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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Social service and race relations'

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1

Yee, June Ying. "A theoretical analysis of racism in social service agencies from a critical perspective." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23698.

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Much debate on the conceptualization of race and racism currently exists in the literature. By applying a critical approach to the study of the racism, it will be the basis from which to embark on a theoretically informed review of the literature, and to be able to apply my theoretical framework, which is composed of the following concepts: culture, power and dominance to the problem of racism in social service agencies. Specifically, an examination of current approaches, and the introduction of anti-racism strategies as a viable solution will be documented. It is concluded that there is a need to (1) challenge and modify the current knowledge base on racism in social service agencies; and (2) a need to provide social workers and policy-makers with the necessary tools to combat racism in social service agencies.
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2

Hollis, Awhina, and n/a. "Puao-te-Ata-tu and Maori social work methods." University of Otago. Department of Social Work and Community Development, 2006. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070430.125845.

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This research project critically engages with Maori social workers in order to develop an understanding of their practice methods and to ascertain whether they have changed since the 1980's. This will include a particular focus on the influences of the Puao-te-Ata-tu report (1986) on Maori practice methods and the perspectives of Maori social workers within social service organisations. Kaupapa Maori research and Qualitative methods inform this research project. Eight Maori social workers are interviewed and their discourses are examined in relation to the changing cultural, political and economic enviroment in the 1980's. The findings show that Maori social work methods are underpinned by tikanga Maori and that these have not changed significantly since the 1980's. The Puao-te-Ata-tu report was also found to be highly influential to Maori social work in general, however it did not have a direct effect on the practice methods of Maori social workers. The research project concludes with recommendations from both the participants and the researcher. These recommendations lay emphasis on the importance of educational institutions and social service organisations implementing the Puao-te-Ata-tu report and tikanga as a means of improving services for Maori.
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3

Colman, Richard Geoffrey. "A comparative evaluation of personal social and youth service responses to youth of foreign origin and their communities in West Germany and the United Kingdom." Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240204.

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4

Anderson, Adriene Lynn. "African-American women's perceptions of social workers as helpers." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/939.

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5

Smith, Catherine Tillie, and Dahlia Avila. "An evaluation of the California Brief Multicultural Competence Scale and training for mental health practices." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3317.

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This study was designed to investigate the effectiveness of the California Brief Multicultural Competence Scale (CBMCS) and training as a tool to increase cultural competency skills. The interest of this was to determine if the training brought about a change in empathy or effectively increased knowledge about the importance of culture.
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6

Walker, Shayne W., and n/a. "The Maatua Whangai Programme O Otepoti from a caregiver perspective." University of Otago. Department of Social Work and Community Development, 2001. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.150948.

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This research critically engages with the history and practice of Maatua Whangai within Aotearoa/New Zealand. Specifically it focusses on Maatua Whangai O Otepoti, examining the discourses of care-givers within this context. Further, this research is constructed within a Maori world view of both traditional fostercare practices and State interpretations of those practices. Case studies of the discourses of caregivers within the Maatua Whangai Programme are described and articulated in terms of kaupapa Maori research methods. The data generated identifies the discourses of the caregivers and their desire to have their voices heard. In contrast, the discourse of the state is examined in the light of reports such as Puao-Te-Ata-Tu (1986), and the work of Bradley (1994) and Ruwhiu (1995). It is argued that any shift in the current dominance of power relationships surrounding the Maatua Whangai Programme and fostercare practices in relation to Maori would entail a strengthening of ties between service providers, Iwi and the Crown. This would go some way towards redressing Crown dominance of Maori fostercare practices. Keywords: Maatua Whangai, Fostercare, Tamaiti Whangai, Maori, Iwi, Power, Dominance.
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7

Lujano, José Luis. "A survey of social workers' cultural competency: An exploratory study." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2724.

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8

LeBlanc, Denis 1977. "Working in a post-colonial system : whose voices are being silenced and heard in the narratives of native child welfare workers?" Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83165.

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The purpose of the present research was to explore the political underpinnings that shape the meaning that native child welfare workers give to their work. This was achieved with the use of a participatory research model that combines group interviews (sharing circle) with ethnography as a means of data analysis. The resulting narratives have suggested that the meaning native child welfare workers attribute to their work emerges from their community and the provincial structures that legislate and define child welfare policies, two sources, composed of various sub-systems, that often share polarized values and ideologies in matters of child welfare. This struggle is further complicated by the cultural relevance of child welfare services in the debate surrounding sovereignty and colonialism. It is suggested that more attention be given to understanding this meaning and how this process must originate from the community if indeed the deriving services are to be both culturally relevant and community based.
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9

Jones, Flora Mae. "The disproportionate representation of blacks in the child welfare system of the County of Los Angeles and decision-making practices of child welfare workers." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3226.

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The focus of this study is the significant and widespread overrepresentation of blacks in the child welfare system. The study specifically addresses the issue in the context of its association with decision-making practice of child welfare workers in the County of Los Angeles.
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10

Jones, Pamela Janice. "Disproportion of African American children in child welfare system crisis." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3198.

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The purpose of this study was to determine if the use of the Structured Decision-Making (SDM) tool affects the disproportion of African American children accounted for in Riverside County Child Welfare System.
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11

Mello, Marcus Rômulo Maia de. "Cotas sociorraciais em universidades." Universidade Federal de Alagoas, 2013. http://www.repositorio.ufal.br/handle/riufal/1250.

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The objective of this study is to analyze the effectiveness of the socio-racial quota system in universities. This is not to study the legal, social or legal effectiveness of its rules, which comes to be, respectively, the ability to produce legal effects, the actual legal effects themselves and the fulfillment of its precepts by society. It aims to study the effectiveness of the quota system from the goals it intends to achieve. We want to understand if the model adopted is able to achieve its social purpose. The affirmative action programs are policies to combat discrimination, the reduction of inequality and social inclusion of minorities. The socio-racial quotas are effective if at the end they are able to turn into reality what they envision. The beneficiaries of these quotas are low-income people, especially black students. Its immediate purpose is their access to services and opportunities of which they have been historically excluded. The mediate purpose is to give economic and social ascension to racial minorities, integrating them to the state of well-being and allowing its representatives to occupy social positions to which they had always been subordinate before. If this system achieves these primary purposes, it will be possible to say that affirmative action policy was effective. It's still early for this assertion, but it is possible to evaluate their suitability through the hypothetical-deductive method, checking if the formula adopted allows it to be effective in the future or if it is destined to failure. For that, after exposing the origin and evolution of the affirmative actions, their minorities, the normative political theories that support them and the design that inspired the Brazilian model, we proceeded to study the relevant law, the legal rules that formed the program as well as the collection of information contained in the copious literature on the subject, published in statistics and iterative court decisions on the matter, including the decision of the Supreme Court that held the quota system as constitutional. At the end, worrying misconceptions, such as percentage of quotas established in excessively high standards were observed; also adoption of model that keeps people separated by race categories; election of the controversial method of straight statement where the individual is confronted by a committee to confirm their breed standard; a methodology that honors the graduating students of public education and has harmed scholarship students and underperforming students from private schools. The socio-racial quotas in universities are an exclusionary system, which discredits the low-income population who did not study high school in public schools. The affirmative action policies practiced in universities are not able to achieve the noble goals that shape it, in that the most coveted spaces will remain unattainable for the vast majority of their clientele and will be occupied by a small elite segment of education audience that is not necessarily the recipient of the program.
O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a eficácia do sistema de cotas sociorraciais nas universidades. Não se trata de estudar a eficácia legal, jurídica ou social das suas normas, que vem a ser, respectivamente, a aptidão para produzir efeitos jurídicos, os efeitos jurídicos propriamente ditos e o cumprimento dos seus preceitos pela sociedade. Cuida-se de estudar a efetividade do sistema de cotas a partir das metas que ele intenta alcançar. Quer-se compreender se o modelo adotado é apto a atingir sua finalidade social. Os programas de ação afirmativa são políticas públicas voltadas ao combate à discriminação, à diminuição da desigualdade e à inclusão social de minorias. As cotas sociorraciais serão eficazes se alfim tiverem transformando em realidade aquilo que almejaram. Os beneficiários dessas cotas são as pessoas de baixa renda, especialmente os estudantes negros. Sua finalidade imediata é o acesso dessas pessoas a serviços e oportunidades dos quais elas foram historicamente excluídas. A finalidade mediata é conferir às minorias raciais ascensão econômica e social, integrando-as ao estado de bemestar e permitindo que seus representantes ocupem posições sociais as quais sempre estiveram subordinados antes. Se atingir essas finalidades primaciais, poder-se-á dizer que a política de ação afirmativa foi eficaz. Ainda é cedo para tal afirmação, mas é possível avaliar sua idoneidade pelo método hipotético-dedutivo, aferindo se a fórmula adotada permite que ela seja eficaz no futuro ou se está destinada ao malogro. Para tanto, após uma exposição da origem e evolução das ações afirmativas, das suas minorias, das teorias políticas normativas que lhe dão suporte e da concepção que inspirou o modelo brasileiro, procedeu-se ao estudo da legislação pertinente, das normas jurídicas que formataram o programa, bem como ao levantamento de informações contidas em copiosa doutrina sobre o tema, em estatísticas publicadas e em iterativas jurisprudências dos tribunais sobre a matéria, inclusive da decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal que considerou o sistema de cotas constitucional. Ao final, foram constatados equívocos preocupantes, tais como percentuais de cotas estabelecidos em padrões excessivamente altos; adoção de modelo que mantém as pessoas separadas por categorias raciais; eleição do método controverso da heterodeclaração, em que o indivíduo é confrontado por um comitê encarregado de confirmar o seu padrão racial; metodologia que prestigia os alunos egressos do ensino público e tem prejudicado estudantes bolsistas e alunos de escolas privadas de baixo desempenho. As cotas sociorraciais nas universidades são um sistema excludente, que desprestigia a população de baixa renda que não estudou o ensino médio em escola pública. As políticas de ação afirmativa praticadas nas universidades não são aptas a alcançar as finalidades nobres que a enformam, na medida em que os espaços mais cobiçados continuarão a ser inalcançáveis para a grande maioria de sua clientela e serão ocupados por um pequeno segmento de elite do ensino público que não é necessariamente o destinatário do programa.
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12

Bellay, Susan. "Pluralism and race/ethnic relations in Canadian social science, 1880-1939." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ57503.pdf.

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13

Lloyd, Emily Paige. "Race Deficits in Pain Authenticity Detection." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1531912112953475.

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14

Singh, Gurnam. "Race and social work from 'black pathology' to 'black perspectives'." Bradford : Race Relations Research Unit, 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/27378616.html.

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15

Clements, Philip. "What does 'good' equal opportunities training look like? A model of fair treatment training in the police service derived from the experience of police officers and civil staff engaged in training design and delivery." Thesis, Brunel University, 2000. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4926.

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'Equal Opportunities' (EO) in this research is taken as an umbrella term to encompass all forms of training in fair treatment issues including Community and Race Relations. The literature reveals that training police officers in EO issues falls short of what is needed and yet little research has been done into how trainers and learners engage with the content of EO training. A measure of the importance attached to this area of research lies in the fact that in April 1999 this project attracted Home Office Police Research Award Scheme funding. Police training in EO was examined from the point of view of the trainers who engage in it by exploring their experience. The consistent theme and the core question "what does good EO training look like?" had the object of constructing a model of good EO training where "good" has been defined out of the trainers' own expenence. Thirty interviews were conducted using well established phenomenographic principles to explore the experience of those engaged in the design or delivery of EO training for police officers. For the subsequent qualitative analysis of the data an approach similar to grounded theory was used. The results demonstrate that good EO training has four elements expressed in terms of its objects, the act of engaging in EO training, the process, and issues surrounding the skills and attributes required of trainers engaging in its delivery. Each of the elements had a number of component themes that were also used in the construction of the model. A key finding, consistent with other studies, was that learners and trainers alike may selectively emphasise or focus on a particular part of the model, and, in doing so, will inhibit the effectiveness of both the learning and the training.
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Pittman, Cassi. "Race, Social Context, and Consumption: How Race Structures the Consumption Preferences and Practices of Middle and Working-Class Blacks." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10648.

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The contemporary experience of race in America demands that blacks become astute observers of their surroundings, required to read subtle social, interactional and environmental cues to determine how to appropriately engage others in order to gain respect and social acceptance. Consumption objects, whether physical or material goods or services and experiences, are symbolic tools that blacks mobilize in order to define and assert themselves wherever they may be. Market research reveals that divergent patterns of consumption exist along racial lines. Blacks outspend whites in three central categories: apparel, personal care, and electronics and technology. Sociological research on consumption, however, has inadequately addressed how race influences blacks' consumption. Claims that blacks are conspicuous consumers are pervasive in both popular and academic works, and research indicates that blacks' consumption is, at least partially explained by status considerations, yet no comprehensive, empirically grounded theory exists to account for the contextually determined, symbolic and strategic use of goods by middle and working-class blacks. In my dissertation entitled “Race, Social Context, and Consumption: How Race Structures the Consumption Preferences and Practices of Middle and Working-class Blacks,” I offer an account of blacks' consumption that addresses this gap in the literature. I analyze qualitative interview data collected from 55 blacks residing in the New York City area, focusing on blacks' consumption preferences and practices in three social arenas: where they live, where they work, and where they play. Through examining middle and working-class blacks' consumption I show the ways that race remains salient in blacks' everyday lives; affecting their routine practices and marketplace interactions. Blacks differ as consumers as a consequence of a history of racial alienation, segregation, and discrimination in public settings, which has resulted in their use of goods to mitigate racial stigma, but distinct patterns of consumption emerge as blacks mobilize consumption objects to express and affirm their racial identities. This dissertation demonstrates that whether consumption goods are used to contest racial stigma or to express feelings of racial affinity, in both instances blacks' consumption preferences and practices reflect their reactions to the settings in which their consumption is enacted.
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Irvin, Clinton R. "Perceptions of race influenced by individual interactions the ambassador effect /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1127232347.

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Coe, Aaron Daniel. "Chinese Merchants and Race Relations in Astoria, Oregon, 1882 - 1924." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/422.

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A large wave of Chinese immigrants came to the United States in the second half of the nineteenth century. Employment, mainly in the salmon-canning industry, drew thousands of them to coastal Astoria, Oregon. Taking the period between the first Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882 and the Immigration Act of 1924, this thesis focuses on the Chinese merchants in Astoria and their importance for our understanding of race relations in the town during these years. Specifically, the merchants help to make sense of how the Chinese related to the local white population, as different sources suggest different trends of amiability and hostility. Newspapers testify that local Chinese gained acceptance during the period, going generally from vilified outcasts to respected members of the community. Immigration case files, however, show that officials displayed little resistance to Chinese in the early exclusion years, but worked harder to deny Chinese applications toward the end of this period. So, from one body of records it seems that white Astorians grew more tolerant of Chinese during these years, while the other document set shows a rise in conflict with the immigrants. This apparent contradiction can be reconciled by considering the demographic changes in the Chinese immigrant community during this period, along with class biases and the role of merchants in immigration and social interactions.
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Small, Charles. "Social theory : an historical analysis of Canadian socio-cultural policies, #race' and the #other'; a case study of social and spatial segregation in Montreal." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307461.

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20

Tsitsos, William. "The Interaction of Race & Theological Orientation in Congregational Social Service Provision." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194984.

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This project continues the tradition of scholarly attention to the social service activities of African-American religious organizations. Analysis of data from the 1998 National Congregations Study reveals that African-American congregations are not more or less likely to support social services in general. They are, however, more likely to support certain types of programs. Specifically, these are programs in the areas of substance abuse, mentoring/tutoring, and non-religious education. Further analysis of NCS indicates that, among African-American congregations, theological conservatism is associated with a greater likelihood of supporting social service programs. This runs counter to existing assumptions about theological conservatism, which has previously been associated with a focus on "other-worldly" concerns, such as getting into heaven. As such, theological conservatism has never been thought to encourage concern over "this-worldly" issues such as poverty, homelessness, and other social problems that are part of the social service realm. While these assumptions about theological conservatism hold true for non-African-American congregations, the same cannot be said for African-American congregations. This project attempts to figure out why this is the case. Does theological conservatism mean something different in African-American congregations than what it does in other congregations? If so, what are these different meanings?To answer these questions, the project includes nineteen interviews with key informants, such as ministers, priests, or other staff people/leaders, from local religious congregations in a mid-sized city in the southwestern U.S. Nine of the informants are affiliated with African-American congregations, and the other ten are affiliated with non-African-American congregations. The interviews establish the racial/ethnic composition, theological & political orientations (liberal, conservative, or in the middle) of each informant's congregation, as well as whether the congregation supports any social service programs. The interview data show the ways in which many of the stereotypes about theological conservatism do not apply to African-American, theologically conservative congregations. Many of the interviewees from African-American, theologically conservative congregations emphasize the importance of relationships and community in ways that the non-African-American theological conservatives do not. This explains why these African-American congregations are more likely to support social service programs, unlike other theologically conservative congregations.
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Kennedy, Amanda Elizabeth. "The social rules of engagement : race and gender relations in civil war reenactment /." Connect to resource, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1120587297.

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22

Corby, Susan Ruth. "Private sector norms and public service practices : employment relations in the Civil Service and the National Health Service." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 2003. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/6137/.

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This submission for a PhD by published work looks at employment relations in the Civil Service and the National Health Service( NHS) over the last decade and in particular at management/union relations, pay determination and equal opportunities. The focus of research over this period was the extent to which private sector norms are advocated by the State impacted on public sector practices: a) in the Civil Service compared to the NHS b) in employing bodies within the Civil Service(ie executive agencies and employing bodies within the NHS (ie NHS trusts). The submission is in three parts. First, the distinctions between the private and public sectors are discussed along with the change agenda pursued by successive governments since 1979 to make the public sector more like the private sector. Second, four key debates are rehearsed: whether the state as employer is no longer a 'model' employer, whether there has been trade union renewal; whether the public sector ethos has been undermined; and whether the accession of the Labour government in 1997 was a watershed in respect of public sector employment relations. Third, the author's contributions to these debates are demonstrated.
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Naidoo, Rajambal. "Law as an instrument of social change : the Race Relations Act (RRA) of 1976." Thesis, City University London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.393810.

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24

Brown, Syreeta. "The Relationship Between Social Attitudes and Race-Based Affirmative Action." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/744.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Psychology
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25

Thomas, Melvin E. "Race, class and the quality of life of black people." Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/87664.

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Wilson (1980) argued that social class has superseded race as the most important determinant of life chances for black Americans. His statements have sparked a heated debate in the sociology of race relations. This dissertation is an empirical test of the “declining significance of race" thesis in relation to the quality of life of black Americans. It assumes that "life chances” include not only economic criteria but also the possibility of attaining a happy, satisfying, and healthy life. Two perspectives on the relationship between race and well-being were distinguished. The “class" perspective identifies the source of the problems blacks face as increasingly a class phenomena rather than one of race. The “race” perspective sees race as increasingly the source of the problems blacks face. These two perspectives were tested using data from three different sources: the NORC General Social Survey; the Quality of American Life, 1971 and 1978 (Campbell and Converse, 1971, 1978); and Americans View Their Mental Health, 1957 and 1976: Selected Variables (Veroff, Douvan and Kulka, 1978). The effects of race and class (and other demographic variables) were compared across the years of each survey on selected measures of subjective well-being. The results revealed a persistent race effect on all of the quality of life measures except for the scales measuring psychiatric symptoms. Most of the race effects persisted even when controlling for social class, sex, marital status, and age across all the years examined. These results support the "race" perspective that “being black" is detrimental to the psychological well-being of blacks regardless of their social class status. There was, however, no discernible trend of race increasing or declining in significance--only its continuing significance.
Ph. D.
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Beale, B. L. "Maternity services for urban Aboriginal women : experiences of six women in Western Sydney /." View thesis, 1996. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030613.161127/index.html.

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Rich, Meghan Ashlin. "Diversity block by block homeowners' perceptions of race, class, and neighborhood change in an integrated urban neighborhood /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 269 p, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1456284981&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Zhong, Weifeng. "Identity, racial confrontation, and the decline of class." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42664494.

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Bernardi, Daniel. "Star trek and history : race-ing toward a white future /." New Brunswick, NJ [u.a.] : Rutgers University Press, 1999. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=018615232&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Kreitzer, Mark Robert. "A missiological evaluation of the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk's new social theology (Church and society 1990)." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1997. http://www.tren.com.

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Boda, Zsófia. "Friendship based on race or race based on friendship? : the co-evolution of friendships, negative ties and ethnic perceptions in Hungarian school classes." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1b8543cc-486c-4f2d-a89f-2982f21dd32f.

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This thesis focuses on the dynamic interplay between race and social ties. Even though in sociological studies, race is usually treated as a cause of social segregation, we argue that this is a two-way process. Our approach distinguishes between racial self-identifications and racial perceptions. In the first part of the thesis, we focus on the joint effects of these aspects on the prevalence and emergence of social ties in secondary school communities. The second part investigates social effects on racial perceptions. For the analyses, we take a social networks approach, estimating exponential random graph and stochastic actor-oriented models. First, we take a look at the state of racial segregation in friendships and negative ties within communities, and we investigate the dynamic processes that have led to the described state. We also take endogenous network mechanisms into account. We provide evidence that given an initial state of segregation, reciprocity and clustering can maintain the relative infrequency of cross-race friendships in the group, even without (additional) same-race preference. Further, we find that negative ties describe interracial segregation better than friendships: majority students tend to dislike their minority peers, but no such tendencies were found for friendships. Second, we find that minority students tend to overperceive their friends' similarity to themselves in terms of race. Moreover, there is evidence for social influence: classmates tend to accept each other's, especially their friends', opinions about their peer's race. Altogether, both empirical parts of the thesis suggest a hierarchical relationship between the majority and the minority groups: besides majority students' tendency to exclude their minority peers, those who try befriending majorities - but get rejected by them - are more likely to be perceived as minorities. There are also indications of some minority students showing outgroup preference, while others seem to compete against the majority group. This can contribute to the observed emergence of enmity between minority students.
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Stringer, Henry C. "A comparison of selected marital characteristics in black-white interracial marriages and same race marriages." Connect to resource, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1240592754.

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Campbell, Blaze Caprice-Amore. "Assessing Social Justice Perspectives Among Resident Assistants: The Impact of a Race Relations Inter-Group Dialogue." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/311157.

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African American Studies
M.A.
This study was designed to assess a PWIs residential life department's initiative to provide their Resident Assistants (RAs) an opportunity to discuss race through an inter-group dialogue session. I argue that any activity that focuses on race needs to be grounded in a social justice framework. This is because this framework educates individuals about systematic social, political, and economic issues that plague our society. A social justice grounding also fosters a disposition that desires to eliminate institutionalized discrimination. As such, this study sought to answer the following research questions: how did this inter-group dialogue impact the RAs ability to recognize race-related issues in the United States and did this inter-group dialogue foster a social justice perspective among the RAs that participated? Through a content analysis of ten in-depth, semi-structured interviews with RAs who participated in the dialogue the findings suggest that RAs did gain an understanding of how different lived experiences effect how someone views societal race issues, but the inter-group dialogue did not foster a transformative perspective among RAs that were not already grounded in social justice. Recommendations to improve future sessions are provided.
Temple University--Theses
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34

Franks, Lynda. "Revisiting Invasion-Succession: Social Relations in a Gentrifying Neighborhood." PDXScholar, 2005. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2880.

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This thesis examines the social relationships of different residents in a gentrifying neighborhood in Northeast Portland, Oregon. It examines theoretical tenants in the social identity tradition to understand social change in terms of the impact of neighborhood change on the day-to-day interactions of individuals in a gentrifying neighborhood by exploring the ways in which different members of that neighborhood define and describe the terms “neighborhood”, “neighbor”, and “neighborly behavior”. Intergroup neighboring research posits two outcomes of neighborhood change on interactions between old and new neighbors, one of conflict, the other of cooperation. The conflict perspective proposes that, in situations where new, higher income, better educated, socially dominant group members move into a previously lower-income, racially-mixed neighborhood, communication between old and new neighbors is limited by group differences in values and priorities. Conversely, research in cooperative intergroup neighboring in times of change demonstrates that the different members can, under certain conditions, collectively act to address adverse changes to their shared environment. Conditions promoting between-group cooperation in a changing environment include a history of neighborhood political activism, an atypical ideological attraction to diversity, and the ability to articulate common interests and goals. The thesis examines the applicability of these two perspectives through a qualitative case study of "neighboring" relations in a portion of King Neighborhood. It specifically seeks to understand how residents' stated perceptions and observed outcomes can be related to issues in class-classism, race-racism, and length of residence in the neighborhood or if other factors such as reasons for choosing this neighborhood, prior and recent experiences, and one's ideological/cultural worldview supersede economic-racial concerns. The study found that the ‘different residents’ viewed neighborhood, in general, and their neighborhood and neighbors, in particular, through a variety of filters. While ‘race’ was mentioned in describing past interactions, respondents focused more on the broad, albeit mundane, factors of everyday life such as friendliness, approachability, and speaking rather than specific racial-ethnic or economic-class differences. These results are consistent with intergroup neighboring cohesion research showing that class and race are not readily important when neighborhood is viewed as a place of comfort, self-expression, or desired relaxation.
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Gasson, Ruth, and n/a. "Liberalism, communitarianism, fairness and social policy." University of Otago. Faculty of Education, 1998. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070528.122329.

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Communitarianism is an internationally contentious anti-liberal theory which is becoming increasingly popular in political philosophy. It commonly is employed to motivate and legitimate �identity politics� - a politics which is used to defend the rights of disadvantaged aboriginal minorities to maintain their traditional ways. Recently �identity politics� has been exploited in mainstream poltical/educational academic literature in New Zealand, especially in literature that deals with Maori issues. This is significant because in the recent history of New Zealand, liberal political theory has been dominant. Notions of rights and of fairness are fundamental to communitarianism and to liberalism, but communitarians and liberals hold very different ideas about what these notions involve. My PhD thesis compares their ideas and relates them to New Zealand. It views certain social and political issues in New Zealand, by way of liberal and then communitarian theories. It examines how liberalism and communitarianism have been, and can be, used to support and to legitimate particular policies and practices in terms of �fairness� and �justice�. My work considers the explanatory and the practical application of communitarianism and liberalism with respect to their conceptions of human nature, political ideals, rights and rationality. It defends liberalism against the communities the protections they �need� in order to flourish. With respect to New Zealand it recognises that Maori have been treated unjustly by the crown, but argues that much of the injustice happened, not because of liberalism, but because liberal values were not upheld. The thesis concludes that liberalism is better equipped than communitarianism to describe Maori and Pakeha relations, and to formulate a framework for positive and constructive trans-cultural policies that will respect both Maori and Pakeha cultures.
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36

Kwan, Ho Yan. "Customer-company identification in service failure context: the role of service recovery, corporate social responsibility, and customer participation." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2015. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/198.

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In today’s competitive marketplace, simply satisfying customers is no longer sufficient to assure long-term customer-firm relationships, especially for firms that experience a service failure. Companies are now looking for additional ways to secure customer retention and raise customer loyalty. By applying social identity theory, this research empirically explores customercompany identification (customer identification) and its potential predicting factors in a service failure context. Service failures are inevitable but create negative emotions and behaviors in consumers that are directed against service firms. Service recovery from a failure is always a vital step in pacifying dissatisfied customers and maintaining ongoing relationships with them. However, is identification among customers also influenced by service recovery? The effect of customer perceptions of service recovery on customer identification is first examined in the present research. Moreover, given that service recovery may not always work in the desirable way that service firms expect, executing recovery is not the single solution for relationship maintenance following failed service. In contemporary marketing, corporate social responsibility (CSR) is considered a measure for rebuilding customer relationships that offers firms “insurance-like protection against negative situations. Then, would CSR complement a recovery strategy and be effective in protecting firms from service failure? The effect of the interplay between recovery and CSR on customer identification in the advent of a service failure is examined. In addition, today’s customers are eager to participate in their service experience. Customers can now enjoy services by cooperating with service providers. Whereas the current literature emphasizes the benefits of customer participation only in routine service settings, this research attempts to further explore the potential moderating role of customer participation in service delivery (either service provision or service recovery) in influencing customer post-failure identification and subsequent responses in a failure context. A multi-method approach has been adopted in the present research. A field survey was first conducted using a sample of 354 customers in Hong Kong; this was followed by two scenario-based laboratory studies using a total of 370 students. The research findings contribute to the literature and social identity theory by examining the interaction between recovery and CSR with respect to customer identification in a service failure. The results demonstrate that perceived recovery justice positively influences customer post-failure identification with a service firm. Also, high perceived CSR performance is more effective in fostering customer identification when customers have lower justice perceptions regarding the recovery attempt. Furthermore, the research sheds light on the value of involving customers in service delivery. Customer participation in either service provision or recovery strengthens the positive impact of CSR on customer identification and ultimately contributes to customer loyalty intentions. Therefore, involving customers in co-creating service or recovery is a cost-effective strategy to strengthen customer-firm relationships even in the advent of a service failure.
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37

Mullenite, Joshua. "Engineering Colonialism: Race, Class, and the Social History of Flood Control in Guyana." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3800.

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Overabundance and scarcity of water are global concerns. Across the world’s low-lying coastal plains, flooding brought on by sea level rise acts as an existential threat for a multitude of people and cultures while in desert (and increasingly non-desert) regions intensifying drought cycles do the same. In the decades to come, how people manage these threats will have important implications not only for individual and cultural survival, but also for questions of justice. Recent research on flooding and flood management probes the histories of survival, and adaptation in flood threatened regions for insights into emergent flood-related crises. However, scholars have thus far overemphasized the technical aspects of how engineered flood control systems functioned, overlooking both the specific social, political, and economic contexts within which past practices emerged and the social worlds that they helped create. This dissertation examines the social, economic, and political histories of flood control projects in the South American country of Guyana in order to understand the long lasting social, political, and environmental impacts of colonial-era projects. To do this, I utilized archival data collected from the National Archives in London, UK, historical newspaper articles collected through online newspaper databases, press release statements from Guyana’s major political parties, and unstructured and semi-structured interviews with residents from coastal Guyana. These data were imported and analyzed using qualitative data analysis software in order to make connections across spatial and temporal scales. The key finding of the dissertation is that, in Guyana, flood control engineering has historically played multiple social, political, and economic roles beyond the functional explanations assumed in many present environmental management discourses. Colonial engineering projects served as a way to protect colonizers from economic crises and social upheaval and were not just a means for protecting the coast from flooding. Additionally, the dissertation found that these projects were key to creating the racial geographies that helped to protect colonialism in its final years and which continue to shape coastal life today. Finally, the dissertation found that, after the end of colonialism, flood engineering projects were incorporated into larger projects of racialized regime survival.
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38

Scrinzi, Francesca. "Les migrant(e)s dans les emplois domestiques en France et en Italie : construction sociale de la relation de service au croisement des rapports sociaux de sexe, de race et de classe." Nice, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005NICE2002.

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Les migrant(e)s dans le service domestique en France et en Italie : construction sociale de la relation de service au croisement des rapports sociaux de sexe, de race et de classe. Cette thèse, basée sur une enquête ethnographique, s'attache à dégager les articulations des rapports sociaux de sexe, race et classe dans l'organisation et la construction sociale des rapports de travail dans le service domestique en France et en Italie. La race y est entendue comme le produit d'un travail de sélection e naturalisation de traits physiques et culturels divers dans le cadre de rapports de pouvoir historiquement situés. Les notions de " différence sexuelle " et de " différence culturelle " sont envisagées comme des catégories essentialisées, qui sont mobilisées de manière entrecroisée par les divers acteurs sociaux dans les rapports de travail, et également comme des clivages autour desquels se produisent des discriminations mais aussi des résistances
Migrant women and men in the domestic service sector in France and Italy. The social construction of the service relation at the intersection of gender, and class. In recent years, throughout the European Union there has been an increase in demand for domestic services. This demand is fulfilled by migrant undocumented women working in the informal sector. This doctoral thesis, based on ethnographic data, explore the interplay of gender, “race” and class in the material organisation and discursive construction of work relations in the domestic service sector in France and Italy. On the one hand, ideas of “cultural difference” and “femininity” are embedded and negotiated in daily recruitment and training practises. On the other hand, in theirs interactions with recruiters, trainers and employers, migrant women challenge these racialising representations and manipulate them in order to obtain
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39

Zielinski, Martin A. "The promotion of better race relations the Catholic Interracial Council of New York, 1934-1945 /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1985. http://www.tren.com.

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40

Grigsby, Alan V. "Integration without Assimilation: Black Social Life in a Diverse Suburb." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1535372415028617.

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41

Shawver, Brenda G. "The social construction of workplace "diversity"." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000263.

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42

Poata-Smith, E. S. Te Ahu, and n/a. "The political economy of Maori protest politics, 1968-1995 : a Marxist analysis of the roots of Maori oppression and the politics of resistance." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2002. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.153703.

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This thesis provides a Marxist analysis of the political economy of contemporary Maori protest politics in the years from 1968 to 1995. It is argued that Maori protest politics embraces a range of competing political ideologies, which are informed by different assumptions about the causes of Maori inequality in wider society, and in turn, different sets of strategies for ameliorating and transcending that inequality. Overall, the thesis has two central concerns: firstly, it identifies the critical economic, political and ideological conditions and context that have allowed particular competing political ideologies and strategies to dominate contemporary Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. Secondly, the thesis critically assesses the effectiveness of contemporary Maori struggles against racism and oppression on the basis of whether they involve, or are likely to contribute towards, the transformation of the generative structures that give rise to manifest inequalities between Maori and non-Maori. It is argued that the systematic alienation of land and the inequality that exists between Maori and non-Maori are not simply the result of the underlying cultural values of individual non-Maori but are rather the result of the historical process of capitalist development in Aotearoa and the economic, political and ideological requirements necessary for the generalised commodification of indigenous labour-power. The thesis explores how the politics and practice of Maori protest has been shaped and influenced to a large extent by the underlying social, economic, political and ideological forces of global capitalism. It is argued that the international collapse of the long boom, the global upturn in class struggle and the emergence of the New Left internationally from the late 1960s had an enormous influence on the political direction of Maori protest in the New Zealand context. The success of the working class offensive and the growing political influence of rank and file Maori workers ensured that Maori protest groups formed part of the progressive social movements of the time. Indeed, although some were explicitly nationalist in their orientation, these movements were consciously part of the Left. The balance of political forces within the Maori protest movement changed considerably during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the rise of the New Right as a political force internationally together with the rise of employer militancy, the defeat and demoralization of the working class movement internationally, the decline of the social movements and the absence of mass struggle. This had important implications for the influence of the various ideological factions that co-existed uneasily in the Maori political milieu from the early 1970s onwards. The downturn in militant mass struggle saw the rise in the influence of identity politics as cultural nationalist strategies came to dominate Maori protest politics, representing a fundamental retreat from Left-wing ideas. In practice this entailed a rejection of the class politics and mass struggle that had informed the politics and strategies of Maori protest groups from the late 1960s, and its replacement with a politics of cross-class alliances and a personal rejection of �Pakeha society�. In practice this was a recipe for passivity and divisiveness within the Maori protest movement itself. The politics of cultural nationalism left Maori ill-equipped to resist the ruling class counter-offensive and the anti-working class policies that successive governments introduced to restore the conditions for profitable capital accumulation. In particular, the rejection of a class analysis of Maori inequality in capitalist society has undermined the capacity of working class Maori to resist the neo-liberal agenda and a Treaty of Waitangi settlement process that has resulted in a substantial shift in resources to those sections of Maori society already wealthy and powerful. Although the settlement process represented an important concession by the state, it has never compensated for the anti-working class policies of governments since 1984, which have widened the social and economic inequalities in New Zealand society. In this way, the emphasis on cultural identity alone as the determining factor in Maori oppression has been counter-productive for working class Maori as successive governments shifted the costs of the economic crisis on to the weakest sections of the community. As New Zealand entered a new period of economic and social crisis in the 1990s, the commercial interests of Maori tribal executives, Maori corporate enterprises, and the Maori bureaucracy were clearly at odds with the material interests of the vast majority of working class Maori families. This fundamental conflict in class interests was to set the scene for a revival of militancy on scale not seen since the 1970s.
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43

Bills, George F. "Untangling Neoliberalism’s Gordian Knot: Cancer Prevention and Control Services for Rural Appalachian Populations." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/sociology_etds/12.

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In eastern Kentucky, as in much of central Appalachia, current local storylines narrate the frictions and contradictions involved in the structural transition from a post-WWII Fordist industrial economy and a Keynesian welfare state to a Post-Fordist service economy and Neoliberal hollow state, starving for energy to sustain consumer indulgence (Jessop, 1993; Harvey, 2003; 2005). Neoliberalism is the ideological force redefining the “societal infrastructure of language” that legitimates this transition, in part by redefining the key terms of democracy and citizenship, as well as valorizing the market, the individual, and technocratic innovation (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999; Harvey, 2005). This project develops a perspective that understands cancer prevention and control in Appalachiaas part of the structural transition that is realigning community social ties in relation to ideological forces deployed as “commonsense” storylines that “lubricate” frictions that complicates the transition.
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44

Nuttall, Timothy Andrew. "Class, race and nation : African politics in Durban, 1929-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:876d79f4-db97-4efc-8751-18ac01fc38ef.

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The 1930s and 1940s in Durban have been relatively under-researched, and yet these two decades constituted a crucial phase in the city's growth. This thesis concentrates on the political experiences of Africans during the period. The beer hall riots of 1929 and the 'African-Indian' riots of 1949 serve as significant points at which to start and end the thesis. These two flashpoints were very different in nature, and their differences signalled the changes that took place in Durban between the late 1920s and the late 1940s. Yet the riots can also be linked: they both reflected extreme frustration amongst Africans at their exclusion from the resources of the city. The two riots illuminate key issues in African politics, in municipal and state policy, and in the changing structures of Durban society. These comparative findings are based on a detailed study of the period between the two riots. A wide variety of African political experiences in Durban is examined. These fall into four broad categories of political ideology and practice: populism, nationalism, ethnicity and 'workerism'. The narrative begins with the radical anti-municipal populism of 1929-30 and then attempts to explain the politically 'quiet' 1930s. The Second World War brought significant changes, giving rise to a range of important new ideologies and political strategies. The most important developments were in worker organisation and nationalist politics. The struggle for the city was heightened even further in the post-war period. Wide-ranging expressions of urban populism and racial ethnicity set the scene for the 1949 riots. Due to the nature of the evidence collected, much of the thesis concentrates on the roles played by the (largely middle class) political leadership. The analysis portrays African politics as a complex process of 'negotiation', and the historical narrative is informed by theoretical perspectives which integrate 'class' and 'race'.
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45

Khalid, Amr. "Aspects of Islam and social coexistence : the case of Britain." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683357.

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46

Lewis, Gail. "Living the differences : ethnicity, gender and social work." N.p, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/.

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47

Kabengele, Blanche. "An Intellectual History of Two Recent Theories of Racism." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1303843493.

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48

Donahue, Robert Charles. "Guidelines for raising awareness among Christian leaders for the need of reconciliation in a multiethnic society." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1995. http://www.tren.com.

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49

Pich, Hollie Rebecca Dockrill. "Building Black Memphis: Everyday Life in a Jim Crow City." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/22201.

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This thesis is about African Americans in Memphis working within the constraints of Jim Crow in order to improve materially their lives. Historians have emphasised how African Americans were shut out of public life during the early decades of Jim Crow. The imposition of racial segregation, and the rise of racialised violence, undoubtedly constrained the lives of black southerners. Yet this period was also defined by structural changes that created new opportunities. An economic shift created new, wage-based jobs. These jobs enabled some African Americans to escape exploitative employment as sharecroppers or tenant farmers, and facilitated the movement of black southerners from rural regions into urban centres. Simultaneously, Progressivism swept the south. Reformers changed not only the physical landscape of southern cities, by building parks and playgrounds—they also created new institutions, such as juvenile courts, and reformed existing structures, such as the criminal justice system. In this thesis, I examine how African Americans in Memphis negotiated these structural changes. Through a series of five case studies—each of which centres on a different facet of black life in Jim Crow Memphis—I argue that black Memphians created new opportunities in the midst of these changes in order to build better lives for themselves, their families, and their communities. Relatedly, I argue that most black southerners did not conceive of themselves as waging a battle for racial equality, but instead focused their energies on securing short-term, material gains, which would make a meaningful (and immediate) change to their personal circumstances. Studying these efforts helps us better understand the intertwined histories of Jim Crow and the Progressive-Era, and African Americans’ relationships with local legal, political, and economic institutions in the segregated south.
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50

Kealy, Vanessa. "Imagined spaces: interpreting perceptions of place and regulation of spaces through the processes of normalisation and reconciliation at Weipa." Thesis, Macquarie University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/269920.

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As an imagined space of suburban normalcy, Weipa North, far north Queensland, is in a transition of governance, from a Comalco controlled space to a local government entity. 'Normalisation1 of the 'company town' is revealed as a mechanism of regulation, excluding the local Aboriginal community of Napranum which is constructed as Weipa North's 'other'. This thesis focuses on the process of normalising' Weipa North through the experience of young Aboriginal people, and argues that normalisation' of Weipa North will not lead to Aboriginal reconciliation within the Weipa area. Marginalisation of young Aboriginal people's concerns and aspirations surrounding issues of 'normalisation', it is argued, undermines the potential for reconciliation where Comalco assumes connections to country and culture are irrelevant to young Aboriginal people
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