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Books on the topic 'Socialism; 1950s'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Yugoslavia's sunny side: A history of tourism in socialism (1950s-1980s). Budapest: Central European University Press, 2010.

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2

George, Fraser. Seeing red: Undercover in 1950s New Zealand. Palmerston North, N.Z: Dunmore Press, 1995.

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Bushin, Vladimir. Social democracy and Southern Africa, 1960s-1980s. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1989.

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4

Faravelli, Giuseppe. Il socialismo al bivio: L'archivio di Giuseppe Faravelli, 1945-1950. Milano: Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, 1990.

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Merkel, Wolfgang. After the golden age: A decline of social democratic policies in western Europe during the 1980s? Cambridge, MA (27 Kirkland St., Cambridge 02138): Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University, 1990.

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The suppression of philosophy in the USSR (1920s and 1930s). Oak Park, Mich: Mehring Books, 2012.

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7

Salm, Christian. Transnational Socialist Networks in the 1970s. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137551207.

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8

Cavicchioli, Gilberto. Testimonianze di socialismo mantovano, 1900-1950. [Mantova]: Istituto provinciale per la storia del movimento di liberazione del Mantovano, 1988.

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9

Shaw's controversial socialism. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2009.

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10

Kolešnik, Ljiljana, ed. Socialism and Modernity. Art, Culture, Politics 1950-1974. Zagreb, Croatia: MCA, Zagreb, 2012.

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11

Art under Socialist Realism: Soviet painting, 1930-1950. East Roseville, NSW, Australia: Craftsman House, 1995.

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12

Socialism and religion: Roads to common wealth. London: Routledge, 2011.

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13

Brotherton, Paul. Putting people first: A socialist health service for the 1990s. London: Socialist Health Association, 1990.

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14

Gorgolini, Luca. Giuseppe Filippini e il socialismo riformista: Dalle leghe di resistenza alla Costituente. Ancona: Il lavoro editoriale, 2013.

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15

Egypt's incomplete revolution: Lutfi al-Khuli and Nasser's socialism in the 1960s. London: Frank Cass, 1997.

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16

Has the red flag fallen?: The fate of socialism in the 1990s. Dublin: Attic Press, 1989.

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17

Choice and democratic order: The French Socialist Party, 1937-1950. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

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18

Nevskiy, Sergey, Aleksandr Hudokormov, Mihail Pokidchenko, Irina Chaplygina, Al'fred Shyuller, Zigena Gol'dshmidt, and Yoahim Cvaynert. The history of the concept of social market economy in Germany. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1703180.

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The monograph traces the history of the development of German neoliberal economic thought from the origins of the Freiburg School in the 1930s to the first results of the practical implementation of the concept of a social market economy in West Germany in the late 1940s-early 1960s. The author demonstrates the broad historical context of the development of German ideas about the theory and practice of the policy of order (Ordnungstheorie und Ordnungspolitik), shows the features of the formation and spread of the scientific and intellectual economic tradition in Germany, as well as beyond its borders, starting with the birth of the German historical school and the perception of its heritage by Russian socio-economic thought in the second half of the XIX — early XX century and ending with the practical implementation of the concept of order of the Freiburg school and the correlation of its ideological and spiritual and moral foundations with the social teaching of Catholicism and liberalism of Friedrich von Hayek. Special attention is paid to some controversial issues of the formation of the theory of ordoliberalism during the period of national socialism and the problems of the social market economy in modern Germany. The book is intended to fill the shortage of specialized scientific literature on relevant issues and to acquaint the Russian reader, primarily students, teachers and researchers, with the variety of ideological and scientific-theoretical foundations of the socio-economic system of the post-war Germany.
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19

European socialists respond to fascism: Ideology, activism, and contingency in the 1930s. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.

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20

Lööw, Heléne. From National Socialism to militant racism: The Swedish racist underground in the 1990s. [Tel Aviv]: Tel Aviv University, 1996.

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21

Schifferné, Szakasits Klára. Holtvágányon, 1950-1956. Budapest: Könyvértékesítő Vállalat, 1987.

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22

Breslin, Shaun. China in the 1980s: Centre-province relations in a reforming socialist state. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996.

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23

Grandits, Hannes, ed. Yugoslavia's Sunny Side: A History of Tourism in Socialism (1950s–1980s). Central European University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.7829/9789639776692grandits.

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24

Imlay, Talbot C. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.003.0012.

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In examining the practice of socialist internationalism, this book has sought to combine three fields of historical scholarship (socialism, internationalism, and international politics) in the aim of contributing to each one. The contribution to the first area, socialism, is perhaps the most obvious. Contrary to numerous claims, socialist internationalism did not die in August 1914 but survived the outbreak of war and afterwards even flourished at times. Indeed, during the two post-war periods, European socialists worked closely together on a variety of pressing issues, endowing the policymaking of the British, French, and German parties with an important international dimension. This international dimension was never all-important: it rarely, if ever, trumped the domestic political and intra-party dimensions of policymaking. But its existence means that the international policies of any one socialist party cannot be fully understood in isolation from the policies of other parties. The practice of socialist internationalism was rarely easy: contention was present and sometimes rife. Equally pertinent, idealism could be in short supply. Often enough, European socialists instrumentalized internationalism for their own ends, whether it was Ramsay MacDonald with the Geneva Protocol during the 1920s or Guy Mollet, who hoped to discredit internal party critics of his Algerian policy during the 1950s. Nevertheless, the attempts to instrumentalize socialist internationalism underscore the latter’s significance. After all, such attempts would be inconceivable unless socialist internationalism meant something to European socialists....
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25

Imlay, Talbot. The Practice of Socialist Internationalism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.001.0001.

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The Practice of Socialist Internationalism examines the efforts of British, French, and German socialist parties to cooperate with one another on concrete international issues. Drawing on archival research in twelve countries, it spans the years from the First World War to the early 1960s, paying particular attention to the two post-war periods (1918 to the late 1920s and 1945 to the mid-1950s), during which national and international politics were recast. During these years, European socialists operated simultaneously in national and transnational spaces, and the book explores the ways in which these two spaces overlapped. In addition to highlighting a neglected dimension of twentieth-century European socialism, it provides novel perspectives on two related subjects: the history of internationalism and the history of international politics. Scholars of internationalism focus either on state or on non-state actors (INGOs), but socialist parties constituted something of a hybrid: rooted more firmly in national politics than most INGOs, they were also more self-consciously internationalist than state actors. Just as importantly, European socialists sought to forge a new practice of international relations, one that would emerge from their collective efforts to work out ‘socialist’ approaches to pressing issues of European politics such as post-war reconstruction, European integration, and decolonization. While the extent of their success is debatable, the efforts of European socialists to identify distinct approaches act as a spotlight, illuminating obscure yet vital aspects of an issue.
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26

Volokitina, Tatiana V., and Aleksandr S. Stykalin, eds. Moscow and Eastern Europe. National models of Socialism in the countries of the region (1950s — 1970s). Formation, features, modern assessments. https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0834-9090, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/4469-1634-4.

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The collection of articles examines a wide range of issues related to the forma- tion and implementation attempts of national models of Socialism in the countries of Eastern Europe, it focuses on historical traditions, lifestyle and mentality of the people. In comparison with the basic Soviet model, it considers their similarities and differences, evolution of the ideology and practice of national Socialism, the nature of relations with the hierarchical centre and so force. Special attention is paid to the Yugoslav practice of building Socialism as an alternative to the Soviet experience. The authors study the development of the Yugoslav concept of self- government, its practical implementation from the 1950s to the 1970s as well as perception of this model in the countries of the region.
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27

Imlay, Talbot C. Reconstituting the International, 1940–1951. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.003.0008.

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This chapter traces the revival of international socialism, beginning in the early 1940s and ending with the Socialist International’s founding congress in July 1951. It focuses on the efforts of European socialists to reconstitute the International, the institutional expression of socialist internationalism. Even before the end of the war, European socialists strove to re-energize international socialism, most notably by repairing the inter-party ties that had frayed during the 1930s. The result was a renewed commitment to the practice of socialist internationalism—to working together to identify ‘socialist’ solutions to the pressing challenges of the post-war period. The chapter concentrates on the International in order to highlight debates within and between socialist parties on the nature and meaning of internationalism. The International in 1951 represented a compromise between various and sometimes competing visions of socialist internationalism.
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28

Tasar, Eren. The Brezhnev Era and its Aftermath, 1965–1989. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190652104.003.0007.

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After Nikita Khrushchev’s ouster in 1964, Soviet officials dealing with religion assessed the moderate line toward religion that had dominated the 1940s and 1950s, as well as the hard line that had animated Khrushchev’s anti-religious campaign. They determined that both had been too extreme and opted to reconcile the two lines. In the 1970s and 1980s the restriction of religion thus became more omnipresent but less potent. A notable example concerned anti-religious propaganda, which was more widespread but less virulent than in the past. In this situation, SADUM struggled unsuccessfully to restore the power it had enjoyed during the 1940s and 1950s while quietly forming ties with “unregistered” Islamic scholars who enjoyed greater breathing room under Late Socialism. An important new development during the final Soviet decades was the appearance in the Valley of illegal study circles (hujras) questioning aspects of the Hanafi school of Sunni Islam practiced in Central Asia. The scholars leading these circles were rapidly labeled as Wahhabis by their detractors in the state and among the ‘ulama.
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29

Imlay, Talbot C. European Socialists and Empire between the Wars. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the position of European socialists towards empire and especially towards colonialism. Although European socialists ostensibly supported the notion of trusteeship, embodied in the League of Nations mandate system, their thinking on reformist colonialism was more uncertain and contested than is often contended. Indeed, socialist thinking included a strand of anti-colonialism that manifested itself in calls for the International to adopt a policy of more active support for anti-colonial movements in the colonies as well as a more systemic opposition to the global political and economic order in which colonialism was embedded. Partly in reaction to communist anti-colonialism, however, this socialist anti-colonialism was marginalized by the end of the 1920s as mainstream socialism endorsed trusteeship not because it provided a well-defined political programme but as a means to close off more far-reaching proposals. During the later 1930s socialist anti-colonialism would reappear in the form of colonial appeasement.
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30

Weinreb, Alice. Fueling Reconstruction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190605094.003.0005.

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This chapter analyzes food’s role in the dramatic economic growth of both socialist East Germany and capitalist West Germany during the 1950s and 1960s. It explores food’s impact on industrial productivity by looking at the changing role of canteens in German society, highlighting the role played by industrial canteens in the shaping of class relations. It also looks at the relationship between food and the consumer economy by exploring efforts to optimize grocery shopping. This comparative analysis shows that the profoundly gendered activity of shopping for food has shaped women’s economic roles in socialism as well as capitalism. Exploring grocery markets and canteens as gendered and classed sites reveal that food is central to the growth of both socialist and capitalist economies, while at the same time arguing that individual food consumption and production always prove impossible to adequately optimize.
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31

Mauldin, Joshua. Barth, Bonhoeffer, and Modern Politics. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198867517.001.0001.

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Recent political events around the world have raised the specter of an impending collapse of democratic institutions. Contemporary worries about the decline of liberal democracy harken back to the tumult of the 1930s and 1940s in Europe. Karl Barth and Dietrich Bonhoeffer lived in Germany during the rise of National Socialism, and each reflected on what the rise of totalitarianism meant for the aspirations of modern politics. Engaging the realities of totalitarian terror, they avoided despairing rejections of modern society. Beginning with Barth in the wake of the First World War, following Bonhoeffer through the 1930s and 1940s in Nazi Germany, and concluding with Barth’s postwar reflections in the 1950s, this study explores how these figures reflected on modern society during this turbulent time and how their work is relevant to the current crisis of modern democracy
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32

Bown, Matthew Cullerne. Soviet Socialist Realist Painting, 1930s-1960s. Hyperion Books, 1995.

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33

Bernstein, Seth. Raised under Stalin. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501709883.001.0001.

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Communist Upbringing under Stalin: Young Communists and War in a Socialist Society, 1929-1945 examines Stalinist mass youth culture in the period of the Great Terror and World War II. For the Bolsheviks, youth were the “new people” who would someday build communism. Despite Stalinist assertions that the country was marching inexorably toward communism, though, there was no blueprint for raising a socialist generation. “Communist upbringing”—the program of moral socialization of the Young Communist League (Komsomol)—absorbed the violent atmosphere of the 1930s and 1940s. Even as it surrounded them with violence, Stalin’s regime provided young people with opportunities, shaping socialist youth culture and socialism more broadly through the threat and experience of war.
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34

Pula, Besnik. Globalization Under and After Socialism. Stanford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503605138.001.0001.

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Today, by a number of measures, the ex-socialist economies of Central and Eastern Europe are among the most globalized in the world. This book argues that the origins of Central and Eastern Europe’s heavily transnationalized economies should be sought in their socialist past and the efforts of reformers in the 1970s and 1980s to expand ties between domestic industry and transnational corporations (TNCs). The book’s comparative-historical analysis examines the trajectories of six socialist and postsocialist economies, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. The second part of the book focuses on the region’s deepening specialization in the 2000s as a TNC-dominated transnational manufacturing hub. It identifies three international market roles that the region’s state came to occupy in the transformation: assembly platform, intermediate producer, and combined. It explains divergence within the region through the comparative analysis of the politics of institutional adjustment after socialism.
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35

Brooks, Jeffrey, and Sergei I. Zhuk. The Distinctiveness of Soviet Culture. Edited by Simon Dixon. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236701.013.025.

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The quintessentially Soviet element of cultural development in the USSR between 1932 and 1991 was Socialist Realism. The period prior to the 1930s was its preface and that from the mid-1950s a long post-script. By the mid-1980s, Soviet publics had moved irreversibly beyond Socialist Realism in all the arts, and no viable new contender could assume the particularist mantle. The best official offerings to compete with new Western movements after 1945 were too little and too late. In the absence of a viable particularist contender and with institutions of isolationism eroding, Soviet culture inexorably drew closer to its counterparts abroad. By 1991 it had been gone so long that its formal passing was hardly noticed.
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36

Imlay, Talbot C. Constructing Europe, 1945–1960. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.003.0009.

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This chapter examines the contribution of European socialists to the process of European integration after 1945. European socialists exerted a steady and sometimes decisive influence on the construction of Europe. Socialist parties worked closely together on questions of European unity, making it impossible to understand the policy of one party independently of the others. The international socialist context helps to explain the decisions of the socialist-led French government in 1955–1956, which committed France to what became the Rome Treaties; and it helps to explain Labour’s growing interest in the late 1950s in a British application to join the EEC. More basically, this chapter explores how European socialists came to persuade themselves that the EEC (and especially a common market) was compatible with their goal of constructing a socialist Europe.
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37

Doody, Colleen. Business, Anti-Communism, and the Welfare State, 1945–1958. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037276.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on the Detroit business community's opposition to the growth of the government. These men made little distinction between the New Deal, Socialism, and Communism. The former, they argued, would ultimately lead to the latter. As a result, Detroit businessmen during the late 1940s and 1950s carried out a campaign to check state power. They targeted labor, particularly the United Automobile Workers (UAW), in this fight because they saw the union as one of the greatest advocates of an expanded welfare state. Like other conservatives, these men were anti-Communists. Their hostility to Communism was inextricably linked to their perception that free enterprise, as they understood it, was threatened by an expanding welfare state. Corporate managers discussed such issues as social security, unemployment insurance, and peacetime price controls—all measures they saw as part of the “march toward socialism or collectivism” and that labor-liberals believed were key to creating a modern welfare state.
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38

Shaffer, Kirwin R. Politics of the Bayamón Bloc and the Partido Socialista. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037641.003.0007.

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This chapter continues examining the relationships between anarchists and their sometime-allies, sometime-antagonists in the emerging Partido Socialista (PS) in the 1910s. Here, the chapter considers the agitations arising from the radical bloc in the city of Bayamón. The Bayamón anarchists continued their agitation throughout the 1910s, sometimes working with Socialists but also becoming less conciliatory and more rigid in their quest for an anarchist social revolution. By 1918, anarchists centered in the city took an increasingly hard line against all aspects of the PS—especially concerning the relevance of electoral politics for the future of Puerto Rican workers, the appropriate responses to militarism, and the new military draft for the Great War that some PS leaders such as the elected Socialist senator Santiago Iglesias supported.
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39

Gray, Hazel. The Forging and Unravelling of a Socialist Political Settlement. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198714644.003.0004.

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This chapter sets out the comparative evolution of the political settlement in Tanzania and Vietnam from the colonial period to the period of socialism and its ultimate demise. A description of the dominant political institutions and the evolution of the underlying distribution of power is traced through an historical exploration of the evolving structure of production and the important political struggles between contending groups in society. This chapter examines their comparative socialist experiences from the perspectives of the routes to power of the ruling parties, their success in consolidating power within the party, the creation of socialist economic institutions, and the attempts to redistribute economic power away from capitalists towards collective economic institutions. The crises of the 1970s and 1980s drove a significant change within the prevailing political settlement in both countries, that opened up the space for clientelism and informal processes of accumulation working within state institutions.
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40

Zubok, Vladislav. Cold War Strategies/Power and Culture—East. Edited by Richard H. Immerman and Petra Goedde. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236961.013.0018.

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This chapter examines the root motives behind the Soviet struggle against the West and the paradigm of Soviet international behavior related to the Cold War. It suggests that decolonization contributed to the Cold War because the decline of European colonial empires in the 1950s created irresistible temptations for Soviet leaders to intervene in parts of the globe previously beyond their reach. The chapter also suggests that the Soviet Cold War consensus began to crumble when the key tenets of the revolutionary-imperial paradigm became suspect in the 1960s and 1970s. These tenets held that the West was determined to destroy the Soviet Union and its “socialist empire” by force.
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41

Imlay, Talbot C. The Cold War and European Security, 1950–1960. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.003.0010.

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In examining European socialist responses to the issue of post-war European security, this chapter challenges the image of a continent irremediably divided along Cold War lines. Throughout the 1950s European socialists struggled to devise a stable and peaceful security order in a world of nuclear armaments and superpower rivalries. This struggle initially centred on the European Defence Community (EDC). For many socialists, the EDC offered a possible means not only of avoiding an independent German army but also perhaps of overcoming Cold War divisions. Following the EDC’s demise and West Germany’s integration into NATO, European socialists recentred their hopes on ‘disengagement’—the idea of creating a demilitarized and neutralized region in Central and Eastern Europe encompassing countries on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Indeed, during the late 1950s, European socialists emerged as the leading organized advocates of disengagement, working assiduously to keep the project in the public eye.
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42

Hardy, Jeffrey S. Undoing the Reforms. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501702792.003.0005.

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This chapter discusses the campaign against the post-Stalin reform of Soviet criminal justice. Stalin's rule left behind a powerful tough-on-crime psychology among Soviet society and Soviet officialdom that proved resistant to change. The efforts of Khrushchev and his top allies in the 1950s to move the country away from the punitive justice of the Stalin era ultimately “failed to resonate” with the Soviet public. As a result Khrushchev and his peers in the late 1950s turned instead to optimism for the future as a ruling technique, a trope that was inseparably coupled with intolerance for those unwilling to move forward toward communism. In the end, therefore, even Khrushchev and most top justice officials turned against the “soft line” of justice and became caught up in a renewed campaign against various enemies of socialism.
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43

Jaffrelot, Christophe, and Louise Tillin. Populism in India. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.7.

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India has been the crucible of several types of populism over time. In the 1960s, it saw the rise of peasant populism, an ideology that erased class differentiation to promote a rural people vs. urbanites divide. In the 1970s, Mrs Gandhi hijacked socialism by claiming “Indira is India.” Since the 1980s, the surge of Hindu nationalism mobilized the majority community against Muslims and Christians. Besides these national trends, at the state level, populist leaders have also emerged popularizing regional identities against alien or corrupt national elites. Overall, the chapter views populism in India as primarily a relational and often highly personalized style of leadership that frequently circumvents institutions to privilege a direct connection between a leader and the people, variously defined.
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44

Davies, Aled. ‘Pension Fund Socialism’. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198804116.003.0001.

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This chapter focuses on the political response to the institutionalization of saving and investment that took place in post-war Britain. It demonstrates that it was only in response to the acceleration of industrial decline in the 1970s that the influence of pension and insurance funds over the national economy was fully appreciated. The Heath government, perturbed by the divorce between ownership and control engendered by institutionalization, encouraged the financial institutions to take an interest in the firms they invested in. Meanwhile, figures in the Labour Party and trade-union movement recognized the immense power wielded by the institutions and sought to bring them under some form of public control. They hoped to use pension funds, as workers’ savings, to invest in the ailing industrial economy. In the crisis decade of the 1970s, these attempted reforms represented a struggle to adapt and reformulate social democracy in a changed material context.
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45

A, Leni͡a︡shin V., ed. The Soviet character: Paintings by Soviet artists, 1960s-1980s. Leningrad: Aurora Art Publishers, 1986.

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46

Schneider, Beth E., and Janelle M. Pham. The Turn toward Socialist, Radical, and Lesbian Feminisms. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.4.

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The emergence of socialist, radical, and lesbian feminisms during the 1960s was a reaction to, and critique of, liberal feminism. Activists in this women’s liberation branch of the second wave strongly agreed that liberal feminism, with its focus on rights, choice, and personal achievement, was insufficient in its analysis of women’s status and condition. Each of the three strands differed in their analysis of the roots of the problem and in their approaches to social change. This chapter details “the turn” to socialist, radical, and lesbian feminism during the 1960s and 1970s with a focus on the ideological underpinnings, strategies, and organizations, examining the differences between and within each strand. Each of these strands faced varying levels of criticism for their lack of attentiveness to the diversity of women’s experience beyond the interests of a mostly White, middle-class constituency. The chapter concludes with suggestions for future research on these feminisms.
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47

Basiuk, Tomasz, and Jędrzej Burszta. Queers in State Socialism: Cruising 1970s Poland. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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48

Queers in State Socialism: Cruising 1970s Poland. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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49

Basiuk, Tomasz, and Jędrzej Burszta. Queers in State Socialism: Cruising 1970s Poland. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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Basiuk, Tomasz, and Jędrzej Burszta. Queers in State Socialism: Cruising 1970s Poland. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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