Journal articles: 'Socialism and Zionism'

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Kelemen, Paul. "In the Name of Socialism: Zionism and European Social Democracy in the Inter-War Years." International Review of Social History 41, no. 3 (December 1996): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011404x.

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SummarySince 1917, the European social democratic movement has given fulsome support to Zionism. The article examines the ideological basis on which Zionism and, in particular, Labour Zionism gained, from 1917, the backing of social democratic parties and prominent socialists. It argues that Labour Zionism's appeal to socialists derived from the notion of “positive colonialism”. In the 1930s, as the number of Jewish refugees from Nazi persecution increased considerably, social democratic pro-Zionism also came to be sustained by the fear that the resettlement of Jews in Europe would strengthen anti-Semitism and the extreme right.

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CAPLAN, NEIL. "TALKING ZIONISM, DOING ZIONISM, STUDYING ZIONISM." Historical Journal 44, no. 4 (December 2001): 1083–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002199.

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Zionism and the creation of a new society. By Ben Halpern and Jehuda Reinharz. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998. Pp. 293. ISBN 0-19-509209-0.Land and power: the Zionist resort to force, 1881–1948. By Anita Shapira. Translated by William Templer. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992. Reissued Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999. Pp. x+446. ISBN 0-8047-3776-2.The founding myths of Israel: nationalism, socialism, and the making of the Jewish state. By Zeev Sternhell. Translated by David Maisel. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998. Pp. xv+419. ISBN 0-691-00967-8.

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Mayer, Tom. "Zionism, Imperialism, and Socialism." Monthly Review 65, no. 6 (November 5, 2013): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-065-06-2013-10_5.

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Magid, Shaul. "Post-Zionism, Post-Modernism, and Globalization: A Zionist Critique of Israel as "Start-Up Nation" in the Writings of Eliezer Schweid." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 2 (2023): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a911221.

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Abstract: This article explores the later work of Eliezer Schweid on the questions of Zionism, post-Zionism, globalization, and postmodernity. It argues that Schweid viewed postmodernity as emerging in the post-World War II era where communism and socialism largely collapsed, leaving free-market capitalism as the dominant force in world economies and, by extension, as the template for moral living. This produced, among other things, neoliberalism and globalization that threatened the very core of Zionism as an ideology of collective Jewish self-determination built on a democratic socialist ethos. On Schweid's reading, the neoliberal and globalist (postmodern) developments produce a serious challenge to Zionism. This includes, I argue, the idea of Israel as "Start-Up Nation," which is often championed as the success of contemporary Zionism.

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AVRAHAM, DORON. "RECONSTRUCTING A COLLECTIVE: ZIONISM AND RACE BETWEEN NATIONAL SOCIALISM AND JEWISH RENEWAL." Historical Journal 60, no. 2 (February 7, 2017): 471–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000406.

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AbstractSince the Nazi seizure of power in Germany in 1933, German Zionists initiated a public debate about the racial meaning of Judaism. Drawing on scientific racial, sociological, and anthropological definitions that emerged within Zionism since the late nineteenth century, these Zionists tried to counter Nazi accusations against Jews. However, as the Nazi propaganda against Judaism became widespread, aggressive, and dehumanizing, Zionists responded by traversing the academic outlines of racial categories, and popularized a constructive racial image of Jews, thus hoping to rehabilitate their status and consolidate Jewish identity.

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Bezarov, Oleksandr. "The jewish question in the concept of socialist zionism by Moses Hess." History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 57 (June 30, 2023): 150–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2023.57.150-158.

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The famous German revolutionary activist and publicist of Jewish origin Moses (Moritz) Hess (1812–1875) left a noticeable mark in the history of the formation of the ideology of Zionism, being one of the first to formulate the socialist principles of the future Jewish state.The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the concept of socialist Zionism, which M. Hess substantiated in the 1860s, was several decades ahead of the development of the ideology of Zionism itself, and also at the beginning of the 20th century determined the emergence of the ideas of Jewish socialism, which were reflected in the activities of the relevant revolutionary parties, especially in the Russian Empire (Poalei Zion, Zionist Socialist Workers Party, Socialist Jewish Workers Party, Tseirei Zion and others). Considering the importance of the conceptual ideas of M. Hess in the further development of the ideology of Jewish nationalism and socialism, it is worth analyzing the evolution of the ideas of M. Hess and determining his views on the solution of the Jewish question in the Western European countries of that time.The conclusions state that the emancipation policy applied by Western European states to the Jewish population in the first half of the 19th century, according to Hess, could not solve the Jewish question. Emancipation only created tension in the relations between Jews and non-Jews, because the latter chose the national principle of development. The non-Jewish society of Western Europe generally excluded Jews from its ideology of national culture. Hess rightly noted the contradictions of the policy of emancipation, which was based on the civilization ideas of the Great French Revolution, but was carried out under the condition of the national elevation of the European peoples. However, in the agrarian societies of Eastern Europe, the above-mentioned phenomena did not acquire the character of an open confrontation between Jews and non-Jews due to the weakly developed national factor and the noticeable influence of traditions. It was the last circumstance that inspired Hess in his concept of socialist Zionism. The religious idea of the collective immortality of the Jewish people should soon be embodied in «earthly Jerusalem», that is, in Jewish statehood on the territory of Palestine. However, the future Jewish republic, according to Hess’s ideas, will certainly be socialist, because the traditional society of Jews, especially in Eastern Europe, was socialist, that is, collectivist. The historical significance of Hess’s ideas was that he was one of the first Western European thinkers to warn of the dangers of the policy of emancipation of the Jewish people, which hid the threat of assimilation on the one hand, and racial anti-Semitism on the other hand. In the second half of the 19th century anti-Semitism in the countries of Western Europe became a noticeable factor not only in the development of national movements, but also influenced the ideological and political debate within socialist groups and parties, whose leaders were forced to take into account the national characteristics of the revolutionary struggle for the ideals of social justice. If we evaluate the concept of Hess through the prism of the revolutionary processes in the development of the Jewish people of Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, we can state that his ideas turned out to be a true prophecy, and the creation of the Jewish state in the middle of the same century was a natural result of the complex process of the national revival of the Jewish people.

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Nir, Oded. "Zionism as a Failed Cultural Revolution." Minnesota Review 2023, no. 101 (November 1, 2023): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00265667-10770177.

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This article argues that Mao’s writing on contradiction and cultural revolution allows us to understand Zionism in a unique Marxist perspective, as a failed cultural revolution. The author first presents Mao’s writing on contradictions, and the historical interactions among them, and then elaborates Mao’s understanding of cultural revolution, emphasizing Fredric Jameson’s appropriation of it as the second moment of revolution: the transformation of human practice after the seizure of power. The article argues that Zionism can be understood, first, as a Maoist intervention into a primary political contradiction: the exclusion of Jews from European capitalist society. Once Zionism becomes a hegemonic power, its failure to achieve socialism can be considered a failure of cultural revolution. Such understanding of Zionism makes it possible to see it as part of global predicament: a result of capitalism’s continued existence rather than an arbitrary colonial evil.

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Thomson, Mathew. "‘The Solution to his Own Enigma’: Connecting the Life of Montague David Eder (1865–1936), Socialist, Psychoanalyst, Zionist and Modern Saint." Medical History 55, no. 1 (January 2011): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300006050.

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This article examines the career of pioneer British psychoanalyst David Eder (1865–1936). Credited by Freud as the first practising psychoanalyst in England, active in early British socialism and then a significant figure in Zionism in post-war Palestine, and in between an adventurer in South America, a pioneer in the field of school medicine, and a writer on shell-shock, Eder is a strangely neglected figure in existing historiography. The connections between his interest in medicine, psychoanalysis, socialism and Zionism are also explored. In doing so, this article contributes to our developing understanding of the psychoanalytic culture of early twentieth-century Britain, pointing to its shifting relationship to broader ideology and the practical social and political challenges of the period. The article also reflects on the challenges for both Eder’s contemporaries and his biographers in making sense of such a life.

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Peretz, Don. "ZEEV STERNHELL, The Founding Myths of Israel: Nationalism, Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish State, trans. David Maisel (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997). Pp. 432. $18.95." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 633–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801314071.

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The principal focus of Zeev Sternhell's screed is Labor Zionism, although like other Israeli so-called new historians, he touches on relations with the country's Arabs, tensions between the Ashkenazi elite and Sephardi under-class, the Yishuv and the Holocaust, and attitudes toward and perceptions of Diaspora Jewry. The author, whose professional field has been European history, mainly France and Italy, was motivated to undertake this study by “serious doubts” (p. ix) about the generally accepted ideas sanctioned by Israeli historiography and social science. Using his skills as a professional historian, he probed Zionist and Israeli government archives and reread original texts to compare what he perceived as social and political realities with the ideology guiding policies. Sternhell is critical of traditional Israeli historiography because of the damage it has caused by separating Jewish history from general history. The consequences, he asserts, are “truly appalling” (p. x), resulting in paralysis of any real critical sense and perpetuation of “myths flattering to Israel's collective identity” (p. x). This has led many historians of Zionism “to lock themselves up in an intellectual ghetto” (p. x), leading to ignorance and emotional blindness.

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Eloni, Yehuda. "German Zionism and the rise to power of national socialism." Studies in Zionism 6, no. 2 (September 1985): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531048508575884.

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Goldberg, Chad Allen. "Jewish Radicals: Zionism Confronts the New Left, 1967–1973 A Comparative Look: Afterword." Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (June 1, 2023): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0341.

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In the early nineteenth century, sociologist Viktor Karády argues, there were two main courses of action available for Jews: forward toward emancipation, reform, and assimilation, or backward toward tradition.1 However, by the end of the century, historical developments were sowing serious doubts among the Jews in Europe about the viability of either course of action. These developments included the dire poverty in which large numbers of Jews in Eastern Europe seemed to be intractably mired, concerns about the dilemmas and paradoxes of assimilation in Western Europe, and the rise of an increasingly virulent antisemitism across Europe from the 1870s onward, even in those countries where (as Karády notes) “assimilation had seemed to be proceeding with the greatest success.”2 New Jewish identity strategies and choices proliferated at the turn of the century as Jewish intellectuals began to rethink their previous commitments and proposed a range of new solutions to the Jewish Question. These new options went beyond the simple binary choice of assimilation or tradition; they now included “leftist and revolutionary universalistic utopias (socialism and Communism),” on the one hand, and Jewish nationalism, on the other hand.3 Although orthodox Marxists generally refused to see the Jewish Question as a national question, some Jewish thinkers began to forge creative syntheses of socialism and Jewish nationalism.4 This political project, in which the Marxist-Zionist theoretician and activist Ber Borochov (1881–1917) played an important role, led to the formation of the Marxist-Zionist Poale Zion (Workers of Zion) movement (for which Borochov wrote the 1906 platform) and the socialist Zionist youth movement Hashomer Hatza’ir (Young Guard) in the early decades of the twentieth century. These groups were the ideological and organizational predecessors of Israel’s Mapam (United Workers) Party, founded in 1948. As the articles in this volume demonstrate, this ideological and organizational work remained consequential after World War II, acquiring renewed relevance for later generations of Jews in France, Argentina, the United States, and Israel during the political and social turmoil of the 1960s.

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LEE, MIA. "Nazis in the Middle East: Assessing Links Between Nazism and Islam." Contemporary European History 27, no. 1 (September 29, 2016): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000333.

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Since the early-2000s there has been an increasing amount of research on connections between the Nazi regime and the Arab world largely spurred by scholars of Germany. One of the key contributions of this scholarship has been the argument that historic links between National Socialism and Islam, in particular the connection between National Socialist racial ideology and contemporary anti-Semitism in the Middle East, persisted into the post-war period and crucially shaped Middle Eastern politics and policies. This approach is represented in this review in the studies by Matthias Küntzel, Jeffrey Herf, Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Martin Cüppers and Barry Rubin and Wolfgang Schwanitz, who all – in various ways – suggest that there is a direct line of continuity between National Socialism, the Muslim Brotherhood and the rise of al-Qaeda. By calling attention to the role of National Socialism, these studies challenge what has hitherto been the dominant historiography of the modern Middle East, which contextualises the rise of anti-Semitism in the region within a broader analysis of Arab nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism. The debate on the importance of National Socialism in the Arab world continues to develop. Recent books by historians David Motadel and Stefan Ihrig return the focus from the Middle East to Nazi policy in the region allowing them to place the Nazi regime within a longer history of Western misapprehensions of the ‘Muslim’ world. Placing these two approaches side by side allows us to evaluate the historical evidence of collaboration between Nazism and radical Islam and thereby assess the extent to which Nazi racial ideology penetrated the Arab world.

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Maor, Zohar. "Stateless Zionism: Old traditions, new ideologies." Review of Nationalities 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 53–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2018-0004.

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Abstract This essay aims at exploring Zionist currents that resisted the establishment of a Jewish nation-state, their non-statist vision of Zionism and its roots in Jewish conditions and political traditions, as well as in European anti-statist ideologies and national patterns. First, the non-Zionist diaspora nationalism of Simon Dubnow will be examined, as an important point of reference of non-statist Zionisms; then, the reservations of Ahad Ha’am, founder of “spiritual Zionism”, from the vision of a nation-state and the Marxian anti-statism of Ber Borochov and his socialist followers will be observed. Thereafter, the anarchism of Martin Buber and his followers in the binational factions “Brit Shalom and Ihud” will be discussed; here anti-statism is manifestly theological. Lastly, the current manifestations of non-statist Jewish nationalism will be succinctly explored, focusing on two religious-Zionist rabbis, the late Menachem Fruman and Shimon Gershon Rosenberg, and the American historian David N. Myers.

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Zelenina, Galina. "“Abhorrent Zionism, Israel are not the Solution”: Dialectics of the Soviet and the National in Ego-Documents of the 1970s–80s." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2023): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024207-5.

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Drawing on late-Soviet Jewish ego-documents: memoirs, diaries and letters, primarily on a corpus of (auto)biographical essays on the life of a Leningrad journalist, the author explores her protagonists' obsessive reflections on anti-Semitism and Zionism, evoked by the acute dissonance between their sincerely internalised communist ideology of internationalism and the widespread practice of anti-Semitism, as well as between Soviet patriotism and Jewish memory, Jewish solidarity and the temptation of emigration to Israel. The study of “ordinary” people’s ego-documents not intended for publication enables one to penetrate into their inner world and to extrapolate the obtained observations onto Soviet Jewish majority; in addition, it allows to explain the position of prominent Soviet authors of Jewish origin, such as playwright and publicist Tsezar Solodar, poet and editor-in-chief of Sovetisch Heymland Aron Vergelis, author of critical popular books on Judaism Moisei Belenkii, and others, who stigmatised Judaism and Zionism. Ego-documents allow for tracing not only Soviet, but also Jewish origins of late-Soviet anti-Zionism, which went back to the position of the poor strata of shtetl society, who, while leaning towards socialism, associated Zionism with the hostile bourgeoisie. The paper partly polemicises, partly complements the existing historiography on late Soviet Jewish identity, which is based mainly on post-Soviet interviews or the émigrés’ experience and therefore tends to simplify the picture, reducing the diversity of identities, attitudes and behaviours to two binaries, either to “thin culture”/“symbolic ethnicity”, or to hidden emigration aspirations presented as natural and self-evident.

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Waldinger, Albert. "Ashen Hearts and Astral Zones: Bashevis Singer in Yiddish and English Preparations." Meta 47, no. 4 (August 30, 2004): 461–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008031ar.

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Abstract This article interprets the career of the Yiddish writer Isaac Bashevis Singer, winner of the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1978, in English translation. Involved is an understanding of the emotional and linguistic impact of the Haskala or “Jewish Enlightenment” on Polish Jewisk life as well as of the other ideologies confronting Jewry—Socialism, Zionism and Hassidic Return, for example. Involved also is a just evaluation of the linguistic achievements of Singer’s translators, especially Jacob Sloan, Cecil Hemley, Elaine Gottlieb, Saul Bellow and Isaac Rosenfeld, all of whom have a creative identity with a thematic and stylistic influence on translation quality. An attempt is likewise made to demonstrate Singer’s transcendence of his rabbinical past and of his refuge in the United States.

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Schulman, Sebastian Z. "Louis Miller and Di Warheit (The Truth): Yiddishism, Zionism and socialism in New York, 1905–1915." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 14, no. 2 (February 6, 2015): 342–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2015.1010335.

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Frank, Jeannine (Levana). "Classic Socialist Zionism and the Emergence of Radical Socialist Zionism in France in the 1960s." Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (June 1, 2023): 223–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0223.

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The awakening of Jewish identity that followed the 1967 war and the student rebellion of May 1968 brought on a major metamorphosis in the socialist Zionist Left in France. Left-wing Zionist groups at this time found themselves facing off not only against the traditional Marxist Left, with its at best ambiguous and at worst hostile attitude to Jewish nationalism, but also against a stridently anti-Zionist New Left. The result was the emergence of a new revolutionary Zionist Left that grew out of the politicization and radicalization of the younger generation during the struggle against the colonial wars in Algeria and Vietnam. Its principal agents were two members of Israel’s Marxist-Zionist Mapam party, Simha Flapan and Ely Ben-Gal, who were dispatched to Paris. Their and the party’s impact on Zionism in France at this critical juncture in the history of the New Left has long been underestimated.

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Berezhanskaya, Irina Yu. "ARCHIVAL CRIMINAL CASES AS A SOURCE ON THE HISTORY OF THE ZIONIST MOVEMENT IN RUSSIA IN THE 1920S." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2021): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-4-132-141.

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Before Perestroika, the topic of Zionism in this country was negative. Only in the 1990s – early 2000s, there began to appear the works aimed at an objective study of Zionism in general, and in Russia, in particular. To objectively examine some aspects of the Zionist movement activities, the article analyzes archival criminal cases as a source on its history. Those cases were initiated by the Soviet security agencies when carrying out arrests of the movement activists. In most cases, the documents and archives of the Zionist organizations and parties were attached to these materials. All of them represent a unique historical source, access to which has been closed to researchers for a considerable time. These materials make it possible to trace the work of the Zionist movements during their particularly stressful years, when the Cheka–GPU–OGPU organs persecuted them alongside other counter-revolutionary parties. Historical and comparative historical methods were used as the main ones. These documents’ publication, promulgation and analysis will make it possible to replenish the source base on the socialist Zionism history in this country, to give an objective assessment of the events that have taken place, to present the previously unknown facts – all of which are currently acquiring special relevance.

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Husam kassyai Hussein. "" The origins of the neo-conservative political thought between Straussie and Trotskyism and its implications for the Arab region"." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 29 (September 30, 2022): 96–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/tjfps.v3i29.155.

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The origins of the political thought of the neo-conservative movement stem from non-American European references, and non-Christian Jewish theological beliefs, especially the ideas of Leo Strauss, the German Jewish thinker, and Leo Trotsky, the Russian Jewish thinker who formulated the idea of the neo-conservative movement with this conclusion that drew its horizons to the world, especially the Middle East from In order to achieve the greatness of the American Empire, its hegemony and its sovereignty over the whole world, and because the theological references of the movement are of Jewish fundamentalism (Strauss and Trotsky), this opened the door of ideological affiliation to the movement in front of the Jews of America and Europe. And then, in a geopolitical way, it affected the Middle East, where securing the existence of (the Zionist entity) / “the State of Israel” required that intervention in the affairs of the countries of the Arab region as neighbors of the Zionist entity, and demanded a just solution to the Palestinian issue, and this influence is one of the most prominent pillars and foundations of the political thought of the neo-conservative movement In the USA and the world. It seems that the influence of the revolutionary Trotskyite philosophy is more evident in neo-conservative thought than the influence of Straussian philosophy, although this reference was not explicitly declared in the literature of American political thought or political thought critical of neo-conservative thought, which is what we perceive in this study as new, especially if We looked at the origins of the Zionist movement in its infancy with "Leo Pinsker", "Theodor Herzl", "Vladimir-Raif Jabotinsky" who write down the most socialist whose heirs from the Zionists benefited from the exploitation and employment of Trotsky's socialist ideas to a greater extent than Strauss, and they presented the socialist system over the liberal in formulating the idea Zionism

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Brown, Benjamin. "Jewish Political Theology: The Doctrine ofDaʿat Torahas a Case Study." Harvard Theological Review 107, no. 3 (July 2014): 255–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816014000285.

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A number of political theologies have emerged within modern Judaism, primarily as a reaction to the rise of Zionism but also, and to a lesser degree, to that of socialism, pacifism, and other ideological movements. Among the characteristics they shared are a “father”—i.e., an individual who fleshed out their tenets in more or less systematic fashion—and an attempt to deal with the nature and governance of a future Jewish state. The majority of these theologies failed to achieve significant influence in the wider public arena. Notably, however, there is one modern Jewish political theology that evolved by means of a different process, one that was gradual and decidedly unsystematic. It also lacks a single founder or figurehead, even though, like its counterparts, it developed and sought to remain within a particular social faction where it has long exercised significant influence and continues to do so to this day. I am referring to the doctrine ofDaʿat Torah(literally “the Torah view,” “the opinion of the Torah,” “the knowledge of the Torah,” or “the Torah mind”), which arose in the first half of the twentieth century in Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) circles. It can be summarized in a single sentence: The great religious authorities hold the power to issue rulings not only in their specific areas of expertise but in all areas of life, including the political realm.

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Khalidi, Muhammad Ali. "Zionist Socialism." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 2 (January 1, 2000): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676547.

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Elmaliach, Tal, and Danny Gutwein. "Ben-Gurion's Attack on Mapam, 1953: Ideology as Politics." IYUNIM Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 37 (July 15, 2022): 9–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-37a131.

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In January-April 1953, under the pen name ‘Saba Shel Yariv’ (Yariv’s grandfather), Ben-Gurion published a series of articles in the newspaper Davar titled ‘On Communism and Zionism in Hashomer Hatzair.’ The series launched a fiercely disparaging attack on the leadership of the Mapam party, Hakibbutz Haartzi and Hashomer Hatzair youth movement owing to their docile support of the Soviet Union. Current research considers BG’s articles in the series as an ideological and educational move in his struggle with Mapam over the hearts and minds of Israel’s elite youth. However, this view is disputable since it fails to take into account the political and ideological weakness Mapam demonstrated in its near-blind support for the Soviet Block. Our contention is rather that Ben-Gurion’s main political concern at the time was not left-wing Mapam but the rise of the right-wing Zionim Klalyim (General Zionists) party which had channeled public dissatisfaction with Mapai and the ‘Bolshevik’ policies of the Histadrut. Hence, Ben-Gurion lashed out at Mapam in order to portray Mapai under his leadership as a bulwark against Communism and Stalinism and the only bridge between Israel and the West. Likewise, Ben-Gurion used the series to take on the influential Me’orer circle of Mapai which was challenging his socioeconomic policies from a socialist pioneering point of view.

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Braverman, Mark. "Theology in the Shadow of the Holocaust: Revisiting Bonhoeffer and the Jews." Theology Today 79, no. 2 (June 17, 2022): 146–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00405736221084735.

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The scholarship on Dietrich Bonhoeffer and the Jews has focused on two questions: (1) To what extent did the persecution of the Jews drive Bonhoeffer's actions with respect to the Third Reich, and (2) Did Bonhoeffer's theology of Judaism and the Jewish people undergo a change as a result of the Nazi program of persecution and extermination? The work ranges from writers who reject the hagiography of a Bonhoeffer who for the sake of the Jews joined the resistance and paid the ultimate price, to those who argue that the persecution of the Jews was key in the development of Bonhoeffer's theology and his resistance to National Socialism. Bonhoeffer biographer Eberhard Bethge figured large in this second group; Bethge's work in this area coincided with his involvement in Christian post-Holocaust theology, an expression of the intensely philojudaic theology that emerged in the West following World War II. Driven by the desire to atone for millennia of anti-Jewish doctrine and action, post-Holocaust theology has exerted a strong influence on Bonhoeffer scholarship. The argument of this article is that the postwar focus on Christian anti-Judaism has led the church away from confronting the exceptionalism that persists in Christian identity and teaching. In its penitential zeal, the postwar project to renounce church anti-Judaism has instead replaced it with a Judeo-Christian triumphalism and a theological embrace of political Zionism that betray fundamental gospel principles. These run counter to the passionate opposition to the merger of hyper-nationalism and religion that informs Bonhoeffer's radical, humanistic Christology. Fashioning Bonhoeffer as a martyr for the Jews and as a forerunner of post-Holocaust theology does damage to the legacy of his theology and distorts the lessons of his life and witness. This carries implications for the role of the church in confronting the urgent issues of our time.

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Burns, Rhona. "The Centrality of Class Imagination in Early Jewish Nationalism." Iyunim - Multidisiplinary Studies in Israel and Modern Jewish Society 40 (July 1, 2024): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-40a164.

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This article examines the centrality of ideas of class and status in the formative years of Jewish nationalism. Based on a close reading of a variety of sources, the article illuminates the dominance of these ideas and provides a new conceptual framework for understanding the roots of the Jewish national idea in general and of proto-Zionist and early Zionist ideas in particular. In the first decades of the era of modern Jewish nationalism, national longings were often expressed as class aspirations. These two types of discourse were intertwined and mutually nurturing, often making it difficult to distinguish between them. The underpinnings of the class-nationalist discourse of the period were bourgeois-liberal and even bourgeois-conservative aspirations, and therefore these elements are presented in the article as key to understanding the formation of the modern Jewish national idea. Although the influence of social-class discourse on the shaping of early Jewish nationalism has been discussed in the literature, it has usually been presented as background, rather than as a key component in the emergence of the national idea. Unlike other studies that have focused on the question of class within Jewish nationalism by investigating the role of socialist ideology and party perspectives or which have explored the subject in a specific context, this article investigates the link between Jewish nationalism and class ideas on a broader scale—as a definitive element in proto-Zionist and early Zionist thought. Finally, the article highlights the transition from the language of class, which characterized the first decades of modern Jewish nationalism, to the language of vitalist nationalism, which became dominant during the classical period of Zionism.

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Nevin, Bruce. "Zellig Harris: from American linguistics to socialist Zionism." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 12, no. 3 (November 2013): 591–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2013.864533.

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Vastenhout, Laurien. "Léon Blum: Prime Minister, Socialist, Zionist." French History 29, no. 4 (October 24, 2015): 587–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crv073.

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Greenstein, Ran. "Class, Nation, and Political Organization: The Anti-Zionist Left in Israel/Palestine." International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909000076.

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AbstractThe paper discusses historical lessons offered by the experience of two leftwing movements, the pre-1948 Palestinian Communist Party, and the post-1948 Israeli Socialist Organization (Matzpen). The focus of discussion is the relationship between class and nation as principles of organization.The Palestinian Communist Party was shaped by forces that shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: British rule, Zionist ideology and settlement practices, and Arab nationalism. At intensified conflict periods it was torn apart by the pressures of competing nationalisms. By the end of the period, its factions agreed on one principle: the need to treat members of both national groups equally, whether as individuals or as groups entitled to self-determination. This position was rejected by both national movements as incompatible with their quest for control.In the post-1948 period, Matzpen epitomized the radical critique of Zionism. It was the clearest voice speaking against the 1967 occupation and for restoration of Palestinian rights. However, it never moved beyond the political margins, and its organization failed to provide members with a sustainable mode of activism. It was replaced by a new mode, mobilizing people around specific issues instead of presenting an overall program.The paper concludes with suggestions on how the Left may use these lessons to develop a strategy to focus on the quest for social justice and human rights.

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Manor, Udi. "Socialists in name only? Socialist–Zionist wartime progressivism." Israel Affairs 25, no. 2 (March 4, 2019): 318–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2019.1577044.

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Volkov, Shulamit. "Pierre Birnbaum. Léon Blum: Prime Minister, Socialist, Zionist." American Historical Review 122, no. 2 (March 30, 2017): 590–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.2.590.

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Joseph, John E. "Zellig Harris: From American Linguistics to Socialist Zionism. By Robert F." European Legacy 18, no. 4 (July 2013): 512–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2013.791442.

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Lerner, Saul. "Leon Blum: Prime Minister, Socialist, Zionist by Pierre Birnbaum." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 34, no. 2 (2016): 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2016.0005.

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Levy, Mordechai. "The Demise of the Left Parties in Israel: From Party Identification to a Negative Partisanship." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (October 10, 2023): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2023.28.3.5.

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The left parties are the oldest political institutions in Israel. They were founded before the establishment of the State and were the dominant political force in its first decades. However, since the 1990s, there has been a consistent decline in their power, to the point where, in the last Knesset elections held in 2022, the left parties barely passed the threshold. This article explains the decline of the left parties and attempts to answer where the voters went. A combination of several local and global events that occurred in recent years caused the left parties to distance themselves from the narrative of Zionist Socialism characterizing them and to adopt a new narrative, which less inspires identification of Jewish voters. The article’s main argument is that the voters did not disappear but only changed their political behavior from a state of party identification and voting for the left parties to a state of political opposition and voting against the rightist parties. To illustrate the pattern of behavior, voting data for the Knesset in two communities with different demographic characteristics are presented: Kibbutz Mizra, a socialist commune identified with left voters, and Beit-Shean, a town that is a stronghold of rightist voters. The conclusion is that the way for the left parties to return to dominance is through reintegrating the Jewish identity with the values of justice and equality.

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Hecht, Dieter J. "Religiöse Zionistinnen. Die Europäische Misrachi-Frauenorganisation 1929-1939." Aschkenas 29, no. 1 (June 4, 2019): 211–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch-2019-0014.

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Abstract When Bessie Gotsfeld (1888-1962) founded the »Mizrachi Womenʼs Organization of America« (aka AMIT) in 1925, religious Zionist women in Europe also started to organize their work in several European countries. In 1928, Meir Berlin (later Meir Bar-Ilan), one of the leading rabbis of the Mizrachi movement, met in Vienna with Anitta Müller-Cohen (1890-1962), a prominent Zionist woman activist. After that meeting, Müller-Cohen joined the ranks of the Mizrachi movement and started to build up a »European League of Mizrachi Women«. Besides Germany, there were important local associations in Belgium, Great Britain and the Netherlands. The ambitious project of the European Mizrachi women caused a conflict with the WIZO, the biggest and most important organization of Jewish women, that escalated at the VIth World Congress of Zionist Women in Basel in 1931. The rise to power of National Socialism in Germany in 1933, challenged the developing Mizrachi Women’s League beyond their means and finally led to their destruction during the Shoah. In this paper, I trace the network of Jewish women who engaged with the Mizrachi Women’s League, and analyse their personal commitment. Additionally, the paper focuses on the different ideological backgrounds of Mizrachi women at a local and international level. Hence, the conflict between different Zionist women’s organisations, i. e. Mizrachi versus WIZO, gains center stage.

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Levinger, Esther. "Socialist-Zionist Ideology in Israeli War Memorials of the 1950s." Journal of Contemporary History 28, no. 4 (October 1993): 715–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949302800408.

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Khalidi, Muhammad Ali. "Zionist Socialism: The Founding Myths of Israel: Nationalism, Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish State . Zeev Sternhell." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 2 (January 2000): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2000.29.2.02p0041r.

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Hanieh, Adam. "From State-led Growth to Globalization: the Evolution of Israeli Capitalism." Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 4 (2003): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2003.32.4.5.

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This article examines the development of the Israeli capitalist class and the role played by the state apparatus in that development. In contrast to analyses claiming that Israel was a "socialist-type" economy prior to the mid-1980s, it argues that the Labor Zionist movement fostered the emergence of an indigenous capitalist class by encouraging the growth of private capital through key conglomerates initially tied to the state. Following the 1985 Economic Stabilization Plan, these conglomerates were placed in private hands linked with large foreign capital. Israel's recent incorporation into the global economy has undermined the traditional sustaining elements of the Zionist project, producing a crisis of legitimacy in the state. It also has important ramifications for the future of Israeli-Palestinian relations.

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WENDEHORST, STEPHAN E. C. "Between Promised Land and Land of Promise: The Radical Socialist Zionism ofHashomer Hatzair." Jewish Culture and History 2, no. 1 (August 1999): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462169x.1999.10511921.

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Balthaser, Benjamin. "Exceptional Whites, Bad Jews: Racial Subjectivity, Anti-Zionism, and the Jewish New Left." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 2 (2023): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a911218.

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Abstract: It is often assumed that the 1967 Arab-Israeli War led to the "wholesale conversion of the Jews to Zionism," as Norman Podhoretz famously phrased it. This "conversion" is equally, if often less explicitly, said to coincide with the end of the era of Jewish marginality in the U.S. and West more broadly, as Jews of European descent were half-included, half-conscripted, into normative structures of whiteness, class ascension, and citizenship. While this epochal shift in Jewish racial formation and political allegiance is undeniable especially in the context of large Jewish secular and religious institutions, at the time this "conversion" was seen as anything but inevitable. Many Jewish liberals, including Irving Howe, Seymour Lipset, and Nathan Glazer, and reactionaries such as Meir Kahane, saw Jewish overrepresentation and hypervisibility in New Left organizations such as Students for a Democratic Society, the Youth International Party, and the Socialist Workers Party as a sign that Jewish youth rejected Zionism as well as the Jewish rise into the middle class. That retrospectively we see Jewish racial formation and political alignment after 1967 as a fait accompli often relies on the erasure not only of mass Jewish participation in the New Left, but also the erasure of the New Left's anti-imperialist political commitments, including critique of expansive Israeli militarism and the settler colonial assumptions underlying Zionism. Looking at memoirs, pamphlets, histories, and original interviews with Jewish participants in the New Left, this article excavates the political alignments of Jewish New Left activists, exploring opposition to the U.S.'s new support of the Israeli state as well as the changing Ashkenazi Jewish racial assignment. Rather than finding Third World and Black Power critiques of Israel antisemitic, it was precisely the Jewish New Left's politics of international and multiracial solidarity that encouraged their support for Black Power critiques of Zionism. In this way, Jewish members of the New Left also attempted to critically challenge their own whiteness, aligning support for Israel after 1967 with support for the racial and economic structures of militarism and capitalism at home.

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Rosler, Andrés. "It Had to Be You: Carl Schmitt on Exclusion and Political Reasoning." Philosophies 9, no. 2 (April 10, 2024): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies9020048.

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In this paper, I would like to tackle first Schmitt’s defence of the role of exclusion in political reasoning and his attendant rejection of extreme political pluralism. I shall then move on to explain not only why there is nothing Nazi—or even antisemitic—about Schmitt’s concept of the political, but rather the other way around: Schmitt’s concept of the political not only must have been used against National Socialism but it did not fail to have his fair share of Jewish, or at the very least Zionist, enthusiasts.

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40

Parker, J. S. F. "Berl: the biography of a socialist Zionist: Berl Katznelson 1887–1944." International Affairs 61, no. 4 (1985): 712–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2617759.

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Cohen, Stuart A., and Anita Shapira. "Berl: The Biography of a Socialist Zionist; Berl Katznelson, 1887-1944." American Historical Review 90, no. 5 (December 1985): 1247. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1859788.

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Chazan, Meir. "Culture in the Histadrut, 1930-1945." Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 34 (December 1, 2020): 61–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a103.

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The Yishuv in Mandatory Palestine was dominated by the Hebrew national culture. Culture was an important and sometimes definitive element in securing the dominance of the Zionist Labor Movement during the Mandate era. The construction and shaping of a new Hebrew culture was a central principle in the movement’s creedal, political, and educational approach. The General Federation of Jewish Labor in Palestine, known as the Histadrut, which was the main institutional player in the shaping of cultural endeavor in Yishuv society, hewed to the spirit of the Socialist Zionist worldview. During this period, the Histadrut emerged as the most progressive, authentic and current cultural agent working to shape the Jewish-Zionist atmosphere and every-day life in Palestine. In the 1930s, the leading figure in the Histadrut’s cultural endeavor was Jacob Sandbank, who operated as part of the Cultural Center established in 1935. According to Sandbank, culture, in the sense of kultura, cannot be ‘manufactured’. Instead, he claimed that it materializes in various spheres of life, and its vital and spiritual elements come about inadvertently – without prior intent, without setting goals, and without dictating things ab initio.

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Kozłowska, Magdalena. "How to Become a Young Jewish Socialist Martyr in Interwar Poland: The Tsukunft Youth Movement and Its Politics of Memory." European Journal of Jewish Studies 15, no. 1 (November 19, 2020): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-11411100.

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Abstract There is no doubt that “new Jewish politics” flourished in interwar Poland. Youth movements played a very important part in that phenomenon. All of them were attuned to the Zeitgeist of the time, being convinced that Jews needed to be transformed in order to create a better future. Tsukunft, the youth movement associated with the Bund, was not unique in this regard. However, it offered a vision of the new man and woman which was slightly different than its Zionist counterparts. This paper focuses on the politics of memory of this Jewish socialist movement. Furthermore, the article illustrates that the Tsukunfist lexicon of myths was drawn not from Jewish cultural tradition but from an already developed socialist tradition of iconography and ideological education.

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Henry, Robert Austin. "Global Palestine: International Solidarity and the Cuban Connection." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 18, no. 2 (November 2019): 239–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2019.0217.

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Since the Left turn of the late 1990s, most Latin American and Caribbean nations have come to support the Palestinian struggle for statehood and the right of return, opposing Israel's and its allies’ severe repression of them. This study explains the singular historic exception — Cuba's 70-year-long solidarity with Palestine — through the theoretical lenses of race, class and colonialism. It first reviews the transformation of Cuba's constrained solidarity with Palestine in the pre-revolution post-war years to comprehensive internationalism from Socialist Cuba. Then, analysing Zionism and its Latin American advocates from partition in 1947, we assess Cuba's break with Israel in 1973, alongside US-based Israeli and Cuban expat hostilities.

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Tamar S. Hess. "Henya Pekelman: An Injured Witness of Socialist Zionist Settlement in Mandatory Palestine." WSQ: Women's Studies Quarterly 36, no. 1-2 (2008): 208–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wsq.0.0000.

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Bethke, Svenja. "How to dress up in Eretz Israel, 1880s–1948: A visual approach to clothing, fashion and nation building." International Journal of Fashion Studies 6, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/infs_00006_1.

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This article provides a methodological approach to the integration of Zionist photographs into research on the pre-state Jewish community in Eretz Israel from the end of the nineteenth century until the foundation of the Jewish state in 1948. By focusing on dress, and drawing on visual culture and fashion studies, the article highlights the role of the individual in nation building and foregrounds the influence of various migrant groups in the emergence of a national project. While scholarship has largely ignored the role of dress, and especially male dress, in pre-state settings, the article takes the example of Eretz Israel to show how examining dress in Zionist photographs sheds light on the experimental and transnational character in search of a new Hebrew culture. By examining three photographs of socialist Zionist groups of the second Aliyah, the article shows how male Zionist settlers integrated transnational dressing habits and fantasies about their imagined homeland. They created a new way of dressing as an expression of political agendas that were interconnected with the reinvention of a new image of the male Jew. Looking beyond the case study of Eretz Israel, the article stresses the broader relevance of dress in the negotiations and power struggles at the micro level of a pre-state community and the emergence of national clothing ideals. It concludes by outlining ways of refining the methodological approach, and suggesting future research avenues at the intersection of fashion studies and nation building by shifting the focus towards case studies prior to the existence of national fashion systems.

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Rose, John. "Liberating Jewish History from its Zionist Stranglehold: Rediscovering Abram Leon." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 1 (May 2006): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2006.0010.

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Abram Leon (1918–1944), the Jewish revolutionary socialist who perished in Auschwitz, is best known for his manuscript, The Jewish Question, written during the Second World War and published posthumously. Leon analysed the Jewish trading role in medieval Europe. He developed Karl Marx's argument that it is economics rather than religion that has sustained Jewish history between antiquity and modernity. The essay demonstrates how recent Jewish scholarship has confi rmed Leon's approach – even though Leon himself is often ignored. The essay uses the historical evidence to throw new light on that lachrymose Zionist perspective on Jewish history in Europe that sees – in the words of Theodor Herzl (1860–1904) – only ‘Eighteen Centuries of Jewish Suffering’.

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Szamet, Miriam. "Before the “War of Languages”: Locals, Immigrants and Philanthropists at the Hilfsverein’s Teachers’ Seminar in Jerusalem 1907–1910." Naharaim 12, no. 1-2 (December 19, 2018): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/naha-2018-0009.

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Abstract Established in Jerusalem by the Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden, the first Teacher Training Seminar is a fascinating case study of the rapid change within the Jewish communities in late Ottoman Palestine. This essay focuses on the 1907 conflict between the Seminar’s management and its Eastern-European students concerning training and teaching in the modern Hebrew, a development which would later nourish the so-called “War of Languages” in 1913. These conflicts reflected the gap between immigrants who had fled anti-Semitic riots in Eastern Europe and witnessed Socialist revolutions, and the experiences of Jerusalem-born students familiar with the activity of philanthropic Jewish organizations within the local children’s education system. The chasm between the nationalist educational goals of the Hebrew yishuv and the Hilfsverein’s aims of modernization and professionalization led to mutual radicalization and the establishment of a separate Zionist education system by Zionist Organisations. The staunch position in favor of teaching in Hebrew expressed the Hebrew and secular national consciousness of the immigrant student, and was evidence of their professional pedagogical goals.

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Schnell, Izhak. "Nature and Environment in the Socialist-Zionist Pioneers' Perceptions: a Sense of Desolation." Ecumene 4, no. 1 (January 1997): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147447409700400105.

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Łapot, Mirosław. "Development of the Education of Galician Jews at the Turn of the 19th and 20th Centuries as Exemplified by the City of Lviv." Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia 18 (2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843925sj.20.001.13869.

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In 19th and the beginning of 20th century Galician Jews left step by step the isolated world of traditional culture for the opened worldwide culture. At the start of this way, they knew only one path of life, based on many centuries of tradition, but, at the end, it provided many paths to self-realization. Some of them were still devoted, other secular, some of them felt Jews, others felt Poles of Mosaic faith or Germans of Mosaic faith, some were involved in the Zionist movement, others in socialism. Many of them considered Galicia to be their own little Motherland and manifested the features of local patriotism. It was possible thanks to the modernization of their lifestyle, and public education turned out to be one of the most important factor in this process.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Socialism and Zionism'

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