To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Socialism – Serbia – History.
Journal articles on the topic 'Socialism – Serbia – History'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Socialism – Serbia – History.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Mrkić, Ivan. "Socialism with Chinese characteristics." Napredak 2, no. 2 (2021): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-32948.
Full textAbstract:
The text speaks about the formation of the Communist Party of China, its beginnings and development, as well as the categorizations ever since the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949. The new geopolitical reality has been explained, especially since the fall of the Berlin Wall. The argumentation is made about the peculiarities of Chinese history and modern development. The immeasurable importance of the Communist Party of China in governing the most populous country is pointed out. A short section on the relations between Serbia and China has been included. The conclusion highlights the general views encompassing most of the claims presented in the previous text.
2
Fetibegović, Mersija. "Channelling Nationalisms: Yugoslavisms in Croatian and Serbian Schoolbooks in the 60s and 70s." Nordic Journal of Educational History 9, no. 1 (September 30, 2022): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/njedh.v9i1.213.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines how common histories were represented in Yugoslavian schoolbooks in 1960s–1970s Serbia and Croatia. National discourse analysis is used in combination with Benedict Anderson’s notion of imagined communities to define central themes in the sources. Yugoslavia’s Marxist education aimed to create socialist citizens and pioneers beyond national boundaries. At the same time, schoolbook authors used nationalisms as keys to evoke a class consciousness. These “national filters” in describing class struggle relate to tribal nationalisms in the 60s. In the 70s, socialist patriotism gradually replaced tribal narratives in schoolbooks. Schoolbook authors were however still (re)creating nationalities for seemingly instrumental purposes to accomplish a revolution. This article shows how supranational Yugoslavism(s) was constructed and negotiated and how tensions between socialism and nationalisms were mediated via mass education.
3
Miller, Nicholas J. "The Nonconformists: Dobrica Ćosić and Mića Popović Envision Serbia." Slavic Review 58, no. 3 (1999): 515–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697566.
Full textAbstract:
There is little to debate about the nature of Serbian political life since the mid-1980s—it has been highly nationalized, to the point that one can argue that a consensus existed among Serbian public figures that the Serbs' very existence was threatened by their neighbors. This consensus links political, cultural, and intellectual elites regardless of their ideological background. It draws together figures representing great diversity in Serbia. This powerful movement has usually been either dismissed or demonized: dismissed as superficial, the product of the cynical adaptation of politicians to new times, or demonized as something inherent in Serbian political culture, a historically predetermined mind-set, ancient and therefore ineradicable. But there is too much evidence that nationalism in Serbia is neither superficial nor ancient. What of the large number of Serbian intellectual and cultural figures who traversed the path from socialism to nationalism after 1945? Were they collectively one of the most cynical generations in any society's modern history, or were they simply possessed by the ancient demons of Serbian nationalism? Neither explanation is satisfying. Instead, postwar Serbian nationalism began as a legitimate and humane movement, neither incomprehensible nor artificial, and it should be understood in the context of communism's effect on Serbian society and its failure to fulfill its own promises, particularly to bring modernization and a universal culture to the peoples of Yugoslavia.
4
Radosavljević, Jelena. "Self-managing socialism and urban planning: The case study of general plan of Belgrade 1972." SAJ - Serbian Architectural Journal 10, no. 1 (2018): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/saj1801081r.
Full textAbstract:
This paper aims to open up a discussion about relations between former Yugoslavia's socialism and planning practice resulting from self-managing system established in early 1950s. Although this system was applied through a top-down approach, it implied, at least allegedly, coordination, integration and democratic harmonisation of particular interests with common and general ones on local level. The paper will briefly review the history and concept of socialist ideology and consider the impact that it had on institutional arrangements evolution and planning practice in Serbia. It will then touch on the role of ideology for urban planning process at the local level, understanding self-managing planning principles, their benefits, role and significance in planning practice.
5
Boskovic, Dusan. "Socialism and culture: Do we remember it at all?" Filozofija i drustvo 23, no. 3 (2012): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1203313b.
Full textAbstract:
The immediate motive for organizing the Belgrade symposium ?Socialism and Culture? held in late 1969 were prohibitions. After June 1968 there were about forty political interventions in Serbia (while there had been none in the previous twenty years), considerably more than in other Yugoslav republics. The conclusion that was reached was that cultural life was provincialized and underdeveloped. The author in this paper extends the topic to a more global level since the intentions of the dialogue allowed for that. Data on Goli Otok, provided by Milovan Djilas, fit well with these facts. The Otok was the most drastic and dramatic prohibition in the entire history of the Second Yugoslavia. From both contemporary and presentday perspectives, the symposium may be interpreted as a cry for freedom. In this conversation, the members of the Belgrade wing of the Praxis group played a crucial role. Some of these same people would later participate in the events infamously marking the 1990s, above all the civil and religious wars. The Zagreb ?headquarters? of Praxis was, on the contrary, never affected by the nationalist virus. Finally, arguments are proposed about Dobrica Cosic as the Serbian Faust, and the thesis of this writer being the Father of the Nation is contested.
6
Đureinović, Jelena. "Law as an Instrument and as a Mirror of Official Memory Politics: The Mechanism for Rehabilitating Victims of Communism in Serbia." Review of Central and East European Law 43, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 232–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-04302005.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the mechanism for judicial rehabilitation in Serbia as a tool and as a reflection of state-sanctioned memory politics of the Second World War and Yugoslav state socialism. The mechanism of rehabilitation seeks to accommodate victims of unfair trials by revising them or declaratively and collectively rehabilitating victims of political persecution. In the case of Serbia, the legislation enables rehabilitation of persons responsible for collaboration and crimes during the Second World War as long as it can be argued that political and ideological grounds were also involved in their judicial or extrajudicial persecution. Acknowledging that individuals were unjustly persecuted in the postwar period, the article is primarily concerned with prominent military and political actors of the Second World War. Discussing rehabilitation in the context of the relation of history, memory and law, the article represents a perspective of history and memory studies rather than a purely legal-dogmatic analysis.
7
Mladenovic, Ivica. "Basic Features of the Transition from Nominal Socialism to Political Capitalism: The Case of Serbia." Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 22, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0965156x.2014.930276.
Full text
8
Gubić, Ilija, and Vladana Putnik-Prica. "Single-family houses by Ranko Radović." Arhitektura i urbanizam, no. 55 (2022): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/a-u0-40443.
Full textAbstract:
Ranko Radović (1935-2005) was one of the most prominent architects, urban planners and professors in Yugoslavia, and he had a significant impact on professional and scientific discussions on the planning and design of public spaces and public buildings. This is evident not only through his designs, but also through numerous publications and presentations. In addition to his well-known public buildings, such as the Museum at Tjentište in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Craft Center in Belgrade, the City Hall in Aranđelovac, and the Post Office, Hotel Partizanka and Bank in Vranjačka Banja, he also designed five single-family houses. Of the five houses, four have been built, however, so far, they have not been the focus of research or published in academic journals. This paper studies Ranko Radović's designs for single-family houses built in the period from 1975 to 1985 in Aranđelovac, Bačka Palanka and Sombor in Serbia. The significance of Radović's design for single-family houses is explored in the context of socialism, in which investors would choose designs for their houses from a "catalogue". This paper also explores Radović's designs in the context of his theoretical approaches on the relationship between traditional and contemporary architecture. The paper aims to shed light on his contribution to ideas regarding the development of modern housing in the 1970s and 1980s in Serbia. It also documents the importance of those projects for the history of the architecture of single-family housing in Serbia.
9
Zadorozhnyuk, Ella G. "One and a half century of the history of Serbia: The lessons of modernization." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2021): 480–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.3-4.7.03.
Full textAbstract:
The book under review focusses on the following periods of the history of Serbia: the period between 1878 and 1918, the interwar and military history (1918–1945), Tito rule (1945–1991), and Milošević rule (1991–2006) of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), as well as Serbia after Milošević. The following problems are addressed in the book: historiography, Russian-Serbian relations, the specific nature of Socialist Yugoslavia, the Serbian version of post-socialist modernization against the background of Eastern European transformation.
10
Marković, Predrag, and Luka Filipović. "KVANTIFIKACIJA REZULTATA U DRUŠTVENIM I HUMANISTIČKIM NAUKAMA – CITIRANOST KAO MERILO ISTORIOGRAFSKOG DOSTIGNUĆA U SLUČAJU INSTITUTA ZA SAVREMENU ISTORIJU." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (August 1, 2021): 461–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.mar.461-478.
Full textAbstract:
Quantifying citations as a measure of academic achievement has been a disputed tool, not only within the Serbian academic community. Nature Magazine published “The Leiden Manifesto”, advocating harmonization between quantitative and qualitative criteria. As a contribution to such efforts, this paper examines the production of the researchers of the Institute for Contemporary History in Belgrade. The Institute has been chosen as the most productive institution in Serbia in terms of the number of publications. Proportionally to the number of published works in a certain language, the most frequently quoted papers have been written in German, then in French. The reason for that is the particular interest of some big academic communities for certain issues. For example, the German academic community’s curiosity for socialism derives from its interest in the German Democratic Republic, its history and its society. Papers dealing with foreign workers also address some German internal issues. Publications in French have been more often quoted if they addressed World War I topics. And last but not least, works on the Yugoslav wars of the 1990’s reflects the political and academic interest of the international community. Thus, the most quoted works often respond to the requirements of some foreign factors, such as the international community or some big national academic circles (German and French). These papers sometimes fail to address certain local educational and cultural needs. It is important to combine broader regional and international interests with internal cultural needs. Therefore, more papers should be written in foreign languages, especially in English, which is the primary language of international academic exchange.
11
Milosavljevic, Boris. "Dimitrije Matic: Hegelianism and Naturalism." Theoria, Beograd 58, no. 1 (2015): 103–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1501103m.
Full textAbstract:
Dimitrije Matic (1821-1884) was a philosopher, jurist, professor of public law at the Belgrade Lyceum and politician. He served as Serbia?s Minister of Education and Church Affairs, acting Foreign Minister, Speaker of the Parliament, and member of the State Council. He was president of the Serbian Society of Letters and member of the Serbian Learned Society. Matic belonged to Serbian liberal-minded intellectual circles. He believed that the rule of force was unacceptable and that governments should promote and support popular education. Matic studied philosophy and law in Serbia (Kragujevac, Belgrade), Germany (Berlin, Heidelberg) and France (Paris), and received his doctorial degree in philosophy in Leipzig. In Berlin Matic embraced Hegel?s speculative philosophy and theory of state (philosophy of law). Among his professors were Georg Andreas Gabler (Hegel`s immediate successor), Otto Friedrich Gruppe, Wilhelm Vatke etc. In Halle he listened to another Hegelian, Johann Eduard Erdmann. He had the opportunity to attend Friedrich Schelling?s lectures on the philosophy of mythology. If the Right Hegelians developed Hegel?s philosophy along the lines they considered to be in accordance with Christian theology, and the Left Hegelians laid the emphasis on the anti-Christian tendencies of Hegel?s system and pushed it in the direction of materialism and socialism, Matic would be closer to the first. Actually, he was mostly influenced by his professor Karl Ludwig Michelet, with whom he established a lifelong friendship. Matic?s doctorial thesis (Dissertatio de via qua Fichtii, Schellingii, Hegeliique philosophia e speculativa investigatione Kantiana exculta sit) addressed the question of how the philosophy of Fichte, Schelling and Hegel developed from Kantian speculative thought. The paper deals with the question whether Matic took a shift from Hegelianism to Positivism (Naturalism) in the 1860s, which is a claim that was taken for granted in the Yugoslav (Serbian) Marxist histories of Serbian philosophy after the Second World War and Communist revolution. In fact, it is rooted in Milan Kujundzic-Aberdar?s (1842-1893) periodization of the Serbian philosophical literature. Kujundzic, professor of Philosophy at the Belgrade Great School, classified Matic?s Science of Education into the latest period of natural philosophy. In order to answer the question, the paper looks into the evolution of Matic?s philosophical, legal and political views. Matic followed Hegelian philosophy in his: Short Review (according to Hegel?s ? Psychology in Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences); Principles of Rational [Vernunftrecht] State Law [Staatslehre] according to Heinrich Zepfel?s book on the philosophy of law (Grunds?tze des allgemeinen und des konstitutionell-monarchischen Staatsrechts and Hegel?s Philosophy of Law) and History of Philosophy (according to Albert Schwegler?s History of Philosophy). There is nothing in Matic?s Science of Education that would corroborate the claim that he shifted from Hegelianism to Positivism. Though he had to attune his views to the changed, anti- Hegelian, intellectual climate and influences on academic life, he remained a Hegelian. The paper deals with the reasons why the Marxist histories of Serbian philosophy insisted on his alleged conversion.
12
Nenic, Iva. "We are not a female band, we are a band!”: Female performance as a model of gender transgression in Serbian popular music." Muzikologija, no. 19 (2015): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1519135n.
Full textAbstract:
Instrumental performance, leadership, and authorship by women in music has historically been subjected to various repressive regimes, while many of the prejudices and restrictions regarding female musicking can still be discerned in contemporary popular music practices in Serbia. These mechanisms have been transferred into contemporary music with different ideological and stylistic inclination, such as indie music cohorts and folk- or tradition-based genres and scenes. The structural preconditions that articulate the subject position of female instrumentalists, regardless of genre or the scene they belong to are the lack of history of female playing and the requirement that they reach the supposedly higher standards of male musicians. This article starts with a brief genealogy of female instrumental music performance from late socialism to the diversity of contemporary popular music in its present neo-liberal context. Against that background it interprets the disciplining mechanisms restricting female musical creativity and performance, addressing the issues of identity and power through female agency in music.
13
Džihić, Vedran, Dieter Segert, and Angela Wieser. "The Crisis of Representative Democracy in the Post-Yugoslav Region. Discrepancies of Elite Policies and Citizens’ Expectations." Southeastern Europe 36, no. 1 (2012): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633312x616995.
Full textAbstract:
If free and fair elections repeatedly fail to respond to popular dissatisfaction, then a crisis of representative democracy will emerge. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia, such a crisis is already undermining the legitimacy of their young democratic systems. Despite positive evaluations from democracy indices and EU reports, citizens are increasingly discontent and give little support to the existing political options. Understanding the causes and characteristics of this crisis requires revising the instruments for measuring democracy. More attention needs to be focused on citizens’ expectations for a freer and more prosperous future after their experiences of the crisis of state socialism. Measurements of institutional changes must also include people’s attitudes towards institutions. In addition, main trends in the economy as experienced by the average citizen need to be considered: evidence of an elite-captured economy, rising inequality, and limited state capacity to redistribute resources are crucial factors in understanding discrepancies between formal democratic standards and the actual responsiveness of the system to the wishes of its citizens. From the analysis of these post-Yugoslav societies, this article draws conclusions for general democracy theory.
14
Vasic, Aleksandar. "Marxism and sociopolitical engagement in Serbian musical periodicals between the two world wars." Filozofija i drustvo 24, no. 3 (2013): 212–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1303212v.
Full textAbstract:
Between the two World Wars, in Belgrade and Serbia, seven musical journals were published: ?Musical Gazette? (1922), ?Music? (1928-1929), ?Herald of the Musical Society Stankovic? (1928-1934, 1938-1941; renamed to ?Musical Herald? in january 1931), ?Sound? (1932-1936), ?Journal of The South Slav Choral Union? (1935-1936, 1938), ?Slavic Music? (1939-1941) and ?Music Review? (1940). The influence of marxism can be observed in ?Musical Herald? (in the series from 1938), ?Sound? and ?Slavic Music?. A Marxist influence is obvious through indications of determinism. Namely, some writers (Dragutin Colic) observed elements of musical art and its history as (indirect) consequences of sociopolitical and economic processes. Still, journals published articles of domestic and foreign authors who interpreted the relation between music, society and economy in a much more moderate and subtle manner (D.Cvetko, A.Schering). Editors and associates of these journals also had proscriptive ambitions - they recommended and even determined regulations for composers about what kind of music to write according to social goals and needs. According to tendencies in Marxism, there was a follow up of musical work in the Soviet Union. Editors tried not to be one-sided. There were writings about the USSR by left orientated associates as much as emigrants from that country, and articles of Soviet authors were translated. Also, there were critical tones about musical development in the first country of socialism. Serbian musical periodicals recognized the enormous threat from fascism. Also, there were articles about influence of Nazi ideology and dictatorship on musical prospects in Germany. Since Germany annexed Sudetenland in 1938, ?Musical Herald? expressed support to musicians and people of that friendly country by devoting the October and November 1938 issue to Czechoslovak music, along with an appropriate introduction by the editor, Stana Djuric-Klajn.
15
Koloskov, Evgenii. "28 June in the Serbian calendar of 1985-1991." A day in the calendar. Celebrations and memorial days as an instrument of national consolidation in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century, no. 1 (2019): 124–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2018.1.6.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the formation of the contemporary Vidovdan tradition in the Socialist Republic of Serbia in 1985-1991. Beings the key date in modern Serbian national history, 28 June was used to provide commemorative practices by various Serbian forces during the decomposition of centralised power in Yugoslavia in that period. The process of codifying of a new national mythology precipitated by the disintegration processes in the SFRY after the death of Tito, is examined on the background of the political discourse in Serbia. The research uses sources such as the public speeches and writings of leading political figures (above all Slobodan Milosevic), which are openly available, for example the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, and which were published in the three most popular newspapers in the Socialist Republic of Serbia: Борба (Struggle), Политика (Politics) and Вечерње новости (Evening News) and the two main newspapers of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo: Rilindja (Revival) and Jeдинство (Unity). The research concludes that it is obvious that the establishing of a tradition of celebrating the anniversary of the Kosovo Battle as an annual public holiday is directly related to the interests of the political forces in SR Serbia.
16
Bucur, Maria, Alexandra Ghit, Ayşe Durakbaşa, Ivana Pantelić, Rochelle Goldberg Ruthchild, Elizabeth A. Wood, Anna Müller, et al. "Book Reviews." Aspasia 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 160–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2020.140113.
Full textAbstract:
Cristina A. Bejan, Intellectuals and Fascism in Interwar Romania: The Criterion Association, Cham, Switzer land: Palgrave, 2019, 323 pp., €74.89 (hardback), ISBN 978-3-030-20164-7.Chiara Bonfiglioli, Women and Industry in the Balkans: The Rise and Fall of the Yugoslav Textile Sector, London: I. B. Tauris, 2020, 232 pp., £85 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-78533-598-3.Aslı Davaz, Eşitsiz kız kardeşlik, uluslararası ve Ortadoğu kadın hareketleri, 1935 Kongresi ve Türk Kadın Birliği (Unequal sisterhood, international and Middle Eastern women’s movements, 1935 Congress and the Turkish Women’s Union), İstanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası, 2014, 892 pp., with an introduction by Yıldız Ecevit, pp. xxi–xxviii; preface by the author, pp. xxix–xlix, TL 42 (hardcover), ISBN: 978-605-332-296-2.Biljana Dojčinović and Ana Kolarić, eds., Feministički časopisi u Srbiji: Teorija, aktivizam i umetničke prakse u 1990-im i 2000-im (Feminist periodicals in Serbia: Theory, activism, and artistic practice in the 1990s and 2000s), Belgrade: Faculty of Philology, University of Belgrade, 2018, 370 pp., price not listed (paperback), ISBN: 978-86-6153-515-4.Melanie Ilic, ed., The Palgrave Handbook of Women and Gender in Twentieth-Century Russia and the Soviet Union, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, 572 pp., $239 (e-book) ISBN: 978-1-137-54904-4; ISBN: 978-1-137-54905-1.Luciana M. Jinga, ed., The Other Half of Communism: Women’s Outlook, in History of Communism in Europe, vol. 8, Bucharest: Zeta Books, 2018, 348 pp., USD 40 (paperback), ISBN: 978-606-697-070-9.Teresa Kulawik and Zhanna Kravchenko, eds., Borderlands in European Gender Studies: Beyond the East-West Frontier, New York: Routledge, 2020, 264 pp., $140.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-367-25896-2.Jill Massino, Ambiguous Transitions: Gender, the State, and Everyday Life in Socialist and Postsocialist Romania, New York: Berghahn Books, 2019, 466 pp., USD 122 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-785-33598-3.Gergana Mircheva, (A)normalnost i dostap do publichnostta: Socialnoinstitucionalni prostranstva na biomedicinskite discursi v Bulgaria (1878–1939) ([Ab]normality and access to publicity: Social-institutional spaces of biomedicine discourses in Bulgaria [1878–1939]), Sofia: St. Kliment Ohridski University Press, 2018, 487 pp., BGN 16 (paperback), ISBN: 978-954-07-4474-2.Milutin A. Popović, Zatvorenice, album ženskog odeljenja Požarevačkog kaznenog zavoda sa statistikom (1898) (Prisoners, the album of the women’s section of Požarevac penitentiary with statistics, 1898), edited by Svetlana Tomić, Belgrade: Laguna , 2017, 333 pp., RSD 894 (paperback), ISBN: 978-86-521-2798-6.Irena Protassewicz, A Polish Woman’s Experience in World War II: Conflict, Deportation and Exile, edited by Hubert Zawadzki, with Meg Knott, translated by Hubert Zawadzki, London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019, xxv pp. + 257 pp., £73.38 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-3500-7992-2.Zilka Spahić Šiljak, ed., Bosanski labirint: Kultura, rod i liderstvo (Bosnian labyrinth: Culture, gender, and leadership), Sarajevo and Zagreb: TPO Fondacija and Buybook, 2019, xii + 213 pp., no price listed (paperback), ISBN: 978-9926-422-16-5.Gonda Van Steen, Adoption, Memory and Cold War Greece: Kid pro quo?, University of Michigan Press, 2019, 350 pp., $85.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-472-13158-7.D imitra Vassiliadou, Ston tropiko tis grafi s: Oikogeneiakoi desmoi kai synaisthimata stin astiki Ellada (1850–1930) (The tropic of writing: Family ties and emotions in modern Greece [1850–1930]), Athens: Gutenberg, 2018, 291 pp., 16.00 € (paperback), ISBN: 978-960-01-1940-4.Radina Vučetić, Coca-Cola Socialism: Americanization of Yugoslav Culture in the Sixties, English translation by John K. Cox, Budapest: Central European University Press, 2018, 334 pp., €58.00 (paperback), ISBN: 978-963-386-200-1.Nancy M. Wingfield, The World of Prostitution in Late Imperial Austria, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017, xvi + 272 pp., $80 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-19880-165-8.Anastasia Lakhtikova, Angela Brintlinger, and Irina Glushchenko, eds., Seasoned Socialism: Gender and Food in Late Soviet Everyday Life, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019, xix + 373 pp., $68.41(hardback), ISBN: 978-0-253-04095-4.
17
Martinić Jerčić, Natko. "Political circumstances and security situation in Western Slavonia on the eve of the Greater-Serbian Aggression in 1991." Review of Croatian history 18, no. 1 (December 14, 2022): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v18i1.24296.
Full textAbstract:
Based on archival sources and relevant literature, this paper portrays political circumstances and security situation in Western Slavonia from 1989, that is, from collapse of the communist systems in Europe and destabilisation of Yugoslavia by the political leadership of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, up until August 1991 when the overt Greater-Serbian Aggression started in Western Slavonia. Democratic processes in Europe also seized western Yugoslav republics, Slovenia and Croatia. These republics advocated either the restructure of Yugoslavia as a confederal state, or their independence in case that the political agreement with other republics about common state system was not feasible. Conversely, Serbian political leadership’s goal, supported by pro-Serbian oriented leadership of the federal Yugoslav People’s Army, was to impose Yugoslavia as a centralized state under the domination of Serbs, as the most numerous Yugoslav nation. After this policy failed, Serbian leadership attempted to create Greater Serbia which would comprise all territories which Serbian leadership considered as historically and ethnically a Serbian territory. Among others, that also included Western Slavonia where a certain part of population were ethnic Serbs. Part of these Serbs, as well as ethnic Serbs in certain other parts of Croatia, supported by Belgrade, gradually commenced rebellion against the Croatian authorities. Insurgency was led by representatives of Serbian Democratic Party whose centre was in town Knin. In the first phase of destabilisation the emphasis was on the thesis that the Serbs were endangered in Western Slavonia, in order to radicalize as many as possible, which was successfully implemented, and finally led to terrorist actions culminating with the open aggression in Western Slavonia.
18
Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.
Full textAbstract:
Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languished under the combination of a kleptocratic regime, expensive and protracted military engagements and international sanctions. The long Serbian transition entered a new phase in October 2000, when Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was ousted by a very heterogeneous political coalition whose leaders shared only an intense antipathy for Milošević. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed into the short-lived state union of Serbia and Montenegro, which disappeared when Montenegro declared its independence in 2006, followed by Kosovo in 2008.
19
Andersen, Tea Sindbæk. "Lessons from Sarajevo and the First World War." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415604354.
Full textAbstract:
This article investigates the developments of public memory of the First World War as it is written into the national narratives of Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia on the way to the centennial of the war’s outbreak. The First World War constitutes both a shared and a divided memory in Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia. Though the war was a catastrophe everywhere, to Serbia it also became a triumph on the allied side, whereas in Bosnia and Croatia it was mainly a state collapse. Yet, the First World War also provided the immediate conditions for the creation of the first Yugoslav state, and consequently the history of the war was narrated within a Yugoslav context, echoing the triumphant Serbian narrative. With the fall of socialist Yugoslavia, the memory of the First World War developed quite differently in the three states. Different lessons are being drawn from war history, often with the aim of situating the nation within a European context. In Serbia, First World War narratives remain national and heroic and are framed as a virtuous, pro-democratic, and European legacy. In Croatia and Bosnia, First World War history is being created anew and, at least in the Bosnian case, with an aspiration to present Bosnia’s war experience within a discourse of European reconciliation. Based on analyses of popular history books, history debates in newspapers and media, and political commentary, the article shows how the First World War as public memory has moved from Yugoslav to national narratives with an increasingly European aspiration.
20
Irvine, Jill A., and Carol S. Lilly. "Boys Must be Boys: Gender and the Serbian Radical Party, 1991–2000." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 1 (March 2007): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601124553.
Full textAbstract:
On 27 June 2004, Serbian voters went to the polls for the third time in a year to choose a president. The winner of the first two rounds of voting, Tomislav Nikolić, Deputy to the President of the extreme right Serbian Radical Party (SRS), lost the third round of voting to the more liberal Borisav Tadić by just under 8 percentage points (53.2 to 45.4), and the Radicals failed to form a ruling coalition in government. Nevertheless, more than five years after the last war in the disintegration of the Yugoslav state, the largest political party in the largest of the successor states has been characterized as the most extreme right party in the Balkans today. Indeed, the Radicals have been an enduring force in Serbian politics for the past decade and a half, sometimes ruling in coalition with Slobodan Milošević's Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). SRS founder Vojislav Šešelj, a flamboyant, obstreperous, highly influential figure, and his fellow Radicals have sought and in many ways succeeded in shaping the post-communist transformation of Yugoslav politics and society, calling for a return to the true spirit of Serbia, when the nation was strong because its men defended its honor as well as its borders.
21
Milosavljevic, Boris. "Italy in the writings of Slobodan Jovanovic." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 141–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253141m.
Full textAbstract:
Slobodan Jovanovic made frequent stays in Italy since his earliest childhood, which contributed to his thorough and comprehensive understanding of Italian history, politics, science, culture and arts. His father, Vladimir Jovanovic, maintained close contact with Mazzini, whose liberal nationalism he embraced and followed. Some of their closest family members resided in Rome during the First World War, because Vladimir Jovanovic?s sonin-law, Mihailo Ristic, served as Serbia?s minister to Italy (1914-17). For about half a century Slobodan Jovanovic was an interpreter of Italian political history, of its influence on Serbian and Yugoslav history, and of the work of Italian statesmen and theorists, notably Machiavelli. In the 1930s he taught a doctoral course on Italian public law and corporate system. After the Second World War he lived in exile in London. Some of the works he published there showed that some solutions in the constitution of socialist Yugoslavia, presented as an original invention, had already existed in interwar Italian corporate law.
22
Cvijic, Srdjan. "Swinging the Pendulum: World War II History, Politics, National Identity and Difficulties of Reconciliation in Croatia and Serbia." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 713–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230563.
Full textAbstract:
The downfall of communist Yugoslavia and the democratization process that followed at the end of the 1980s have led to the fragmentation of the country, which was accompanied by several wars of different intensity and duration (1991–1999). From the ashes of what once was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia raised six independent states: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The situation relating to the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, after its unilateral declaration of independence at the beginning of 2008, and subsequent recognition by parts of the international community, remains unclear. Slovenia is already in the EU, while the rest of the former Yugoslav republics, within the framework of the Stabilization and Association Process of the European Union, have the status of EU Candidate or Potential Candidate countries and are slowly moving towards EU membership.
23
Bojičić, Veroljub. "SLOWED SERBIAN DEVELOPMENT IN THE EARLY 19TH CENTURY UNTIL WORLD WAR II." Knowledge International Journal 26, no. 6 (March 18, 2019): 1879–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061879b.
Full textAbstract:
Permanently economic backwardness of Serbia (as, after all, and most of the Balkan countries) compared to the Western and Central Europe always makes actual causes of this trend. Of course, there is no simple and straightforward answer. The prevailing opinion is that the countries of South Eastern Europe, because of the specificity of its historical development, primarily in the age of the first industrial revolution lost pace compared to the rest of the continent and found themselves at a disadvantage, which can not fail to compensate. Such thinking usually implies the necessity to southeast Europe, or Balkans, pass the path of development identical western European way. However, whether it the only model that leads to creation of economically prosperous and socially stable society or priority should be given to understanding the local specificity and optimally use them in order to build a welfare state? Serbia can now be classified as countries that have not successfully passed the transition period from a socialist to neoliberal capitalist system. The reasons for this here we can not discuss in detail, but we will mention the most difficult challenges facing the country has faced since the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia until today. These are, first, the Yugoslav wars, including them in the armed conflict with the NATO alliance in 1999, economic sanctions and international isolation in the last decade of the last century, the unsuccessful privatization of public enterprises in the years of the autocratic regime of Slobodan Milosevic after him and, as a consequence, worsening the situation of workers who will be a key generator of losing confidence in democratic government and return to the main political scene those who in the 1990s were the protagonists of the Yugoslav wars, and who were the main culprits for the degradation of the international reputation of the Serbian nation is unprecedented in the history of Serbia. Today Serbia is far closer to autocracy rather than democracy, exposed internal political violence, with non-free state institutions, unclear status of Kosovo and Metohija and undefined national borders. Omnipotent Government is trying to attract foreign investors by promoting its own citizens as cheap labor for which workers' rights are not applicable in the present developed societies. Essentially an important answer to the question why Serbia today so gloomy and hopeless.We will try to clarify the situation somewhat emphasis on the social history of modern Serbia.
24
Raković, Aleksandar. "Savez socijalističke omladine Jugoslavije i BUM festival (1971–1978): od antisocijalističkih pojava na festivalu do socijalističkih korekcija." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 187–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.2.rak.187-215.
Full textAbstract:
Based on the press of the League of Socialist Youth in Yugoslavia, also Yugoslav music and entertainment-information press, archival documentation from the Archives of Yugoslavia, the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia and the Historical Archives of Belgrade, as well as literature. This paper discusses the positions of the League of Socialist Youth towards all-Yugoslav BOOM Festival, mass gatherings of hippies, but also covers how the League of Socialist Youth corrected some anti-socialist appearances at this festival and gave to BOOM Festival a socialist shape.
25
Hodges, Andrew. "Producing and Maintaining Minority “Groupness” through State Effects: Teaching in Croatian in Serbia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 1 (November 27, 2018): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.12.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article ethnographically examines the situation surrounding the teaching of Croatian in Serbia. It analyzes the discourses and efforts of minority activists in promoting Croatian culture and language in various ways, specifically drawing on fieldwork conducted in a school where three mutually intelligible language varieties—Serbian, Croatian, and Bunjevac—were taught. Instruction in Croatian has been offered in Serbia since 2002 through a minority rights framework. However, prior to the wars of Yugoslav succession in the 1990s, those identifying as Croat were not considered a minority in [the] Socialist Yugoslavia, as it was a South Slavic federation. The number of children enrolling in Croatian minority programs in Serbia is small, and of those who attend them, a significant number do not come to identify as Croatian, a fact that many minority activists consider to be a problem. The article is organized in four parts. First, the context and various perspectives are introduced through an ethnographic vignette. Second, the research context and legal and institutional framework are introduced. Activist perspectives are then discussed, including tensions present. Finally, Michel-Rolph Trouillot’s concept of “state effects” is presented and elaborated with respect to the case study, and the various efforts of activists in trying to promote and/or maintain Croatian “groupness” are evaluated.
26
Cheterian, Vicken. "Georgia's Rose Revolution: Change or Repetition? Tension between State-Building and Modernization Projects." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 689–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230530.
Full textAbstract:
The wave of Colour Revolutions, which started in Serbia in the year 2000, and spread to Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan, has changed the existing concepts on how transformation would take form in countries exiting from “really existing socialism.” In the early years following the collapse of the Soviet state, the dominant concepts were that of “transition” or slow, top-down reforms that would transform the existing political systems from ruling-party dictatorships to parliamentary democracies, and planned economies to market-based ones. Yet in the late 1990s there was a growing fatigue and pessimism towards the basic thesis of transition: the transition paradigm was formulated as a reaction to the perceived causes of the Soviet failure: a totalitarian state which monopolized the political space proved itself unable to provide either economic well-being or political legitimacy. The task in the early 1990s was to shrink the state apparatus, to make space for a multi-party political pluralism. Even though some argued that the main objective of transition was to achieve democracy,1 for transition theories and even more so for its translation into actual political choices the economic aspect of transition was perceived to be more immediate than the political one. Democracy needed a certain material context, and here too decreasing the role of the state was thought to liberate the market and provide material stability to the new democracies. It was necessary to create a new middle class by way of mass privatization of the former state properties to create a social demand for democracy. Those ideas reflected not only an ideological victory of the one side of the Cold War over the Eastern camp, but also very practical needs: the huge Soviet state sector was neither sustainable nor necessary after the fall of one-party rule, and it had to be radically transformed. At the time, this transition was thought to be an easy task: to take off the oppressing lid of the party-state and let democracy and market economies emerge naturally. Yet in the conception of transition there was a certain tension between the economic and political sides of the imagined reforms, between mass privatization with its dire social consequences of unemployment and fall in the standard of living, and the political goals of democratization where people who were being “restructured” were simultaneously promised to receive the right to change their rulers by casting their ballots. Would people who are threatened with job loss and lower living standards vote for the reformers? And in the event of a negative answer, how would the reforms proceed? Should economic reforms come before political ones; that is, first privatization and in a second stage freedom of political choice through parliamentary elections? These are some of the dilemma that the new republics of the Soviet Union and the former socialist countries of Eastern Europe were facing in the early 1990s. At the time, the answer was clear: the economy came first; it was more important to reform the economic sector, to privatize massively, and stabilize the economy as soon as possible. The economy came before politics, in the sense that restructuring of the property structure through mass privatization was supposed to create the material means for the creation of democracy. It was believed that once the middle class was created as a result of mass privatization, the democratic institutions, such as free elections, multi-party system, independent media, an active civil society, in a word, all the attributes of democracy, would evolve naturally.
27
Archer, Rory. "“Antibureaucratism” as a Yugoslav Phenomenon: The View from Northwest Croatia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 4 (July 2019): 562–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.40.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractMost studies of the antibureaucratic revolution have focused on political elites and activists in Serbia, Montenegro, and the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo. Recent scholarship has focused on individual participants, often workers, and takes their agency seriously. Building upon such research, this article explores the antibureaucratic revolution as a particular manifestation of a larger sociocultural process, constitutive of long-term structural changes across the whole of Yugoslavia. An analysis of workplace documents and local newspapers in northwest Croatia demonstrates that antibureaucratic sentiment was not the prerogative of Serbian and Montenegrins but of Yugoslav citizens more generally. Yugoslavs were conditioned by the party-state to be critical of bureaucracy. Workers began to admonish the expansion of administrative positions, which they blamed for their falling living standards. Despite decentralizing and autarkic tendencies in political and economic life in late socialist Yugoslavia, working class discontents (and representations of it) remained remarkably similar across republican boundaries. In Rijeka and its environs, a shift does not occur until in mid-1988. Condemnations of nationalism become more urgent and a skepticism toward the mass protests occurring in Serbia is palpable from this point onward.
28
Eres, Ana. "The Venice biennale and art in Belgrade in the 1950s. A contribution to the study of the artistic dialogue between Italy and Serbia." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253227e.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout the twentieth century the International Art Exhibition Venice Biennale was seen as a major event by the art world of Belgrade and, more broadly, of Serbia and Yugoslavia. After the Second World War this biggest and most important international show of contemporary art provided Belgrade?s artists and art critics with an opportunity to acquaint themselves with the latest developments on the international art scene. At the same time, it was used as a platform for the leading figures of Belgrade?s artistic and cultural-policy establishment to create, through the exhibitions mounted in the national pavilion, an image of the country?s artistic contemporaneity aimed at achieving its desired standing in the West. The attitude of Belgrade?s art scene to the Venice Biennale went through a particularly interesting phase in the 1950s. Its transformations offer an opportunity to observe, analyse and expand the knowledge about the changes that marked that turbulent decade in the history of Serbian art, which went a long way from dogmatically exclusive socialist realism to the institutionalization of a high-modernist language as the dominant model. Based on the reconstruction of Yugoslavia?s sustained participation in the Venice Biennale (1950-60), this paper analyses the models of the representation of Serbian art in the international context of the Biennale within a broader context of the intensification of Serbian-Italian artistic contacts during the period under study.
29
Gojkovic, Đorđe. "Uticaj Srpske pravoslavne crkve na kamatu u srpskom srednjevekovnom pravu." Vesnik pravne istorije 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/hlh_21203a.
Full textAbstract:
The loan agreement is a contract with a long and most turbulent history. Friendly loans is existed in every civilization, from the first communities to the present day. Loans with interest, however, are closely scrutinized by almost every legal system. Because these loans are very much open to abuse, governments have almost always had tendencies to prevent such outcomes by limiting interest rates. There are two extreme solutions: allowing high interest rates, as in some ancient legal systems, or as in some modern capitalist systems. On the other side of the spectrum is the suppression of interest as a „root of evil”, i.e. its complete prohibition, as suggested by the Roman Catholic Church or Islam, as well as in the formal socialist states. The Serbian Orthodox Church, as one of the local orthodox Churches, finds itself between these two extreme beliefs. Medieval Serbian states, mostly rooted in the Byzantine version of Roman law, started practicing usurious loans early. Serbian Church, mainly because of Saint Sava (Nemanjić) took a conservative attitude towards interest rates. As the economy grew, the prohibitions seemed to be less and less effective. From the time of emperor Dušan, according to the theory of symphony between the Church and State, middle ground solution was found by: prohibiting the clergy to charge interest; allowing civilians to charge interest, while limiting interest rates.The Serbian Orthodox Church would hold fast to this attitude throughout the Middle Ages, all the way to the present day. Although the Republic of Serbia is a secular state, the clergy obeys the same canonic rules. Interest rates are accordingly regulated and usurious contracts are prohibited.
30
Romanenko, Sergei. "STUDYING THE HISTORY OF THE BALKANS / SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE: RESEARCH TASKS AND PROBLEM FORMULATION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.01.
Full textAbstract:
The new issue of the journal «Current Problems of Europe» opens with the problem-oriented article, dedicated to the analysis of the state of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region and its development in 2000-2020. The author gives a systemic description of the processes taking place in the intra-national and international intra-regional political, social and economic development of the countries of the region, and the problems generated by them. The changes are associated with a difficult transition phase, experienced by the states of the region, for the most part belonging to the post-socialist world (Bulgaria, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania). The exceptions are Greece, Turkey and Cyprus, however, these three states are also going through a difficult period in their history, associated with new problems both in interstate relations within this triangle, and in relations with NATO and the EU, as well as with Russia. The article discusses the specifics of translating the terms «people» and «national» into Russian, as well as the toponym Kosovo (Serb.) / Kosova (Alb.), and ethnonyms «Bošnjak» and «bosanac». The first part of the issue contains articles devoted to general problems of regional studies: the relationship between the terms Eastern Europe, Central Europe, South-Eastern Europe, Balkans, Western Balkans; comparative and political science subjects; the role of the European Union and China in the development of the region; the relationship of national Serbian, post-Yugoslavian and European culture and intellectual heritage as well. The second part of the issue examines the relations of the Balkan states with the states of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Romania, Belarus), as well as the specifics of their development in the post-socialist period. Thus, there is the possibility of a multilateral - historical, political and cultural, as well as comparative analysis of the development of this complex region, which is of great importance for international relations worldwide.
31
Milojević, Milica. "Re-conceptualization of the idea of neighborhood in post-socialist Belgrade." SAJ - Serbian Architectural Journal 1, no. 1 (2009): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/saj0901045m.
Full textAbstract:
Understanding the concept of collective form is of particular interest for re-conceptualization of the idea of neighborhood in post-socialist Belgrade. After the experiences of the socialist community, Belgrade is facing the issue of social atomization and numerous manifestations of the culture of distrust. These conditions in which the duties towards the others are not recognized for the sake of one's own sustain Thomas Hobbes defines as an issue of the wrong reason. In the region of Serbia the problem of wrong reason has its own history. Its fragments are found in the modern urbanization of the cities in Serbia, at the neighborhood level - shaped by the tension between the power directives and the desire of the ordinary people. According to the principle of reciprocity, based on the criteria of functional orientation, attractiveness and connectivity of group form elements, considering the presence of the culture of distrust, the intention of this article is to initiate discussion on proposed terminology and to reveal the key points for transformation of the dwelling community concept into neighborhood concept.
32
Mikić, Vesna. "Neoromantic »Answer« to the Demands of Socialist Realism: Stanojlo Rajičić Na Liparu for bass and symphonic orchestra (1951)." Musicological Annual 42, no. 2 (December 1, 2006): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/mz.42.2.105-110.
Full textAbstract:
This paper deals with the first cycle for soprano and orchestra in the history of Serbian music. The fact that it was written in 1950 by one of the most prominent Serbian modernist of the interwar period provokes the questions considering the context in which it was composed, the possible reasons for its composition, as well as the reconsideration of its position in the context of Rajičić’s output and Serbian postwar music.
33
Radic, Prvoslav. "From the history of Serbian question in Macedonia: Culturological aspect." Balcanica, no. 32-33 (2002): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0233227r.
Full textAbstract:
Contemporary Serbian Question in Macedonia is most closely related to major political events in the Balkans in 19th and 20th centuries. Starting from the social and historical processes in this region of the Balkans, the author examines this question through several fundamental periods, wishing to look into the status of Serbian population in Macedonia of the time against this background. The first period began with the First Serbian Uprising (1804) heralding the creation of the first free Serbian state in the Balkans, and ended with the conclusion of Liberation Wars (1878) leaving considerable Serbian territories liberated. The second period started at the time of conclusion of liberation wars and lasted till the beginning of the Balkan Wars in 1912. The third period was the one from the conclusion of Balkan Wars till the end of World War II (1945). The fourth period commenced at the end of World War II and lasted till the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The last, fifth period refers to the contemporary state of affairs in the Republic of Macedonia since the disintegration of the SFRY, i.e. the independence of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991. The analysis of the status of Serbian Question here is predominantly related to the culturological aspect through examining the circumstances in education literature, and in culture in general. It shows that the status of Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia was closely related to social, historical and political setting in these areas of the Balkans. In the new social and political environment, the status of the remaining Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia is uncertain. In the recent decades, unstable political circumstances in this area have had adverse effects on the presence of Serbian ethnic element in Macedonian territories, even more so since it fails to receive sufficient national support from both sides.
34
Rutar, Sabine. "Oral History as a Method: Variants of Remembering World War II in Slovenia, Serbia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 245–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102011.
Full textAbstract:
This article provides a general overview of research on, and the construction of, the memory of World War II in socialist Yugoslavia and its successor states, focusing on Slovenia, Serbia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, with the intent of placing this topic in the general framework of oral history and memory research. At the center of attention is the question of how the memories of eyewitnesses have been possibly shaped, altered, and conditioned by their post-war socialization, and how this shaping, altering, and conditioning might be allowed for when interpreting memory source materials.
35
Archer, Rory. "Assessing Turbofolk Controversies: Popular Music between the Nation and the Balkans." Southeastern Europe 36, no. 2 (2012): 178–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633312x642103.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores controversies provoked by the Serbian pop-folk musical style “turbofolk” which emerged in the 1990s. Turbofolk has been accused of being a lever of the Milošević regime – an inherently nationalist cultural phenomenon which developed due to the specific socio-political conditions of Serbia in the 1990s. In addition to criticism of turbofolk on the basis of nationalism and war-mongering, it is commonly claimed to be “trash,” “banal,” “pornographic,” “(semi-)rural,” “oriental” and “Balkan.” In order to better understand the socio-political dimensions of this phenomenon, I consider other Yugoslav musical styles which predate turbofolk and make reference to pop-folk musical controversies in other Balkan states to help inform upon the issues at stake with regard to turbofolk. I argue that rather than being understood as a singular phenomena specific to Serbia under Milošević, turbofolk can be understood as a Serbian manifestation of a Balkan-wide post-socialist trend. Balkan pop-folk styles can be understood as occupying a liminal space – an Ottoman cultural legacy – located between (and often in conflict with) the imagined political poles of liberal pro-European and conservative nationalist orientations. Understanding turbofolk as a value category imbued with symbolic meaning rather than a clear cut musical genre, I link discussions of it to the wider discourse of Balkanism. Turbofolk and other pop-folk styles are commonly imagined and articulated in terms of violence, eroticism, barbarity and otherness the Balkan stereotype promises. These pop-folk styles form a frame of reference often used as a discursive means of marginalisation or exclusion. An eastern “other” is represented locally by pop-folk performers due to oriental stylistics in their music and/or ethnic minority origins. For detractors, pop-folk styles pose a danger to the autochthonous national culture as well as the possibility of a “European” and cosmopolitan future. Correspondingly I demonstrate that such Balkan stereotypes are invoked and subverted by many turbofolk performers who positively mark alleged Balkan characteristics and negotiate and invert the meaning of “Balkan” in lyrical texts.
36
BUDDING, AUDREY H. "From Dissidents to Presidents: Dobrica Ćosić and Vojislav Koštunica Compared." Contemporary European History 13, no. 2 (May 2004): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730400164x.
Full textAbstract:
The article compares the careers of two men, Dobrica Ćosić and Vojislav Koštunica, who gained prominence as dissident intellectuals in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and later served as presidents of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. After outlining the main features of each man's dissident career, the article traces how one aspect of each's thought – his conception of the Serbian national interest – evolved during his transition from intellectual to political engagement. While highlighting differences in Ćosić's and Koštunica's political careers, the article emphasises similarities in their national thought. In conclusion, it considers some general aspects of the dominant Serbian response to Yugoslavia's dissolution.
37
Milojkovic, Milan. "A Peasant’s Interview with a Foreign Journalist by Predrag Milosevic in relation to the question of socialist realism in Serbian music history." Muzikologija, no. 21 (2016): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1621071m.
Full textAbstract:
Bearing in mind the position occupied by Yugoslav postwar music, in this article I review certain compositional strategies implemented by Predrag Milosevic in his piece A Peasant?s Interview with a Foreign Journalist, by means of which this modernist composer stepped into the field of socialist realism. I will analyze the score in order to identify the most significant compositional-technical strategies used by the composer. Further analyses will encompass an interpretation of the piece with respect to the theories of socialist realism, while a separate segment of this article will be dedicated to some aspects of the relationship between this composition and writings published at the time of its creation. I will then use these analyses to emphasize some points in Milosevic?s work where one can observe connections with the theoretical output of his contemporaries, as well as with recent writings that focus on understanding the place of socialist realism in Serbian music history.
38
Conley, Tanja Damljanović. "The backdrop of Serbian statehoods: Morphing faces of the National Assembly in Belgrade." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (January 2013): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.748734.
Full textAbstract:
The mixture of neo-Renaissance and neo-Classical forms of the National Assembly in Belgrade was to become a visual paradigm of the democratic course and national sovereignty of the Kingdom of Serbia, affirming the status of this newly born nation-state in nineteenth-century Europe. Yet, the interpretation of political messages associated with the building's nineteenth-century architectural features is still in progress. The aim of this paper is to explore how the image of the National Assembly developed into the visual repository of different ideological connotations depending on the character of public events being organized, in the building or in the space in front of it either to support state ideologies or to fight against them. In addition to ideological settings of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this research will focus on political meetings and public gatherings of the post-WWII state constructs, from the socialist federation of Marshal Tito to the more recent emanations of Serbian statehood. Along with analyzing the architectural forms of the building serving in different political contexts, this discussion will illuminate the appropriation of space in front of the building by examining the overall staging of public events which have become embedded in the contrasting layers of a collective memory associated with the same image: the National Assembly as the backdrop.
39
Arsenovic, Daniela, Vladimir Nikitovic, and Ivana Magdalenic. "Spatial dimension of the second demographic transition in Serbia." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 167 (2018): 499–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1867499a.
Full textAbstract:
Current research of the second demographic transition (SDT) in Serbia is largely focused on its sociological dimension, particularly on changes related to family formation. On the other hand, understanding the spatial dimension of this process can help in understanding its further expansion, but also its nature outside the countries in which it was originally described, as the history of the first demographic transition showed it. The aim of this paper is to determine whether spatial patterns of recent changes (1991-2011) in fertility indicators in Serbia could have their foundation in SDT. For this purpose, regional differences in the diffusion of demographic innovations, measured by typical demographic indicators of SDT such as total fertility rate, mean age of women at childbirth and proportion of non-marital live births, were examined. Although the findings in terms of the spreading of low fertility and postponement of births may indicate that SDT drivers are at work in Serbia, those related to non-marital fertility suggest that this process may not be so straightforward, thus highlighting the similarity with the manifestation of SDT indicators in European post-socialist societies. It is unquestionable, however, that the transition between traditional and modern in terms of the reproductive regime in Serbia has its clear spatial dimension and its further research would greatly clarify the mechanisms and tempo of future changes and contribute to defining of adequate measures of population policy.
40
Milošević, Srđan. "THE GHOSTS OF THE PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE: THE CASE OF THE ARMY HEADQUARTERS IN BELGRADE, SERBIA." Journal of Architecture and Urbanism 39, no. 1 (April 14, 2015): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2015.1031448.
Full textAbstract:
When the construction of Dobrović's Army Headquarters in Belgrade, Serbia was finally finished in 1965, at a location continuously designated for the Army, it was thought that it would serve its purpose in a secured future, the socialist one. And it was thought that it would house the leadership of the Army, which was seen as the rightful heir of the most glorious examples of military tradition from the Second World War. With his building Dobrović filled the void left by the WWII, but he also left a true mystery – how to interpret it. Long after the date of inception, in 1960, he offered two clues, the philosophical one – through the Bergson's dynamic schemes and the void as the central dynamizing element of the composition and the symbolically appropriate one – through the story of the Sutjeska canyon. In this way he allowed everyone to find a reading suitable for them. But when the system changed, followed by a decrease in size of both the State and the Army, the question of the dual reading, which functioned so perfectly, suddenly became the cause of conflicts, conflicts of a more profound nature than ever before. Even in these changed circumstances the building performed its function, until the 1999 NATO aggression, when it was, although empty, bombed several times. The history repeated itself and this location once again experienced bombardment which left disturbing ruins, voids and shattered identities, in need of renegotiation. How to interpret a building from a socialist period in a society which is both post-socialist and post-conflict? How to find peace with the ghosts of the past, present and future, which permeate both the location and the building? How to approach different narratives surrounding the physical structure destroyed by war and considered as heritage even before those events, although officially listed only after the ruination and cessation of use. Those are the main subjects of this article.
41
Vladisavljevic, Nebojsa. "Institutional Power and the Rise of Milošević." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 1 (March 2004): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000186160.
Full textAbstract:
The consensus among specialists on the politics of socialist Yugoslavia and supporters of Slobodan Milošević is that he rose personally as the leader due to a broad appeal of his political programme. According to one version of the political programme thesis, Milošević overwhelmed his initially more powerful opponents in the leadership of Serbia in 1987 by obtaining majority support in higher ranks of the party for his nationalist programme, namely the reduction of autonomy of Kosovo. The other version of the thesis says that he extended nationalist appeals to the population at large and established control over party and state organs in the largest republic of federal Yugoslavia largely by bringing pressure from society on the political elite. In any case, Milošević emerged from the leadership struggle as a very powerful leader and was thus able to purge his rivals from the regional leadership and embark upon the implementation of a nationalist programme. The supporters of Milošević have largely agreed with the specialists. Borisav Jović, his right-hand man, claimed, “the removal of bureaucratic leadership of Serbia, which had subserviently accepted the division of Serbia in three parts,” to be one of their main achievements.
42
Alić, Dijana, and Maryam Gusheh. "Reconciling National Narratives in Socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Baščaršija Project, 1948-1953." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 58, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991434.
Full textAbstract:
The emergence of modernism in post-World War II Bosnia was simultaneous with the development of the Yugoslav socialist regime and the desire to redefine the role of religion and ethnicity in the construction of a new national identity. The debate as to the relevance of the Serbian, Croatian, and Muslim national narratives to the broader universalist and secular Yugoslav agenda brought into question the cultural significance of the Bosnian built heritage. How was the existing built fabric to inform the architecture of the revolution? In this context, the work of Juraj Neidhardt, a former employee of Le Corbusier's, is significant since his seminal text, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Toward Modernity (1957), articulates a critical link between the existing built fabric and "modern socialist" architecture. In discussing his work within the broader political context of socialist Bosnia, this paper focuses on an architectural and textual analysis of Neidhardt's proposal to turn Baščaršija, the Ottoman-established urban core of Sarajevo, into a cultural center for socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is argued that the specific urban and architectural strategies Neidhardt employed were reflective of his desire to secularize the Ottoman built fabric and thereby allow a distinctly Bosnian narrative to coexist and contribute to the architecture of the socialist regime.
43
Vacić, Zoran. "Seventy years of the Section for the history of medicine of the Serbian medical society." Srpski medicinski casopis Lekarske komore 1, no. 2 (2020): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/smclk2002149v.
Full textAbstract:
This paper covers the forming of the Serbian Medical Society sections in the period until 1950, as well as the amendments made to the Rules of the Serbian Medical Society in 1919 and 1928. Prior to World War I, the Section for Tuberculosis was formed (1907). In the interwar period, seven specialist sections and one class section (Section of District Doctors for Belgrade, Zemun and Pančevo, 1931) were formed. After World War II, led by the all-pervasive enthusiasm in society of that time and the need for renewing and rebuilding all life segments in socialist Yugoslavia, new sections and regional branches of the Serbian Medical Society were established. The Section for the History of Medicine and Pharmacy was founded as the 16th section of the Serbian Medical Society, in 1950, and, in 1980, its name was changed to - Section for the History of Medicine. The first meeting of the Section was held on March 29, 1950. Professor Vladimir Stanojević, PhD, Medical Corps General, was elected the first President of the Section. The first lecture, delivered by Professor Aleksandar Đ. Kostić (Jedan stogodišnji srpski leksikon), is also described briefly in this paper. During its 70 years of work, the Section has experienced periods of rise and fall in its activity; while there has been formal continuity in its work, activity has been irregular (the regularity of the meetings, the number of communications, etc.), which is why its history can be divided into four periods. The Section achieved its best results in the first (1950-1978) and in its fourth (2009-2020) period. The second period (1978-1993) was characterized by a decrease in activity, while the third (1993-2009) was a period of complete inactivity. The Section had a fruitful publishing activity during the first and the fourth period. It was voted the best section of the Serbian Medical society twice - in 2016 and 2017.
44
ANTIĆ, DEJAN D., and IVAN M. BECIĆ. "THE NIŠ COOPERATIVE: 1921‒1947." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 32 (December 3, 2021): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2021.32.191-205.
Full textAbstract:
Numerous local monetary bureaus owned by shareholders were established in the Kingdom of Serbia in the late nineteenth century. Many of these institutions, such as the Niš Cooperative, not only engaged in banking services but also owned industrial and trade companies. Economic circumstances changed so significantly after World War I that bank managements often were unable to cope with them. The Niš Cooperative was an example of a stable yet not particularly powerful monetary bureau whose reputation depended on the leading members of its Board of Directors. Unlike most other monetary bureaus, the Niš Cooperative continued operating after World War II up until privately-owned monetary bureaus were closed by the socialist Yugoslav government.
45
Frfulanović-Šomođi, Dragana, and Milena Savić. "MODERN MIDDLE AGE IN HIGH FASHION THROUGH THE DESIGN OF ALEKSANDAR JOKSIMOVIĆ." Knowledge International Journal 31, no. 3 (June 5, 2019): 777–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3103777f.
Full textAbstract:
The design of socialist Yugoslavia received a particularly new look through the creation of Aleksandar Joksimović, which gave the new elements a traditional look, equally putting them in rank with world-famous designs of celebrated designers. This paper was created with the idea of emphasizing the importance of the creativity of Joksimović, which is within the framework of socialist norms, as an artist, remained insufficiently recognized, although his work was in the service of exclusive promotion of the cultural aspects of his country. His concept of design based on the medieval cultural tradition emerged from the framework of the then socialist clothes, and it is called grandiose exoticism. The names of the first collections given by the historical figures of medieval Serbian history are a clear indication that it is possible to draw inspiration from the past, if it is professionally approached and adequately, by contemporary trends, the audience and the market. Joksimovic's individualism, apart from design, was also reflected in the way the collection itself was modeled through models and choreographies, and clearly once again showed his step ahead of time, while the social and political circumstances forced him to stay one step behind.
46
Ramet, Sabrina P. "Explaining the Yugoslav meltdown, 2: A Theory about the Causes of the Yugoslav Meltdown: The Serbian National Awakening as a “Revitalization Movement”*." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (December 2004): 765–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296122.
Full textAbstract:
The argument to be presented here is that the Yugoslav meltdown involved three factors or sets of factors: first, the various underlying problems such as economic deterioration, political illegitimacy, and structural factors which drove the system toward crisis; second, the presence and persistence of inter-ethnic resentments deriving from irreconcilable national historical narratives in which Yugoslavia's constituent peoples cast each other as “the Enemy” (usually across the Serb–non-Serb cleavage) and specifically stoked by certain ambitious political figures; and third, the emergence, in Serbia, of a national “revitalization movement” led by Slobodan Milošević, nurturing grandiose territorial fantasies. I shall also argue that understanding the Serb national awakening of the late 1980s as a “revitalization movement” helps to understand the nature of what happened in Serbia, in particular how Serb nationalists could construe their initiatives as responses to some perceived threat coming from outside the community of Serbs, the phases in the development of that movement, and its role in impelling socialist Yugoslavia toward breakup and meltdown.
47
Kušić, Aleksandar. "West(ern urbanism): A part of social fantasy space." SAJ - Serbian Architectural Journal 3, no. 3 (2011): 226–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/saj1103226k.
Full textAbstract:
New Belgrade represents one of the most intensively built and criticized settlements of the socialist Yugoslavia. Its contemporary criticism is shaped, like most of Serbian architectural historiography, by a belief in the clear distinction between selfness and otherness, contemporariness and out-datedness. The question of a contemporary approach is set, within this discourse, as a matter of the ability or will to see clearly the development of the Other, in whose reflection one's own development (through the elimination or acquisition of inner Otherness) can flourish. This paper is dedicated to the exposure of the essential limitation of these distinctions. By pointing to the way that the West and western urbanism were envisioned within three moments of New Belgrade socialist history, this paper tends to point out that these visions are nothing more but parts of a wider Lacanian social fantasy space, i.e. that the realism of their gaze is based on the possibility of a placement within the fantasy space of the current or desired social order.
48
Jovanović Simić, Jelena, and Dragomir Bondžić. "Stevan Ivanić (1884–1948) – prilog za biografiju." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.2.jov.11-37.
Full textAbstract:
Stevan Ivanić was a Serbian physician and head of the Health Services in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. A Socialist in his youth, in 1934 he joined the Zbor movement and promoted right-wing ideological views. He was commissar of social affairs and public health in 1941, and after the war he went into exile, where he died in 1948. The Communist authorities proclaimed him a criminal and traitor. So far, Ivanić’s biography has been available only in short encyclopedia entries. This paper is an attempt to supplement it with data from available archival material, periodicals and published literature and to present a fuller view of his professional and ideological-political activities and positions.
49
Janković, Branimir. "Croatia’s Knowledge Production on Kosovo around 1989." Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2021): 267–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0041.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In socialist Yugoslavia in 1989 the extremely sensitive matter of Kosovo had an ambiguous effect on the League of Communists of Croatia, which was then still caught in the so-called “Croatian silence”. It did however provoke much turbulence in the Croatian media, which made pointed comments on the larger Yugoslav crisis, on the situation in Kosovo, and on the politics of Serbian president Slobodan Milošević. An intense dynamic could be also found in the field of knowledge production which encompassed scholars, historians, and intellectuals. Who produced knowledge about Kosovo? What were their political and intellectual agendas? How did they intervene in the dominant discourses and media coverage, what debates and reactions did they spark? Within the frames of the history of knowledge, the history of books and intellectual history, the author here assesses the works on Kosovo of a number of Croatian and Yugoslav intellectuals, chiefly Darko Hudelist and Branko Horvat.
50
Bandžović, Safet. "Politics and historical revisionism: Flows of relativizaton of collaborationism and normalization of „Ravna Gora antifascism“." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 133–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.133.
Full textAbstract:
At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it". Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests ("red devils"), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this "new anti-fascist" side a desirable "pre-communist ancestor". "authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.