etc.). Electoral results, however, show that their support comes essentially from different factions of the Berber speaking population. It is obvious that the Berber ethnicity is used to gain electoral backing. Besides, today the two ‘Berber’ parties represent the strongest opposition to the Islamic (= Arabic) fundamentalist party, the FIS (Front islamique de Salut), because of their resistance to social, cultural and political intolerance. Secessionist ideas based on Berber ethnicity live only among a small – but well-organised – minority. At the end of 1992, the Berber ethnicity is in Algeria primarily an element of cultural and regional recognition and only secondary an element of political coherence. Finally, Berber ethnicity has also invalidated the official political myth of the homogeneous Algerian Arabic ethnicity.

The study aims to analyze the representation of the Soviet Union in two Arab novels, “Ice” (2011) by Egyptian Sun‘allah Ibrahim and “Time of the Red Reed Pipe” (2012) by Kuwaiti Thurayya al-Baqsami. Within the vast expanse of the Arab “emigrant” literature one can find relatively few works of fiction that have to do with the USSR despite the fact that in the 1960-1980s thousands of Arab students studied in the country. Among a couple dozen Arab writers who wrote some fiction about the USSR very few spent more than a couple of months in the country, and their works, as a rule, present idealized and rather superficial images of the Soviet Union. Unlike these authors, Sun‘allah Ibrahim and Thurayya al-Baqsami spent in the 1970s quite a long time in Moscow in the status of ordinary students, and for this reason their novels present a much more realistic picture of the Soviet Union. Without any noticeable warmth towards their Soviet hosts, the writers consider many negative features of Soviet social and economic life as commodity shortage, low quality of Soviet goods and services, illegal currency operations, etc. The two authors’ representations of the Soviet Union stand in contrast to the Soviet’s own idea of how the people from the developing countries perceived the “country of victorious socialism.”

AbstractIbn Khaldun is one of most discussed social philosophers in the modern Arab World. The most important reasons for this are that he lived in a time of crisis that resembles the one that Muslims find themselves in at the present time, that his thoughts have found approval from Western scientists, and that they possess modern characteristics. It is for these reasons that the thought of Ibn Khaldun, from the 19th century onwards, have given rise to a wide variety of interpretations, including pan-Islamism, nationalism, socialism and other ideologies that have found interest in the Arab world. In this article, after examining the heritage of thought bequeathed by Ibn Khaldun to Arab culture, starting from the time in which he lived, we will try to evaluate interpretations of the Muqaddimah in the modern Arab world.

Abstract Josef Horovitz was one of the most important orientalists of his time. Born in 1874 in Lauenburg (Pommern), he died unexpectedly in 1931 at the age of 57 in Frankfurt am Main, just before the National Socialists came to power. His letters and postcards, written in the years 1930-31 to his disciple Shlomo Dov Goitein, provide information about their relationship but also give a good insight into the differences in the scientific approach between the generations. They are also revealing with regard to Horovitz’ scientific work and his position on the »Jewish question«. It becomes clear that, at that time, Horovitz was working on a commentary on the Koran which he could not finish because of his early death. And as for the »Jewish question«, it shows that he believed in the possibility of a peaceful coexistence between Jews and Arabs in Palestine on the basis of a mutual recognition of interests.

ABSTRACT: The Sixth International Festival of Youth and Students for Peace and Friendship ( VIème Festival Mondial de la jeunesse et des étudiants pour la paix et l'amitié ) took place in Moscow in 1957, bringing 30,000 foreigners straight into the heart of socialism. Guests from 131 different countries were present; historian Kristen Roth-Ey identifies the "openness of ordinary Soviets to contacts with ordinary foreigners" as the Moscow event's most remarkable feature: "many delegates found themselves literally surrounded by crowds of Soviets, some with questions, some looking for an autograph or to exchange a pin or shake hands, and some, perhaps many, just looking." As Roth-Ey points out, the Soviet communist party encouraged this kind of friendliness (which is germane to our wider conversation about Arab-Soviet internationalism); A. N. Shelepin, head of the Komsomol (the communist youth organization), explained, "we must run the festival in such a way that the overwhelming majority of participants leave Moscow as our friends. That's our main task, that's our general line." In part because invitations went to individuals, not to official organizations – in part because of the scale of the event – a "freewheeling, informal spirit" distinguished a culmination of post-World War II euphoria during the summer of 1957.

Given the media hype and attention devoted to the events of the 2010–2011 ‘Arab Spring’ it may perhaps be overlooked that the Arabs, and more than many other nations, possess long experience with diverse and profound long-term revolutions in the twentieth century. For numerous reasons and especially the sweeping and pervasive socio-economic and political changes some of these introduced, they may well be more appropriately categorized as ‘revolutions’ than those termed as such at the moment. This article explores one dimension of this phenomenon and demonstrates that the concept of what was specifically termed a ‘cultural revolution’ (originally by Lenin about 1923) was first introduced in the Arab world by Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasser on 19 December 1961, nearly four years before Mao Tse Tung's launch of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in 1966. For his part, Mu‘ammar Qadhafi, who admitted borrowing the term (if not the mechanism) from Mao, would announce a ‘cultural revolution’ with markedly different connotations on 15 April 1973 at Zuwarah, which signalled the beginning of the road towards implementation of the ‘Third Universal Theory’ (reaching final form in the Green Book) and the subsequent inception of the Jamahiriya in 1977. Although the theoretical and practical implications were distinct for Lenin, Nasser, Mao and Qadhafi, history suggests that it was Nasser – the giant of Pan-Arabism who would come to define and represent Arab socialism – who preceded Mao as the first to call for a ‘cultural revolution’ as a policy at the level of state. He saw this as indispensable to the project of political and socio-economic revolution in the service of a just and sufficient society, where ‘sound democracy’ was not the pro-forma Western variant in the service of unmitigated capitalism and powerful elites, but rather an expression of socio-economic parity and a guarantee against exploitation by one group or one human being of another.

The books that are the subject of this review essay comprise three new contributions and one revised edition about a topic that has become paradigmatic in defining scholarly and political approaches to key areas of Middle Eastern history. It has shaped studies of the historical and ideological roots of Arab nationalism, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the emergence and perseverance of authoritarian regimes in the modern Middle East. The ways that politicians, intellectuals, political movements, and the Arab public related to Nazism and Nazi anti-Semitism have been used to contest the legitimacy of 20th-century Arab political movements across the ideological spectrum. Historians have theorized about the involvement of individuals such as Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini in the crimes of Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Adolf Eichmann; the roots of Arab nationalist doctrine in German Volk ideas; the mimicry of Nazism in organizations such as the Iraqi al-Futuwwa and Antun Saadeh's Syrian Social Nationalist Party; and Arab public sympathies for Nazi anti-Semitism dating from the 1930s or even earlier. Until recently, European and Anglo-American research on these topics—often based on a history of ideas approach—tended to take a natural affinity of Arabs toward Nazism for granted. More recent works have contextualized authoritarian and totalitarian trends in the Arab world within a broad political spectrum, choosing subaltern perspectives and privileging the analysis of local voices in the press over colonial archives and the voices of grand theoreticians. The works of Israel Gershoni have taken the lead in this emerging scholarship of Arab nationalism. This approach was also the common denominator of a research project on “Arab Encounters with National Socialism,” which the Berlin Center for Modern Oriental Studies (Zentrum Moderner Orient) hosted from 2000 to 2003. Its members included the author of this review and the authors of two of the books under review (Nordbruch and Wildangel). The project used indigenous Arabic sources, especially local newspapers, for a close scrutiny of Arab reactions to the challenge of Nazism in a period when Arabs, especially nationalists, perceived that quasicolonial regimes undermined the ostensibly democratic and liberal ethos of the British and French Mandate powers.

The principal focus of Zeev Sternhell's screed is Labor Zionism, although like other Israeli so-called new historians, he touches on relations with the country's Arabs, tensions between the Ashkenazi elite and Sephardi under-class, the Yishuv and the Holocaust, and attitudes toward and perceptions of Diaspora Jewry. The author, whose professional field has been European history, mainly France and Italy, was motivated to undertake this study by “serious doubts” (p. ix) about the generally accepted ideas sanctioned by Israeli historiography and social science. Using his skills as a professional historian, he probed Zionist and Israeli government archives and reread original texts to compare what he perceived as social and political realities with the ideology guiding policies. Sternhell is critical of traditional Israeli historiography because of the damage it has caused by separating Jewish history from general history. The consequences, he asserts, are “truly appalling” (p. x), resulting in paralysis of any real critical sense and perpetuation of “myths flattering to Israel's collective identity” (p. x). This has led many historians of Zionism “to lock themselves up in an intellectual ghetto” (p. x), leading to ignorance and emotional blindness.

Abstract Based on the development of positive relations between China and the Arab countries in the context of a new globalization on the path to a multipolar world, this study addresses the following methodological issues: China’s development achievements in the reform and the opening-up movement, China’s success in the face of the Covid-19 epidemic, and the analysis of the notion of “Sustainable Development” and the Chinese characteristics of the concept of socialism. Accurate scientific conclusions confirmed that sustainable development with Chinese characteristics constitutes a distinct model of rational and balanced development that achieved the well-being of the Chinese population. The Belt and Road Initiative has been widely welcomed in all Arab countries. Arab institutions, both official and private, have begun to study the Chinese development model to build a new style of development based on social stability, economic prosperity and mutual benefit. China is a leading model for promoting the common interest of people. China contributes positively to the well-being of its people and the rest of the world through cooperation. It is moving forward with high-quality development plans that provide new opportunities to revive the global economy, which is suffering from the drawbacks of the Covid-19 pandemic. Having presented China as a leading human model of inclusive development to realize the Chinese Dream, the enlightened Arab elites have shown increasing interest in this high-quality experiment that has succeeded in eradicating poverty, combating Covid-19, helping the recovery of the global economy, and promoting opportunities for advancement, innovation and creativity on a global level. Since China’s development was built on moral and humanitarian rules, it is warmly welcomed in the Arab countries because it affirms that humans are the greatest capital and the goal of sustainable development. It offers rich and useful lessons for everyone around the world.

During World War II and the Holocaust, the Nazi regime engaged in an intensive effort to appeal to Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East and North Africa. It did so by presenting the Nazi regime as a champion of secular anti-imperialism, especially against Britain, as well as by a selective appropriation and reception of the traditions of Islam in ways that suggested their compatibility with the ideology of National Socialism. This article and the larger project from which it comes draw on recent archival findings that make it possible to expand on the knowledge of Nazi Germany's efforts in this region that has already been presented in a substantial scholarship. This essay pushes the history of Nazism beyond its Eurocentric limits while pointing to the European dimensions of Arabic and Islamic radicalism of the mid-twentieth century. On shortwave radio and in printed items distributed in the millions, Nazi Germany's Arabic language propaganda leapt across the seemingly insurmountable barriers created by its own ideology of Aryan racial superiority. From fall 1939 to March 1945, the Nazi regime broadcast shortwave Arabic programs to the Middle East and North Africa seven days and nights a week. Though the broadcasts were well known at the time, the preponderance of its print and radio propaganda has not previously been documented and examined nor has it entered into the intellectual, cultural, and political history of the Nazi regime during World War II and the Holocaust. In light of new archival findings, we are now able to present a full picture of the wartime propaganda barrage in the course of which officials of the Nazi regime worked with pro-Nazi Arab exiles in Berlin to adapt general propaganda themes aimed at its German and European audiences to the religious traditions of Islam and the regional and local political realities of the Middle East and North Africa. This adaptation was the product of a political and ideological collaboration between officials of the Nazi regime, especially in its Foreign Ministry but also of its intelligence services, the Propaganda Ministry, and the SS on the one hand, and pro-Nazi Arab exiles in wartime Berlin on the other. It drew on a confluence of perceived shared political interests and ideological passions, as well as on a cultural fusion, borrowing and interacting between Nazi ideology and certain strains of Arab nationalism and Islamic religious traditions. It was an important chapter in the political, intellectual, and cultural history of Nazism during World War II and comprises a chapter in the history of radical Islamist ideology and politics.

First they came for the communists, and I did not speak out –because I was not a communist;Then they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out –because I was not a socialist;Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out –because I was not a trade unionist;Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out –because I was not a Jew;Then they came for me –and there was no one left to speak out for me.The German anti-Nazi Protestant minister, Martin Niemoeller, spoke thesepoignant words following the end of World War II. Pastor Niemoellerreminds us that whenever society singles out a specific minority for abuse,the rest of society must resist. What folly it is to believe that during a timeof insecurity and suspicion, any minority – religious, ethnic, or political –can long enjoy immunity from oppression. The Jewish people, perhapsmore than other minorities, has an intimate familiarity with the plight ofthe scapegoat, a 2,000 year history of diaspora and minority status, withall the cruelty and violence that has accompanied this experience. In thiswork, we will cite Biblical sources, cultural traditions, and rabbinic teachings to express the inescapable obligation of Jews to stand in solidaritywith Muslims in their time of need.Make no mistake about it: Muslims now confront unprecedented discriminationand harassment in the United States. In a recent report, theAmerican-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) reports a significantincrease in the frequency of hate crimes and acts of discriminationperpetrated against Arabs (both Muslims and Christians) and non-ArabMuslims.1 The list includes hundreds of acts of physical violence, some 60incidents of Arab or Muslim passengers being prevented from traveling onairlines simply because of their “profile,” several hundred employmentdiscrimination cases, and serious concerns arising from the USA PatriotAct. Tabloid media and bigoted radio talk show hosts contribute to anatmosphere of Islamophobia, and some Americans associate the word“Muslim” or “Arab” with “terrorist.” Shortly after the 9/11 attacks, conservativepundit Ann Coulter, commenting on Arab and Muslim countries,suggested that “we should invade their countries, kill their leaders andconvert them to Christianity.”2 An Islamophobic atmosphere has takenhold in the United States, targeting Muslims not for any crime, but merelyfor being Muslims ...

The article first argues that the present population of Algeria can be designed as Arabo-Berber and Berber. The original inhabitants, collectively identified by most historians as Berbers, formed no physical ethnic unity, but they had a common Berber language and culture. The Islamisation of the population of North Africa proceeded faster and became almost general, this in contrast to the slower and more limited Arabisation. The physical-ethnic process of Arabisation by settlement and fusion was altogether restrained. The Arabisaiton was essentially a cultural process (language, popular culture, customs, politics, science, arts).About one fourth of the present Algerians resisted to (entire) Arabisation. They are living in, or originated from mountain or desert regions (Kabyles, Shawiya, Mozabites, Touareg). Since independence the official policy of Arabisation, against the strong influence of the French language, referred exclusively to Arabic character of the nation. All expressions of the Berber identity, culture and language were oppressed.Since 1980, a growing cultural revival, mainly among the Kabyles, reacted to this policy. The movement was rather cultural than political. The Berber speaking Algerians seem involved into many other regional and national alliances. With the introduction of the multi-partyism, in 1989, two 'Berber' political parties became active: the FFS (Front des Forces socialistes) and the RCD (Rassemblement pour la Culture et la Démocratie). Both parties claim to be national parties and insist on defending, besides the recognition of the Berber identity and culture, general political options (socialism, democracy etc.). Electoral results, however, show that their support comes essentially from different factions of the Berber speaking population.It is obvious that the Berber ethnicity is used to gain electoral backing. Besides, today the two 'Berber' parties represent the strongest opposition to the Islamic (= Arabic) fundamentalist party, the FIS (Front islamique de Salut), because of their resistance to social, cultural and political intolerance. Secessionist ideas based on Berber ethnicity live only among a small — but well-organised — minority. At the end of 1992, the Berber ethnicity is in Algeria primarily an element of cultural and regional recognition and only secondary an element of political coherence. Finally, Berber ethnicity has also invalidated the official political myth of the homogeneous Algerian Arabic ethnicity. KEY WORDS: Algeria, Arabs, Berbers, ethnicity, Islam, political parties

The Iraqi Communist Party, as a communist organization and representative of the Iraqi left movement and Marxist discourse, opposed the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, which considered itself the agent of pan-Arab nationalist thought Within this conflicting discourse, the most prominent political organizations that have had the most influence in the Iraqi political process for half a century have become. Since the establishment of the monarchy and the republic, political, intellectual and ideological competition has developed between them, so that in several stages these competitions have reached the level of bloody conflict. This study attempts to highlight the most important ideological differences between them The principles of internationalism through its constituent factors such as socialism, communism and idealism have become the basis for determining how they compete. In this regard, it presents their communist and national characteristics and differences alongside the ideas of socialism and social nationalism and their views on religion, while presenting their views on freedom and their position on the fate of ethnic communities.

The term “Arab World” is used to denote the geographical and nation-state entities in the modern West Asian and North African region popularly referred in its abbreviated version WANA. Democratic waves encapsulate the popular civilian uprisings, revolts, resistance, revolutionary upsurge, rebellion taking place from time to time in Arab world leading to political - regime transitions and profound convulsions in economy, society, culture ,literature, art and ideas. The contemporary WANA took birth in the interregnum of two world wars involving the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire and emergence of new nation-states as designed by the European colonial masters. The new political restructuring fundamentally replaced the ancient tribalism. The characteristics of modern states like bureaucracy, organized army, police force and other coercive apparatuses, hierarchical judicial system, municipal administrative units made their historic appearance. Across the Arab world, the political system has been largely authoritarian and dictatorial in nature. The implanted monarchies referred to as the Sheikhdoms, military dictators usurping power through bloody coups and individual dictators based on popular revolutionary upsurge have been the characteristics of regimes of the Arab world. The popular democratic sentiments were crushed by the state apparatus leading to large scale bloodsheds. The modern Arab political history is replete with such instances of popular civilian democratic waves impacting the entire spectrum of their society. Undoubtedly, these upsurges didn't take place in any vacuum but were largely conditioned by contemporary political and economic changes. Besides this, these democratic waves were based on ideological frameworks containing the elements of Marxian socialism, Arab nationalism and Islam. These democratic waves have also been approached by construction of some typologies involving regional pattern, economic system and regime types. This paper is an humble attempt to understand those ideological frameworks inspiring, instigating, guiding and reinvigorating democratic sentiments and revolutionary movements against authoritarian regimes demanding freedom, liberty, rights, equality, justice, rule of law, representative institutions, responsible and accountable governance. Further, it also endeavors to analyse patterns and typology of those democratic waves convulsing the polities, economies and societies of the Arab world.

This paper aims to study the Baathist-Nasserist dialogue occurred in the years preceding the establishment of the United Arab Republic (1952-1958). After providing a historical overview of the evolution of Arab nationalism, this study tries to understand the mutual ideological influences and differences between Baʿathist and Nasserite terminology. In addition, it discusses the effects of such dialogue within the ideological and political context. The research relies on a thorough analysis of Arabic primary sources, from the writings of Baʿath founders to ʿAbd al-Nāṣir’s speeches and writings. Keywords such as “revolution”, “struggle”, “socialism” and “Arabism” will be analyzed and compared. By examining the most relevant conceptual issues from a linguistic and historical perspective, this paper aims to enrich the already existing field of studies about the historical and ideological reassessment of the UAR and, more broadly, of the so called “secular” pan-Arab movements.

The paper analyzes one of the priority aspects of Iraq's foreign policy during the reign of the Ba’ath Party (1968-2003), relations with Arab countries. This policy was elevated to the rank of the most important state strategy and was given a special role in the scale of foreign policy priorities. It was allocated to an exceptional part of state politics, called “Arab politics”, “al-siyasa al-arabiyya”. The research examines the basic ideological and theoretical principles of Ba’athism, which formed the basis of “Arab politics” and on the basis of which the ruling Baath of Iraq built its relations with Arab countries. In this vein, it considers the fundamental principle of Ba'athism, the idea of "Arab unity", which constituted the first element of the party's slogan "Unity, freedom, socialism" and within the framework of which, at certain stages, Ba'ath sought to closely interact with Arab countries. Analyzing official documents, the author concludes that on the issue of Arab unity, Iraq could only unite with those countries that had political systems identical to it. Based on this logic, it becomes clear that among the Arab countries with which Iraq shared common ideological and political principles, Syria, as well as one of the centers of Arab nationalism, Egypt could be natural partners of Iraq within the framework of integration processes in the Arab world. In addition, these countries were among the countries that Iraq considered as opposing Israel and with which it primarily sought to establish close cooperation, including in the military sphere, to resolve the Palestinian problem. It was noted, however, that the radicalism of official Baghdad on this issue not only placed Iraq in isolation in the Arab world, but also sometimes created obstacles to inter-Arab integration and cooperation. Often in his policies there was a deep gap between the declared principles and their practical implementation. Within the framework of “Arab politics”, the article examines in detail Iraqi-Syrian and Iraqi-Egyptian bilateral relations throughout the entire period of the Baath Party’s rule in Iraq, revealing their most characteristic features and peculiarities.

The research relevance is determined by the significant role of geopolitics in the life of certain regions over the past two centuries of human history, while the methods of geopolitical play remained the same, thus studying the experience is important to prevent new mistakes. The study aims to investigate the military and political processes in the Middle East during the Cold War and to determine what political methods were used by the representatives of different parties. The main methods used in the historical research were the following: analysis of sources to determine their reliability; synthesis with other works, creating new views on the problem; the method of analogy; and the method of generalisation. The analysis of many historical works and sources determined that the territory of the Middle East was of great importance to both the United States and the USSR. During the Cold War, many serious conflicts took place in the Middle East. These conflicts had their origins in the long-standing confrontation between Arabs and Jews, and, with the spread of modern ideas at the time, the struggle between socialism and democracy. This led to significant interference by external forces in the internal affairs of the Middle East, which led to escalating conflicts and instability in the region. Geopolitical battles between various conflicting forces, as well as the deployment of military operations and sponsorship of various conflict groups, have led to deep divisions and even armed clashes. It also contributed to the rise of extremism, religious ideologies and terrorist activities, which have had a further impact on stability and security not only at the regional level but also at the global level. The study results will be useful for all those who study history and geopolitics. Using the example of the confrontation in the Middle East, it is possible to identify general trends in the policy of superpowers during the Cold War and to define certain methods of geopolitics

Israël est un pays complexe et les anthropologues qui en font l’étude le savent bien (Dominguez 1989; Marx 1980; Motzafi-Haller 2018). La plus grande partie de l’anthropologie en Israël a jusqu’à présent été réalisée par des anthropologues juifs, hommes et femmes, ashkénazes (principalement d’ascendance européenne du nord et de l’est d’Europe) et mizrachi (principalement d’origine nord-africaine, ibérique et du Moyen-Orient). Les juifs ashkénazes ont largement prédominé dans les domaines politique, universitaire, économique et artistique au cours des premières décennies qui ont suivi la création de l'État d'Israël, ce pays qui vient de fêter ses 70 ans. Il n'est donc pas surprenant qu’on y retrouve beaucoup plus d'anthropologues juifs ashkénazes que d’anthropologues juifs Mizrachim ou d’anthropologues palestiniens. La plupart des anthropologues en Israël sont des anthropologues sociaux ou socioculturels (Abuhav 2015). Certains d’entre eux sont des anthropologues praticiens / appliqués qui travaillent dans les ministères de l’éducation, de la santé et de l’absorption des immigrants juifs et qui ont font partie d’une association d’anthropologie appliquée. Mais beaucoup n’adhèrent à aucune association. L'archéologie, partie des quatre champs de l’anthropologie selon la conception américaine de cette dernière, n'est pas considérée comme une carrière anthropologique en Israël, même si elle y est considérée comme une discipline visible et importante. On trouve la présence d’anthropologues médicaux et biologiques en Israël, mais ils ne sont certainement pas la majorité et ils sont rarement embauchés par les départements de l'université ou du collège dans lesquels travaillent la plupart des anthropologues universitaires. Jusqu'à récemment, tous ces départements étaient dans les faits des départements de sociologie et d'anthropologie, composés d’une majorité de sociologues. Ce n'est que depuis 5 ans qu'un département entièrement composé d’anthropologues a vu le jour, soit le département de l'Université de Haïfa qui se consacre au niveaux supérieurs de formation. L’association d’anthropologie d’Israël ((HaAguda HaAntropologit HaYisraelit)) remonte au début des années 1970 et n’a compté jusqu’à présent que des anthropologues juifs comme chefs ou présidents. Des efforts ont été faits pour changer cette situation au fil des ans, car tous les membres de l’Association ne sont pas juifs et certains d’entre eux croient fermement qu’ils ne doivent pas tous être juifs. Cette question demeure délicate pour certains des membres les plus en vue de la communauté anthropologique en Israël, citoyens d’Israël mais également Palestiniens (Kanaaneh 2002; Sa’ar 2016). Alors que l’association d’anthropologie d’Israël s'oppose largement à l'occupation de la Cisjordanie et à toute forme de discrimination à l'encontre des Palestiniens, en particulier de ses concitoyens, cette organisation est toujours israélienne et a toujours été une association fortement juive. En fait, ce n’est que récemment que la plupart des départements universitaires israéliens ont engagé des Arabes, des Palestiniens, voire des musulmans, en tant que membres du corps enseignant. Pour les quelques Palestiniens qui occupent actuellement ces postes dans des universités ou des collèges israéliens, les postes de direction de l'association anthropologique israélienne les laisseraient ouverts à la critique selon lesquelles ils seraient simplement des collaborateurs ou des complices des sionistes israéliens qui considèrent Israël comme un pays réservé aux juifs et un pays réalisé par les juifs dont les valeurs morales l'obligent à être tolérant envers les non-Juifs parmi eux. Ainsi, une nouvelle association appelée Insaniyyat a simplement été créée ces dernières années pour et par des anthropologues palestiniens Pendant des années et avant la date de la fondation de l’association (1973) l’anthropologie a été enseignée aux niveaux universitaire dans toutes les grandes universités israéliennes et les étudiants ont obtenu un baccalauréat en sociologie et en anthropologie, une maîtrise en anthropologie et un doctorat en anthropologie en Israël. Le corps professoral et les étudiants israéliens font des recherches, présentent leurs travaux lors de conférences et pratiquent périodiquement des activités d'anthropologie engagée ou de plaidoyer. La qualité de leurs recherches et de leurs publications est généralement élevée, et les universités s'attendent à de nombreuses publications dans des revues savantes internationales de haute qualité destinées à toute personne considérée pour une promotion et une permanence. Pendant des années aussi, l'anglais a été fortement enseigné et fortement favorisé à la fois dans la communauté universitaire en général en Israël et dans la communauté anthropologique israélienne en particulier. En fait, la publication en hébreu dans des revues israéliennes n'a pas autant de valeur que celle dans des revues de langue anglaise au Royaume-Uni, aux États-Unis, en Australie ou au Canada. Une partie de cette tendance est valable pour les universités israéliennes en général, mais une autre est spécifique à l'anthropologie en Israël. Au fil des ans, plusieurs influences ont marqué l'anthropologie en Israël. Le regretté professeur Shmuel Eisenstadt (1967), qui a marqué la sociologie et l'anthropologie en Israël, en particulier dans son département d'origine à l'Université hébraïque de Jérusalem, compte parmi celles-la. Pendant bon nombre d'années, ce professeur a été nommé à Harvard (pendant six mois) alors qu'il était également à l'Université hébraïque de Jérusalem. Ce professeur se croyait autant anthropologue que sociologue et considérait l'anthropologie comme une branche de la sociologie, cela bien que ce n’était généralement pas l’opinion des anthropologues qu’il était disposé à engager comme professeurs dans ce même département. Sa connexion à Harvard était importante. C’est vers les États-Unis qu’il s’est tourné en ses qualités de sociologue et d’anthropologue, mais aussi que sur l’organisation de l’enseignement supérieur en Israël. Ce n’était pas l’Allemagne, la Pologne, la France, l’Italie ou tout autre pays imaginable. Ce n’est donc pas un hasard si ce chercheur a privilégié les publications en anglais et plus particulièrement aux États-Unis. La deuxième influence importante qui a marqué l’anthropologie israélienne a été celle de la Manchester School dirigée par Max Gluckman, un juif sud-africain émigré en Angleterre à l’origine de ce puissant département d'anthropologie à l'Université de Manchester en Angleterre. Gluckman a formé des anthropologues à Manchester pour effectuer des travaux d'anthropologie sociale en Israël, et certains de ses plus importants étudiants sont restés en Israël et y sont devenus professeurs d'anthropologie sociale. Une troisième influence sur le développement de l'anthropologie en Israël fut le sionisme travailliste lui-même. Des juifs d'autres pays sont venus s'installer en Israël pour participer au développement d'un Israël à tendance socialiste dans les années 1950 et 1960. Certains d'entre eux étaient des anthropologues titulaires d'un doctorat de pays anglophones (ou dominants anglophones), comme les États-Unis, le Royaume-Uni, Canada, l’Australie, l’Afrique du Sud et la Nouvelle-Zélande. Pendant de nombreuses années, peu de postes de professeur d’anthropologie dans des universités israéliennes ont été occupés par des Israéliens nés dans le pays, et certainement pas par des anthropologues n’ayant jamais étudié dans un pays anglophone, suivi une formation postuniversitaire dans un pays anglophone ou encore terminé au moins un postdoc dans un pays anglophone. Quand des collègues qui sont des rédacteurs de revues anglophones en anthropologie aux États-Unis, au Royaume-Uni ou au Canada font une remarque sur le nombre de manuscrits qu’ils reçoivent d’anthropologues israéliens et sur leur qualité, je souris. Les anthropologues israéliens publient en dehors d’Israël parce que leur université accorde plus d’importance, en particulier dans les articles de revues, et que leurs textes sont bons (c’est-à-dire que leurs problèmes sont familiers et qu’ils respectent les normes des articles de journaux aux États-Unis), car ils ont en grande partie été formés et par des anthropologues anglophones. Une génération plus jeune est maintenant moins à l'aise de publier ou de présenter ses recherches en anglais, parce que l'anglais n'est pas la langue maternelle des anthropologues israéliens, mais le fait demeure qu'ils lisent des livres et des articles en anglais tout au long de leurs études universitaires. Il faut mentionner que peu de livres ou d'articles académiques sont traduits de l’anglais vers l’hébreu. Quoi que les conférences et conversations universitaires soient en hébreu, de nombreux livres et articles qu'ils sont censés lire sont en anglais. Quels sont les champs et thèmes de recherche privilégiés par ces anthropologues ? Sans surprise, ils travaillent sur une variétés de sujets, mais aussi, sans surprise, on note quelques changements au fil des ans (Feldman 2008; Levy et Weingrod 2004; Markowitz 2013). Les premières vagues d'anthropologues en Israël avaient tendance à travailler sur des groupes d'immigrants juifs non ashkénazes en Israël ou sur des communautés non juives vivant en Israël. Pour la plupart, ils ont étudié les kibboutzim et les moshavim ou villes de développement en Israël. Cette tendance s’est partiellement modifiée dans les années 1980 et 1990, mais la plupart des anthropologues israéliens travaillent encore largement sur le terrain en Israël et non en dehors d’Israël. L'adaptation et l'intégration des nouveaux arrivants ne sont plus des thèmes dominants. D’autres thèmes de recherche apparaissent tels que les LGBTQ, les New Agers en Israël, certains se penchent sur la science et la technologie en Israël, d’autres sur la reproduction et sa politique en Israël, sur le néolibéralisme en Israël ou encore les tribunaux de conversion en Israël. Les autres sujets prédominants sont l'anthropologie médicale et psychologique, la jeunesse, le féminisme et le genre, et ainsi que les études environnementales. L'anthropologie israélienne interroge de nombreux aspects de la vie en Israël. Elle se considérait de gauche dans les premières décennies d’Israël (quand Israël avait un gouvernement à tendance socialiste) comme c’est toujours le cas aujourd’hui (malgré le mouvement connu d’Israël vers la droite) (voir Lomsky-Feder et Ben-Ari 2000). L'anthropologie israélienne a longtemps été influencée par l'anthropologie dans le monde anglophone et aucun signe n’indique que cela soit en train de changer. L’anthropologie israélienne a longtemps été centrée sur la vie en Israël (juive et arabe) ; bien que les thèmes de recherche aient tendance à se diversifier, et encore là tout indique que cette tendance se poursuit, même si davantage d’anthropologues israéliens travaillent dorénavant sur terrains en dehors d’Israël. Les anthropologues israéliens ont reçu une formation rigoureuse à tous les niveaux de leurs études universitaires, et je vois que cela continue. Reste à savoir si les juifs et les palestiniens trouveront davantage de collaborations que ce que l’on constate aujourd’hui. Lorsque la communauté anthropologique américaine a sérieusement envisagé le mouvement BDS (mouvement britannique de boycott, désinvestissement et sanction face à Israël) (voir Redden 2016) les anthropologues israéliens se sont préparés au boycott qu'ils attendaient des départements, revues et maisons d'édition anthropologiques américains. Ils ont également subi un peu de pression (de leurs universités et de leurs collègues) pour combattre le BDS. Beaucoup s'inquiètent de l'impact du BDS sur la communauté anthropologique israélienne. Rétrospectivement, c’est un signe vraiment visible de la manière dont la communauté anthropologique israélienne a été liée - et continue de l’être - à la communauté anthropologique américaine. Certains[DVR1] [DVR2] [DVR3] [DVR4] anthropologues israéliens de la première génération craignent que la jeune génération ne fasse plus de travail sur le terrain en immersion totale et, partant, que l'anthropologie disparaisse bientôt de la vie et du monde universitaire israéliens, mais je vois des continuités tout autant que des changements dans l'anthropologie israélienne, et je ne pense pas que l'anthropologie est susceptible de disparaître en Israël.