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Journal articles on the topic 'Socialism; 1950s'
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1
Pula, Besnik. "Socialism Betrayed? Economists, Neoliberalism, and History in the Undoing of Market Socialism." Historical Materialism 23, no. 4 (November 27, 2015): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341426.
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Through an historical analysis of the transnational practices of economists during the Cold War, Johanna Bockman rejects the narrative that the revolutions of 1989 represented the victory of ‘Western economics’, and especially neoliberalism, over ‘East-European socialism’. Rather, Bockman shows that the space of exchange, as well as policy experimentation in socialist states such as Yugoslavia and Hungary, led to the articulation of alternative, decentralised, ‘market socialisms’ from the 1950s up until the 1980s. Instead of operating within separate and incommensurable paradigms of ‘capitalist’ and ‘socialist’ economics, Bockman shows how neoclassical theory and its long tradition of comparing distinct economic systems became the centralepistemeallowing for the transnational exchange of ideas between economists of both the East and the West. This review-essay evaluates the book’s central claims but argues that the book stands on weaker ground when arguing that a reformed socialism was a viable option in Eastern Europe after 1989.
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Cheng, Ter-Hsing. "Between Sinology and Socialism: Collective Memory of Czech Sinologists in the 1950s." Mongolian Journal of International Affairs 19 (February 7, 2015): 116–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v19i0.409.
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This paper intends to explore the collective memory of Czech sinologists in the 1950s based on the political zone between sinology and socialism. Czech sinological development in the 1950s was grounded on the personal factor of Prusek and the socialist transformation of new China. Socialist China offers two possibilities for the development of sinology, the first for friendly relations among socialist countries, including overseas students, and the second for studies of contemporary Chinese literature. The developmental framework of Czech sinology in the 1950s, or the social framework of collective memory for the Czech sinologists should be understood in the region under the mutual penetration of sinology and socialist China. This paper, firstly, discusses the background framework of constructing the Czech sinologists in the 1950s— the link between new China and the other socialist countries, and the relation between Prusek and socialist China. Secondly, this paper will analyze Czech sinological experiences in the 1950s through Halbwachs’ theory of collective memory.Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Vol.19 2014: 116-133
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Bockman, Johanna. "Democratic Socialism in Chile and Peru: Revisiting the “Chicago Boys” as the Origin of Neoliberalism." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 3 (June 28, 2019): 654–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000239.
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AbstractIn the 1950s and 1960s, the U.S. government paid the economics department at the University of Chicago, known for its advocacy of free markets and monetarism, to train Chilean graduate students. These students became known as the “Chicago Boys,” who implemented the first and most famous neoliberal experiment in Chile after 1973. Peruvian, Mexican, and other Latin American economics students followed a similar path and advocated a turn to neoliberal policies in their own countries. The Chicago Boys narrative has become an origin story for global neoliberalism. However, the focus on this narrative has obscured other transnational networks whose ideas possess certain superficial, but misleading, similarities with neoliberalism. I examine Chilean and Peruvian engagements with Yugoslavia's unique form of socialism, its worker self-management socialism, which was part of a worldwide discussion of anti-authoritarian socialism. I first introduce the Yugoslav socialist model that inspired those in Chile and Peru. I then examine socialist discussions in Chile and Peru that called for decentralized, democratic socialism and looked to Yugoslavia for advice. I conclude by examining the 1990s postponement of socialism in the name of a very narrow democracy and realization of neoliberalism. The Chicago Boys story assumes the easy global victory of neoliberalism and erases what was at stake in the 1988–1994 period: radically democratic socialism on a global scale.
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Popov, A. A. "Comecon as the «Core» of Alternative Globalization." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 3 (June 27, 2021): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-3-78-3-114.
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Estrin, Saul. "Yugoslavia: The Case of Self-Managing Market Socialism." Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 187–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.187.
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For many years the Yugoslav economic system appeared to offer a middle way between capitalism and Soviet central planning. The Yugoslavs' brand of market socialism placed reliance on markets to guide both domestic and international production and exchange, with the socialist element coming from the “social ownership” and workers' self-management of enterprises. The system seemed successful until the late 1970s. However, in recent years, many of the problems besetting other socialist economies like Poland and Hungary—like stagnation, international debt, enterprise inefficiency, and inflation—have emerged to bring the whole experiment into question. Reforms paralleling those elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe are now on the agenda. This paper will first describe how the Yugoslav economy has been distinguished from those of its socialist neighbors. The following sections will describe the economic record of Yugoslavia since the 1950s and the lessons to be drawn from the long-standing Yugoslav experiment.
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Petrie, Malcolm. "ANTI-SOCIALISM, LIBERALISM AND INDIVIDUALISM: RETHINKING THE REALIGNMENT OF SCOTTISH POLITICS, 1945–1970." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 28 (November 2, 2018): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440118000105.
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ABSTRACTThis paper presents an alternative interpretation of Scottish politics between 1945 and 1970, a period that witnessed the decline of a once-powerful Unionist tradition, the revival of Liberalism and the rise of the Scottish National party (SNP). While existing accounts have focused principally upon social and economic factors, this study foregrounds the role of ideology and rhetoric. During the 1940s and early 1950s, Scottish Unionists were, like their Conservative colleagues elsewhere in Britain, able to construct a popular, but essentially negative, anti-socialist coalition that prioritised the defence of individual liberty. This electoral alliance, defined by opposition to Labour's programme of nationalisation and expressed via an individualist idiom, was able to attract broad support; it was, however, always provisional, and proved increasingly difficult to sustain after the Conservative party returned to office in 1951. It was, this paper suggests, the fragmenting of this anti-socialist coalition in the late 1950s and early 1960s that created the opportunity for both the Liberals and the SNP to present alternative renderings of this individualist appeal, and to emerge as credible political alternatives. Crucially, by the 1960s, individual liberty was beginning to be understood in constitutional rather than economic terms.
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Tchoukarine, Igor. "Yugoslavia’s Open-Door Policy and Global Tourism in the 1950s and 1960s." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 1 (October 6, 2014): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414551167.
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In post-Stalin Eastern Europe, international tourism occupied a paradoxical position. For practical and ideological reasons, socialist states continued to implement stringent passport regimes and strictly regulated the movement of people to and from their territories. At the same time (and for similar reasons), socialist entities were also compelled and enticed, albeit with hesitations, to allow their citizens and foreigners to temporarily move across their borders. Examining the tension between these policies and practices, this article explores how political and tourist institutions in Tito’s Yugoslavia negotiated and engaged with mobility by Yugoslav citizens and visitors, gradually leading to the country’s “open-door policy” of the 1960s. This policy—and with it, international tourism—became a trademark of sorts for Yugoslavia’s atypical socialism and, as Yugoslav officials and tourism experts often claimed, served both as a reflection of and a channel for the expression of the country’s distinct foreign policy and socioeconomic agenda. Though Yugoslavia’s engagement with global tourism was hardly unique during the Cold War, the country’s rapid transformation to a relatively successful and recognized tourist destination in the 1960s was remarkable and typically a step ahead of other socialist states. The article argues that this transformation occurred through the enaction of liberal mobility policies that intelligently intersected with the country’s foreign policy. Through this, it asserts, Yugoslavia set itself apart in many respects, particularly in terms of its mobility and tourism practices, which were, for the most part, in tune with Western standards.
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Vari, Alexander. "Yugoslavia's sunny side: a history of tourism in socialism (1950s–1980s)." Journal of Tourism History 4, no. 1 (April 2012): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1755182x.2012.671466.
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Kalthoff, Justus. "Soccer, Science, and Socialism in the German Democratic Republic, 1950s–1960s." International Journal of the History of Sport 35, no. 14 (September 22, 2018): 1459–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2019.1593150.
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Bagina, Elena. "The binary star." проект байкал 18, no. 68 (August 8, 2021): 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.51461/projectbaikal.68.1802.
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Baroque and classicism were called a binary star. In the national architecture, the avant-garde and neoclassicism can be also called a binary star. The model of succession of styles in architecture does not reflect the real situation in the 1920-1950s. Neoclassicism and different movements of “contemporary architecture” run parallel to each other both in the West and in the USSR. In the 1920s, the avant-garde was brighter, while In the 1930-1950s in the USSR – neoclassicism. “The new world of socialism” was observed in the patterns of “contemporary architecture” by party ideologists headed by Lev Trotsky. In the 1930s, the political situation changed, and the patterns of the “new world” came down to earth and acquired historical roots. The interaction of the avant-garde and neoclassicism produced a unique style of the epoch. Unfortunately, the monuments of that epoch decay very quickly.
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Soboleva, Maja. "The Concept of the “New Soviet Man” and Its Short History." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 51, no. 1 (2017): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05101012.
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The concept of the New Soviet Man remains a topic of on-going scholarly interest for a number of reasons: it reflects a vital part of Russian history, it remains associated with positive and negative connotations that still need to be explored, and it functions as a crossroads for different scholarly perspectives. It remains a topic of interest also because there are still a number of unexplored questions about the concept from the perspective of the history of ideas and philosophy. This article focuses on the reconstruction of the ethical concept of a New Soviet Man over time. It argues that there were three periods in the history of this concept: The first period – between the 1900s and 1930s – can be called the period of theoretical reflection on the nature of a New Man. The second period – from the 1930s to the 1950s – can be characterized as the period of the development of norms of Soviet morality. The third period – since the 1960s – is marked by the transition of ethical thought from the ideology propagating socialist morality to moral theory and Marxist scientific ethics. This article argues that the process of forming a new type of man was not a continuous and unilineal process of change throughout the entire period of socialism. On the contrary, this dramatic process can be successfully analyzed with the help of the ethical concept of the New Soviet Man.
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Horváth, Sándor. "Everyday Life in the First Hungarian Socialist City." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000189.
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This paper examines the official discourses that shaped the parameters of everyday life and the reactions of socialist citizens to them in Hungary's first socialist city, Sztálinváros, during the 1950s. Concentrating especially on the regulation of working-class leisure, it argues that the authorities sought to frame social conflict in terms of a struggle between the civilized and the backward, the rural and the urban. In so doing it provides an insight into the nature of early state socialism as a project of cultural transformation.
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Eckert, Astrid M. "The Transnational Beginnings of West German Zeitgeschichte in the 1950s." Central European History 40, no. 1 (February 27, 2007): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000283.
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The study of Zeitgeschichte, or contemporary history, was not an invention of the postwar era. But it was in the wake of the Second World War that it carved out a space in the historical professions of the United States, Great Britain and, most pronouncedly, West Germany. In each country, it came with similar definitions: in West Germany as “the era of those living, and its scholarly treatment by academics”; in the United States as “the period of the last generation or two”; and in Britain as “Europe in the twentieth century” or “the histories of yesterday which are being written today.” Such definitions contained a generational component and left contemporary history open to continuous rejuvenation. Yet during the postwar decades, the above definitions steered interest clearly toward the history of National Socialism, the Second World War, and foreign policy of the 1920s and 1930s. The horrific cost in human lives of Nazi racial and anti-Semitic policies gave an instant relevance to all aspects of Germany's past. The German grip on much of Europe had made National Socialism an integral component in the history of formerly occupied countries, and the Allied struggle to defeat Nazism added yet more countries to the list of those that had seen their histories become entangled with that of Germany. Hence, the academic writing of German contemporary history was never an exclusively German affair. Scholars outside Germany, especially in Great Britain and the United States, were part of the endeavor from the outset. Their involvement was facilitated by the fact that the Western Allies had captured an enormous quantity of German records and archives at the end of the war, part of which would become available to historians over the course of the 1950s and 1960s.
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English, Robert. "The Sociology of New Thinking: Elites, Identity Change, and the End of the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 7, no. 2 (April 2005): 43–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397053630628.
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This article recounts the origins of Soviet “new thinking” as a case study of how Soviet intellectuals sought to redefine national identity in response to the West. It demonstrates that new thinking was fundamentally normative, not instrumental, insofar as it was developed in a period (1950s–1960s) when “socialism” was thought to be materially outperforming capitalism. It also demonstrates that new thinking decisively affected Soviet policy in the second half of the 1980s. Putting forth a socialization argument to show how newthinking ideas originated in the post-Stalin period within a community of intellectuals, the article charts the growing influence of these intellectuals through the 1970s and 1980s. In the mid-1980s, when Gorbachev became general secretary of the Communist Party and empowered many of the new thinkers as advisers, their liberal, Westernizing ideas played an indispensable role in shaping his reforms. The analysis focuses on mechanisms of identity change at two levels: that of the community of reformist intellectuals, and that of the Soviet Union itself. The analysis challenges realist and rationalist views that new thinking was largely instrumental. Until the Gorbachev era, Soviet reformers advocated new-thinking ideas often at the risk of their personal, professional, and institutional interests.
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Lebow, Katherine A. "Public Works, Private Lives: Youth Brigades in Nowa Huta in the 1950s." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (July 2001): 199–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002028.
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Enthusiastic youth volunteers were a common sight on Poland's ‘great building site of socialism’ of the Stalin era, the steelworks and new town of Nowa Huta. Paradoxically, however, the succesful mobilisation of youthful labour in Nowa Huta was accompanied by failure to socialise volunteers in their attitudes and behaviours after hours. Preferring jazz to mass songs and speak-easies to ‘red corners’, brigade members gained notoriety as ‘hooligans’, and many encountered difficulties adapting to ‘civilian’ life in the new town. The regime's inability to bridge the gulf between itself and Nowa Huta's youth volunteers, the author argues, reflects Polish Stalinism's critical failure to secure legitimacy among its potentially strongest supporters.
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Patterson, Patrick Hyder. "Truth Half Told: Finding the Perfect Pitch for Advertising and Marketing in Socialist Yugoslavia, 1950–1991." Enterprise & Society 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2003): 179–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700012222.
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Beginning in the 1950s, advertising and marketing specialists in Yugoslavia campaigned aggressively to change public and official perceptions of their work. By casting commercial promotion in terms of categories already established as legitimate in the ideology of Yugoslav socialism, the industry gradually naturalized advertising and marketing, transforming them from suspect capitalist practices into apparent necessities of progressive, rational production and distribution. Although the rhetoric used in this campaign consistently appealed to socialist values, in practice Yugoslav advertising and marketing were largely based on Western models. Yugoslav commercial promotion was only superficially “socialist advertising”; practitioners' arguments tended to obscure the true qualities of the industry.
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Bareli, Avi. "Mamlakhtiyut, Capitalism and Socialism during the 1950s in Israel." Journal of Israeli History 26, no. 2 (September 2007): 201–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531040701552132.
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Mëhilli, Elidor. "Globalized Socialism, Nationalized Time: Soviet Films, Albanian Subjects, and Chinese Audiences across the Sino-Soviet Split." Slavic Review 77, no. 3 (2018): 611–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.202.
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In the 1950s, films like Sergei Yutkevich'sVelikii voin Albanii Skanderbegsymbolized Albanian-Soviet friendship, which was said to be undying. The Soviets brought their reels and their famous actors to this corner of the Mediterranean, and they also designed the country's first film agency, baptized “New Albania.” By the early 1960s, however, the friendship was dead. Albania's communist regime sided with Mao's China during the dramatic Sino-Soviet schism. From instruments of friendship, films turned into weapons in a global battle over the soul of socialism. Unexpectedly, Albanian war films assumed revolutionary meaning—far away from the Balkans—during China's Cultural Revolution. Recapturing these zigzags, this article shows how globalized socialism interacted with national imperatives. Bringing about exchange on a cross-continental scale, socialism encouraged constant mental mapping, and it also produced competing temporal frameworks. Going beyond nationalized histories of cinema, the article draws on archival sources from three countries, including previously classified Albanian materials.
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Coderre, Laurence. "A Necessary Evil: Conceptualizing the Socialist Commodity under Mao." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 1 (December 28, 2018): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000488.
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AbstractThis article traces the conceptual lineage of a statement, made by Mao Zedong and published in 1975, describing the contemporary economic system in the People's Republic of China as a commodity economy. Any surprise we might feel in the face of this verdict says more about our own narrow understanding of the (capitalist) commodity than it does about the political economy of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). As I detail in this study, the continued existence and necessity of commodities under socialism had long been an important topic of conversation in Communist circles, with important ramifications for economic planning and political movements. This article focuses on the impact of Stalin's theory of the socialist commodity, as articulated in 1952, on Chinese political economy in the 1950s; Mao's particular engagement with Stalin's work in the context of the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960); and the emergence of a new, less benign view of the socialist commodity in the 1970s. I argue that political economic theory and its study were in fact critical to the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution as mass mobilization campaigns, calling into question much of what we think we know about modern Chinese history and Chinese socialism. The essay is intended to unsettle enduring and uncritical associations between the commodity-form and capitalism. How might we, following on the heels of the theorists I discuss, imagine the commodity otherwise?
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CHAPPEL, JAMES. "Nuclear Families in a Nuclear Age: Theorising the Family in 1950s West Germany." Contemporary European History 26, no. 1 (November 29, 2016): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000539.
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This essay explores the imagination of the family in 1950s West Germany, where the family emerged at the heart of political, economic and moral reconstruction. To uncover the intellectual origins of familialism, the essay presents trans-war intellectual biographies of Franz-Josef Würmeling, Germany's first family minister, and Helmut Schelsky, the most prominent family sociologist of the period. Their stories demonstrate that the new centrality of the family was not a retreat from ideology, as is often argued, but was in fact a reinstatement of interwar ideologies in a new key: social Catholicism in the former case, National Socialism in the latter. These divergent trajectories explain why Würmeling and Schelsky, despite being two central defenders of the family in the 1950s, could not work together. The essay follows their careers into the 1960s, suggesting that the fractious state of familialism in the 1950s helps us to understand its collapse in the face of the sexual revolution.
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Kowalczyk, Anna. "Women under State Socialism." Historical Materialism 24, no. 4 (December 2, 2016): 234–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341495.
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Malgorzata Fidelis in her book Women, Communism, and Industrialization in Postwar Poland sets out to examine gender policies during Stalinism and their transformation under the subsequent ‘Polish road to socialism’. She shows that the relative political liberalisation in the late 1950s was also accompanied by the abandonment of policies favouring women and the return to conservative prewar gender hierarchies. The essay finds that the book is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the vicissitudes of gender struggle during Communism in Poland. It also makes a contribution to the understanding of how the principles declared by the Communist Party were modified in response not only to economic necessities but also to local cultures and popular struggles. In this way it sheds light on the process of the legitimation of the Communist regime in Poland and beyond by accommodating demands from below.
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Hung, Chang-Tai. "Mao's Parades: State Spectacles in China in the 1950s." China Quarterly 190 (June 2007): 411–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741007001269.
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AbstractPolitical parades in the People's Republic of China are a rich and complex cultural text from which historians can gain a deeper understanding of the nature and policies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCP's state spectacles, primarily the parades during the May Day and National Day (1 October) celebrations held in Tiananmen Square in the 1950s, were a well-organized political ritual with multiple purposes: festivals of iconoclasm, demolishing the old order and embracing the new era of socialism; a legitimation of the CCP's authority; a display of myriad achievements under communism; an affirmation of the centrality of Mao's role in modern Chinese revolutionary history; and an announcement of China's presence in the international socialist camp. The parades, although influenced by the Soviet Union, exhibited strong native colours. They also reflected a nation undergoing political and economic changes. In the end, Mao Zedong and his senior Party leaders, acting both as actors and directors, carefully controlled and choreographed the paraders, who were themselves the audience, in Tiananmen Square to heap praise on the achievements of the Party and its chairman.
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Xiao, Zuopeng, Tianbao Liu, Yanwei Chai, and Mengke Zhang. "Corporate-Run Society: The Practice of the Danwei System in Beijing during the Planned Economy Period." Sustainability 12, no. 4 (February 12, 2020): 1338. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12041338.
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The danwei system is one of the most important institutional arrangements in the Chinese planned economy era (1950s–1970s). It also offers a clue to understanding China’s urban transformation since the economic reform. This paper aims to explore the spatial prototype of the danwei system and understand the internal logic for the operation of this system by conducting a case study of the danwei compound of the Beijing No. 2 Textile Factory. Focusing on the obligation of the factory to run social welfare services, the danwei system formed a so-called “corporate-run society”. A sustainable mechanism for production and reproduction is conceptually portrayed. The institutional practice of the danwei system is understood as a process that is in accordance with socialist constructions, the public ownership system, and state socialism. This paper argues that it is necessary to reconfigure the legacies of the danwei system and explore its implications for contemporary Chinese society.
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Johnson, Molly Wilkinson. "TheFriedensfahrt: International Sports and East German Socialism in the 1950s." International History Review 29, no. 1 (March 2007): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2007.9641119.
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Szemere, Anna. "Let's Turn Hegel from His Head onto His Feet: Hopes, Myths, and Memories of the 1960s in Tamás Cseh's Musical Album “A Letter to My Sister”." Slavic Review 77, no. 4 (2018): 881–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.285.
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This paper focuses on some salient features of the Hungarian “long sixties” through the rear-view mirror of a highly-acclaimed popular musical album by Tamas Cseh and Geza Beremenyi entitled “A Letter to My Sister” (1977). The article argues that the “Letter” owes its enduring success to its unique chronological and narrative arch: the years of childhood set in the sombrest Stalinist 1950s, while the opening up of the country's political and cultural landscape in the 1960s shaped the freedom and hope intrinsic to modern teenage life. Finally, in the portrayal of the crisis-ridden young adulthood set in the 1970s, it is impossible to set apart the failure of the “great generation” from that of Hungarian society and, more broadly, east European socialism. Implied in this narrative arch is that this local version of the “long sixties” carried the unprocessed legacy of the “short fifties.”
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Nikiforov, Yuriy S. "Synthesis of classical and interdisciplinary methods in the study of regional problems of the Soviet Russian history (the 1950s till the 1980s)." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 2 (2019): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-2-79-85.
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The article discusses the role of classical and interdisciplinary methods in the study of the Soviet regions of the late Socialist era. The chronological scope of the study is limited to 1950-1980. The study uses the concept of "late socialism" in Alexei Yurchak's interpretation. The study is based on the analysis of the ideas of Viktor Mokhov on Regional Elites; of Oleg Khlevniuk and Yoram Gorlizki, on the Soviet governing regional networks; of Lorina Repina, Irina Savel'yeva, Andrey Poletayev, on historical memory. Through the vector of "region-centre"communication, the methods of research of the Soviet regional elites of the Upper Volga regions (Vladimir, Ivanovo, Kostroma, Tver, Yaroslavl regions) are considered. The study is based on interdisciplinary theoretical concepts – Kurt Lewin's theory of group dynamics and social fi eld; Morton Deutsch's and Harold B. Gerard's information model of conformity; Randall Collins' theory of reference authority; Veronika Nurkova's ideas on autobiographical memory; "categorisation" and "schematisation"concepts highlighted by Jerome Seymour Bruner.
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Sit, Tsui, and Erebus Wong. "China’s modernization, rural regeneration and historical agency." Argumentum 5, no. 2 (February 27, 2014): 139–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18315/argumentum.v5i2.4952.
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Like most of the once down-trodden colonized nations, China’s key historical project of the last 150 years has been to enforce modernization. The aim and mechanism of modernization has generally been simplified as industrialization, a process China has pursued since the mid-19th century. Wen Tiejun portrays China’s development in the last 150 years as ‘the four phases of industrialization of a peasant state’ with the ultimate aim of becoming a powerful modern state to counter European and Japanese imperialism, and later the United States’ embargo during the Cold War. The first attempt was the Yang Wu Movement initiated by the Qing dynasty from 1850 to 1895; the second the industrialization policy pursued by the Republican government from 1920s to the 1940s; the third the “state primitive accumulation of capital” practiced by the Communist Party regime from the 1950s to the 1970s; and the fourth the reform and open-door policy promoted by Deng Xiaoping since the late 1970s (Wen 2001). There has been intellectual consensus on modernization calling out for radical social reform in China in the 20th century. Since the 1920s all major intellectual thought has been in agreement that China needs a thorough social overhaul. The only difference was whether the model should be American capitalism or Russian socialism. Among these radical ideas and social programs, the rural reconstruction movement during the 1920s-30s represented by Liang Shuming and James Yen was a social initiative that was much neglected. It is of particular relevance to reconsider this intellectual heritage in post-development China. We will turn to this later in this essay.
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Falkin, James. "The Renewal of Chinese Marxism: Debates over the Character of the Political Economy." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 22 (April 10, 2005): 38–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v22i1.520.
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This is a study of those Chinese political economists and political philosophers in the early 1950s who sought to distance China's transition to socialism from the Soviet model for development. Writing for the leading economic and philosophical journals, Xin Jianshe [New Construction] and Xuexi [Study], these theorists attempted to apply Mao's 1937 call for a sinified Marxism to their contemporary reality by insisting upon a national strategy for socialist construction. Their arguments provided a source for the later break with the Soviet command economy. And it is the emphasis upon Chinese solutions to national problems that forms a line that connects this past with China's present.
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Radosavljević, Jelena. "Self-managing socialism and urban planning: The case study of general plan of Belgrade 1972." SAJ - Serbian Architectural Journal 10, no. 1 (2018): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/saj1801081r.
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This paper aims to open up a discussion about relations between former Yugoslavia's socialism and planning practice resulting from self-managing system established in early 1950s. Although this system was applied through a top-down approach, it implied, at least allegedly, coordination, integration and democratic harmonisation of particular interests with common and general ones on local level. The paper will briefly review the history and concept of socialist ideology and consider the impact that it had on institutional arrangements evolution and planning practice in Serbia. It will then touch on the role of ideology for urban planning process at the local level, understanding self-managing planning principles, their benefits, role and significance in planning practice.
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Da’na, Seif. "Socialism or Neoliberal Barbarism." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 2 (June 2019): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.122001.
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Over the past sixty years, contemporary Arab political history has witnessed two significant shifts, each of which has resulted in enormous social, economic, cultural, and ideological transformations. The experience of the Arab world is not unique; rather, it is part of the contemporary “world story” in general, and experience of “the societies of the South” in particular, despite the uniqueness of the Arab experience, in general, and the experience of individual country. This review reconstructs the Arab experience since the early 1950s and distinguishes two historical stages economically, politically, and ideologically. The first stage is the era of decolonization and the rise of Arab socialism (1952–70); the second stage is the era of globalization of colonialism or neoliberal capitalism (1980–2011), which in the opinion of the author is responsible for the unfolding of events in the Arab world since the end of 2010. The goal of this comparison is intended as political and historical criticism of the current Arab condition. Comparing and contrasting both stages, and reconsidering the model and experience presented by President Gamal Abdel Nasser, it is concluded that the Arab nation is facing the choice between two critical options: socialism or neoliberal barbarism.
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Andrén, Mats. "Nihilism and Responsibility in the Writings of Karl Jaspers." European Review 22, no. 2 (May 2014): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798714000052.
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The aim of this article is to describe the connection of the concepts of nihilism and responsibility in the writings of Karl Jaspers. The article starts with his early writings in the late 1910s and traces his use of nihilism until the late 1950s. Jaspers first defines nihilism in a general, anthropological sense. It is essential to the human condition, which involves questioning everything. However, as his critique of contemporary society evolves, nihilism is treated as the impetus behind concrete threats such as National Socialism and the Second World War, as well as the post-war nuclear arms race.
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Chan, Shelly. "The Disobedient Diaspora: Overseas Chinese Students in Mao’s China, 1958-66不歸順的流散者: 僑生在毛澤東時代中國 (1958-66)." Journal of Chinese Overseas 10, no. 2 (November 26, 2014): 220–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341282.
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Between 1950 and 1966, about 60,000 overseas Chinese youth, officially known as qiaosheng, entered the People’s Republic of China (prc) as students and refugees from Southeast Asia. In the state archival record, qiaosheng appeared collectively “disobedient” to socialism, first cast as “capitalist” during the Great Leap Forward (1958-60) and later as a “two-faced” threat during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). Not to be taken as face value, their supposed “disobedience” illustrated the broad and complex challenges that the diaspora posed to Mao’s China. Even as the Party-state valued the mobilization of overseas Chinese resources, a combination of massive inflows of refugees from abroad and radical transformation at home produced many conflicts over qiaosheng across the 1950s and 1960s. Thus, the narrative of “disobedience” revealed not only an unstable relationship between China and the diaspora, but also how the diaspora functioned as a key site whereby differences between socialism and capitalism were worked out.
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Jarska, Natalia. "Female Breadwinners in State Socialism: The Value of Women's Work for Wages in Post-Stalinist Poland." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 469–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000201.
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AbstractThis article examines popular opinion about women's wage work in the late 1950s and early 1960s in Poland, using letters to institutions and sociological research from this period. It introduces the notion of female breadwinning as a useful category to describe the understanding of women's wage work under state socialism. Opinions on women's wage work varied, but all of them were based on gender assumptions. Women's and men's work were valued differently. Men's work had an indisputable, independent position. Women's work was evaluated in the context of family. Women could be breadwinners, but not equal to male ones; their wage work was perceived as secondary.
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Hanagan, Michael, and Behrooz Moazami. "Introduction to a 1995 Conversation with Eric Hobsbawm." International Labor and Working-Class History 83 (2013): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000057.
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Eric Hobsbawm, who died on October 1, 2012, was one of a handful of extraordinary labor historians who emerged from the British Communist Party Historians' Group in the 1940s and 1950s. Today he is widely acknowledged as one of the great historians of our era. His influence is truly international. For a long time, a significant limitation on the extent of his renown was the USSR where, during the era of “actually-existing socialism,” his works were never translated or published. This was ironic since he was a card-carrying member of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) from 1936 until its dissolution in 1991.
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Stanković, Milan J. "Zavodi “Crvena Zastava”: Yugoslav Self-Management Socialism and Challenges for the Automobile Industry." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 12, no. 3 (November 18, 2017): 855. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v12i3.9.
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This paper explores the experience of the Zavodi “Crvena Zastava” (Red Flag factory) of building the Yugoslav automobile industry between 1950s and 1980s. In 1954 Zastava began to manufacture automobiles based on the FIAT license and became the engine that drove the transformation of Yugoslavia from an agrarian into industrialized, urban and motorized country. However, its own development was hampered by the lack of stability in the Yugoslav socialist system under continual process of change and decentralization. This paper will examine crucial stages in Zastava’s development in the context of the Yugoslav evolving self-management system in order to discuss some theoretical issues and problems of practical applications. The aim is to show that while the concept of self-management was reasonable in the light of Yugoslavia’s break from the Soviet bloc, the net effect of its practices proved problematic for the automobile industry.
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Vidacs, Bea. "Blood Is Thicker than Water." Journal of Family History 43, no. 1 (November 12, 2017): 12–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199017738164.
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The research took place in two time periods thirty years apart (in 1980–1981 under socialism and in 2009–2010 under the emerging market economy, following the regime change of 1989). It documents the shift from choosing godparents from a combination of relatives and nonrelatives to practically always relatives. After a brief literature review, the article discusses the place of godparenthood in the village in the 1980s, including how godparents were “recruited” and the introduction of the socialist, civil “name-giving ceremony.” Compadres acquired in the civil ceremony were treated similarly to those acquired through baptism, and the “name-giving” system was integrated into the overall system of godparenthood in terms of terminology, obligations, honors, and cooperation in rituals and labor exchange. The latter was an important part of village life: relatives, neighbors, and compadres participated roughly equally. It also contributed to the synergies developed between the production cooperative and peasant household production under socialism. Following 1989, the cooperative closed and labor opportunities declined; labor exchange was replaced by market relations in all aspects of life. The results of a questionnaire on choosing godparents show that the switch from unrelated friends to relatives as godparents was long in the making, slowed somewhat by the contrary trend under the oppressive political circumstances of the early 1950s, indicating that the villagers tried to cement their networks by choosing unrelated compadres. By now, as more and more people are leaving the village, they choose relatives exclusively as if to try to strengthen family ties in the face of modernization and globalization.
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Stankovic, Milan J. "Automotive factory ‘Crvena Zastava’: Yugoslav self-management socialism and challenges for national automobile industry." Journal of Transport History 39, no. 2 (March 14, 2018): 236–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526618763597.
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In 1955 the Automotive Factory ‘Crvena Zastava’ (Red Flag factory) began to manufacture automobiles based on the FIAT license and became a driving force of the communist Yugoslavia transformation from an agrarian into industrialised, urban and motorised country. This paper explores Zastava’s experience of building and developing the Yugoslav automobile industry in the context of the Yugoslav self-management system from the 1950s to the 1980s. The article aims at showing that the concept of self-management was sensible in light of the multinational Yugoslavia break from the Soviet bloc, but that the net effect of its implementation proved problematic for the national automobile industry . Additionally, Zastava leadership attempts to achieve a larger industrial scale and financial autonomy clashed with the Yugoslavia trend towards decentralisation as much as the communist leadership’s fear of an alternative centre of power.
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Chen, Tina Mai. "Socialism, Aestheticized Bodies, and International Circuits of Gender: Soviet Female Film Stars in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1969*." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 2 (June 11, 2008): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018223ar.
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Abstract This paper analyses the importance of love relations and sexuality in Soviet film for Chinese socialism in the 1950s and 1960s. By looking at the movement of Soviet women across the Sino-Soviet border — in films and as part of film delegations — I highlight the international circuits of gender that shaped socialist womanhood in China. I examine Chinese discussion of Soviet film stars including Marina Ladynina, Vera Maretskaia, and Marina Kovaleva. I locate the movement away from 'fun-loving post-revolutionary' womanhood associated with Ladynina to socialist womanhood located in struggle and partisanship within the larger context of Maoist theory and Sino-Soviet relations. In my examination of debates over which female film stars were appropriate for China I draw out celebrated and sanctioned couplings of Chinese and Soviet film heroines, such as the links made between Zoya and Zhao Yiman. By looking at how Soviet film stars became part of Chinese political aesthetics, sexuality and love emerge as more important to our understanding of womanhood in Maoist China than has been recognized by most scholars of gender in China. This approach therefore offers a new perspective on Maoist ideologies of gender with its emphasis on non-Chinese bodies as constitutive of gender subjectivities in Maoist China. I argue that while gender in Maoist China was primarily enacted on a national level, internationalism and international circuits of gender were central to its articulation.
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TIAN, Chenshan. "Mao Zedong, Sinization of Marxism, and Traditional Chinese Thought Culture." Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2019.7.1.13-37.
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The informed perspective presented here may rouse a sensitivity to the differences in reading Marxist philosophy from the perspective of the Inseparability of One and Many worldview and philosophy (a doctrine of internal, constitutive, relations––“intimacy”) on the part of Chinese intellectuals, particularly Mao Zedong, a great campaigner for philosophic and discursive Sinicization of Marxism. Marxism has provided an opportunity for a philosophical conversation with Chinese tradition, and this conversation was not launched by a government or official campaign, but instead by the efforts made on the part of countless grassroots intellectuals. It is argued that the reason for this was perhaps due to the fact that certain of Marx’s cosmological assumptions, in contrast to those of the main Western categories, are more capable of being understood and Sinicized in terms of particular philosophical currents in the Chinese tradition. This was particularly so for the two decades of the 1950s and 1960s, and until the end of the 1970s when Deng Xiaoping came to power and openly declared the start of his “Economic Reform” with the slogan “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.”
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Luu, Trinh My. "State Socialism and the Legal Subject in Đổi Mới Literature." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 11, no. 3-4 (2016): 216–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jvs.2016.11.3-4.216.
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This essay examines the unprecedented rise during Đổi Mới [Renovation] of a legal-literary discourse that brought about, for the first time, the socialist legal subject in Vietnamese literature. It also analyzes Dương Thu Hương’s Những Thiên Đường Mù [Paradise of the Blind] (1988), a novel that occupies the very center of Renovation politics for the way it imagines the 1950s land reform in North Vietnam as the foundational moment for the emergence of the socialist legal subject.
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Dogliani, Patrizia. "European Municipalism in the First Half of the Twentieth Century: the Socialist Network." Contemporary European History 11, no. 4 (October 28, 2002): 573–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302004046.
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This article analyses the contribution of European socialism to the building of a variegated network of reformers in municipal politics from the end of the nineteenth century to the 1950s. Unsuccessful as a network inside the Second International, a broader international federation of cities, the Union Internationale des Villes/International Union of Local Authorities (UIV/IULA), was proposed in 1913. Belgian, French, Dutch and English socialist leaders remained strongly influential in this federation between the two world wars, working in connection with co-operative movements and the International Labour Office based in Geneva. The fifty years of debates and projects animated by the international journal Les Annales de la Régie Directe founded by the French socialist Edgard Milhaud allows us to follow the development of a generation of local reformers from the beginnings of municipalist thought and praxis up to the idea of building a decentralised European Community of cities and regional authorities.
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Varsa, Eszter. "“The Minor Would Hinder the Mother in Finding Employment:” Child Protection and Women’s Paid Work in Early State Socialist Hungary." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 4 (August 22, 2017): 818–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417720488.
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This article discusses the role of child protection and residential care institutions in mediating the tension between women’s productive and reproductive responsibilities in early state socialist Hungary. At a time when increasing numbers of women entered paid work in the framework of catch-up industrialization but the socialization of care work was inadequate, these institutions substituted for missing public child care services. Relying on not only policy documents but more than six hundred children’s case files, including Romani children’s files, from three different locations in Hungary as well as interviews with former children’s home residents and personnel, the article examines the regulatory framework in which child protection institutions and caseworkers operated. It points to the differentiated forms of pressure these institutions exercised on Romani and non-Romani mothers to enter paid work between the late 1940s and the early 1950s from the intersectional perspective of gender and ethnicity. Showing that prejudice against “Gypsies” as work-shy persisted in child protection work across the systemic divide of the late 1940s, the article contributes to scholarship on state socialism and Stalinism that emphasizes the role of historical continuities. At the same time, reflecting on parental invention in using child protection as a form of child care, the article also complicates a simplistic social control approach to residential care institutions in Stalinist Hungary.
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Keller, Márkus. "Professionalization in Socialism : Architects and Architecture after 1945 in Hungary." socio.hu 10, Special Issue (2020): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.18030/socio.hu.2020en.95.
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In my study, I investigate architects’ search for their place in the new society and the history of their profession after 1945 in Hungary with the help of professionalization theories. Through statistics, memoirs, interviews, archival documents, laws and decrees, I seek to discover what kind of role architecture and architects played in the dictatorship of the 1950s and how that role changed in the Kádár system. In addition to external analysis, I place particular emphasis on how this change of role is reflected in the lifestory interviews and in the identity of the architects of the era.
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Baev, V. G., and A. N. Marchenko. "Terror as a Tool of Stalin’s Rule Book Review: Syrykh VM. The Legal Nature of Stalin’s Terror: In Compliance with the Directives of the Party, but Contrary to the Law. Moscow: Yurlitinform Publ.; 2020." Lex Russica, no. 3 (March 18, 2021): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2021.172.3.146-155.
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The paper provides for a critical analysis of the monographic work by famous Marxist legal scholar, Doctor of Law, Professor, Honored Scientist of the Russian Federation Vladimir M. Syrykh. As known, there are a lot of works investigating the crimes of Stalinist politics based on open sources that have become available to scientists. Prof. Syrykh cultivates a different, legal view of the activities of Stalinist leadership. As a legal theorist and methodologist, he set himself the goal of analyzing the legal nature of Stalin’s repressive policies and his associates in the 1930s-1950s. The researcher concluded that Stalin’s leadership in the process of building the socialist state turned away from the requirements of the constitution and Soviet legislation, acted contrary to law, replacing it with Directives, which can be qualified as undermining the state system.Reviewers praise the work by Vladimir M. Syrykh, sharing many of his submissions. As reviewers see, the author’s intention was to purge the very idea of socialism from the distortions and perversions brought by Stalin. According to the author, Stalin perverted the creative nature of Marxism and Lenin’s legacy. However, the authors of the review indicate that the policy of terror against the Soviet people coincides with the period of Stalin’s rule, which gives grounds to Prof. Syrykh opponents to claim: 40 years of socialist construction involved violence, coercion and killing thousands of people. The book under review is written to counter such claims.
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Imlay, Talbot C. "International Socialism and Decolonization during the 1950s: Competing Rights and the Postcolonial Order." American Historical Review 118, no. 4 (September 25, 2013): 1105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.4.1105.
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Gatejel, Luminita. "Appealing for a Car: Consumption Policies and Entitlement in the USSR, the GDR, and Romania, 1950s-1980s." Slavic Review 75, no. 1 (2016): 122–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.1.122.
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In this article, I analyze the correspondence between state authorities and citizens in the USSR, the GDR, and Romania. As the consumerist turn spread across the eastern bloc, an important focus of the populations' appeals to the authorities concerned the appropriate levels and conditions of consumption. Their letters display growing consumer aspirations, and from the mid-1960s onward a significant number of these petitions expressed the desire to buy a car. However, when state authorities failed to deliver enough cars, they also shaped a new attitude toward consumption. On the one hand, the population asked for automobiles as favors. On the other, a new discourse of entitlement and even “consumer rights” surfaced. Citizens started to expect a certain lifestyle; moreover, they even believed themselves to be entitled to it. As a consequence, their new sense of entitlement diluted the culture of favors and privilege, thereby contributing to the crisis of legitimacy in late socialism.
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Hess, Christian. "Sino-Soviet City: Dalian between Socialist Worlds, 1945-1955." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 1 (June 14, 2017): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217710234.
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This article explores the building of urban socialism in the port city of Dalian from 1945 through the mid-1950s. Hailed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1949 as “New China’s model metropolis,” this former Japanese colonial city was occupied by the Soviet military until 1950. Postwar geopolitics situated Dalian and its residents at the forefront of implementing Soviet-inspired reforms that led to an image of Dalian not only as a vanguard city of the People’s Republic, but one intimately connected with the larger socialist world. The article argues that Dalian’s postwar geopolitical position as a Sino-Soviet space led to a cross-pollination of attitudes, actions, and policies that differed from much of the urban scene throughout the People’s Republic of China. It sheds new light on how the complex decolonization process of the early Cold War brought a Chinese city more closely into the Second World.
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Hajská, Markéta. "Forced settlement of Vlach Roma in Žatec and Louny in the late 1950s." Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 68, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 340–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2020-0020.
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Abstract The author of the study presents a micro-historical study of a family of Vlach Roma (Lovára) of western Slovakian origin, who were one of the few Romani groups still on the move in the mid-1950s and who in the late 1950s were forced to settle in the towns of Louny and Žatec in north-western Bohemia. Against this background the author focuses on some aspects of the Czechoslovak assimilation policy of the 1950s regarding ‘itinerant Gypsies’, designed to limit their mobility, which is represented mainly by the implementation of the Law on the Permanent Settlement of Itinerant Persons (No. 74/1958 Coll.). Using a combination of oral history methods involving Vlach Romani narrators and of archival research, the author clarifies some aspects of the local process of the implementation of the above-mentioned law and of selected impacts of the registration of travelling and semi-travelling people in February 1959. The forced sedentarization which occurred in the two localities under study is presented in the context of the regime of state socialism and the policies of central as well as local authorities towards so-called ‘travelling Gypsies’ in the late 1950s.
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Rákosník, Jakub, and Radka Šustrová. "Toward a Population Revolution? The Threat of Extinction and Family Policy in Czechoslovakia 1930s–1950s." Journal of Family History 43, no. 2 (March 8, 2018): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199018759650.
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The 1930s and 1940s were a formative period in the development of family policy as a relatively independent branch of the state’s social policy in the Bohemian lands. During this time, several political regimes followed one another (liberal democracy, a conservative authoritative regime, the national socialism of the occupation, and postwar people’s democracy). Despite these political changes, family policy was determined by the discourse of the waning Western industrial society and intensifying nationalism throughout the period in question. The articulation of the national threat created the conditions necessary for active state intervention in the sphere of marital cohabitation and managed support of population growth. This entailed compensating families for preserving the nation as a whole by giving birth to a populous new generation. These efforts were often in conflict with the movement for equality among men and women and increased women’s participation in the labor market. The first part of this article describes the discourse of the nation under threat and its political consequences. The second half focuses on the formation of the social reform consensus during the Second World War and after peace was restored. The third part confronts experts’ proposals with political practice: despite the low number of positive legislative measures, this analysis reveals the evident continuity of efforts to create a conceptual, state-led family policy regardless of the vastly different ideologies of the political regimes mentioned.
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Dewar, Kenneth C. "Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent." Journal of Canadian Studies 53, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 178–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.2018-0011.
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This article argues that the lines separating different modes of thought on the centre-left of the political spectrum—liberalism, social democracy, and socialism, broadly speaking—are permeable, and that they share many features in common. The example of Tom Kent illustrates the argument. A leading adviser to Lester B. Pearson and the Liberal Party from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Kent argued for expanding social security in a way that had a number of affinities with social democracy. In his paper for the Study Conference on National Problems in 1960, where he set out his philosophy of social security, and in his actions as an adviser to the Pearson government, he supported social assistance, universal contributory pensions, and national, comprehensive medical insurance. In close association with his philosophy, he also believed that political parties were instruments of policy-making.