Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Social security – new zealand – history'

Consideration of the degree to which social factors have influenced the development of archaeology has become a recent focus of interest among archaeologists; however little work has been done on determining the relationship of social factors to archaeology in new Zealand. The aim of this thesis is to consider whether archaeologists were influenced by the surrounding New Zealand society between the years 1840 and 1954 and if so, in what manner were they influenced. In particular, consideration is given to how the social background of New Zealand archaeology compared with the social influences of British archaeology compared with the social influence of British archaeology of the time. For the purposes of the study the term archaeologist applies to all those who investigated or recovered in situ archaeological material. Lists of archaeologists of the day were compiled from journals, newspaper articles, and unpublished sources. From these lists the social background of those engaging in archaeology was reconstructed. Developments in archaeology theory and methodology were also examined, not only to determine the manner in which they effected the practise of archaeology, but also to determine the source of those developments, and the reasons for their adoption. The wider social context was also examined to determine the degree to which archaeology reflected certain factors in New Zealand society, not simply in the manner in which archaeology was carried out, but also in the reasons for which research was conducted. This study demonstrates that though the discipline, and in particular the power, was concentrated among urban professionals, the social spread of those engaging in archaeology was wide. This was particularly the case between the turn of the century and the Second World War, when archaeologists with a tertiary background were in a minority. Archaeologists were influenced both from inside and outside the field, the degree of influence being determined by individual factors. As archaeologists were a part of society, so too was society part of archaeological practice. In the manner in which archaeology was conducted the influence of societal attitudes towards women and Maori can be seen.

This study examines how an ethnic minority group copes under conditions of adversity. It follows in the tradition of a wide body of qualitative work that has investigated racial minorities and their everyday experiences. Much of the existing work, however, focuses on merely describing thematically and/or conceptually what goes on. The current study aims to construct an integrated conceptual understanding of how a minority group engages in the coping process. More specifically, this study seeks to develop a substantive theory that can explain and predict human behaviour. Grounded theory methodology was used in aid of the theory development process (see Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Put simply, grounded theory is an inductive methodology that attempts to understand action from the perspective of social actors (Brooks, 1998). To uncover the coping process, the

Situated amidst farmland 18 kilometres from the centre of Christchurch is Paparua men’s prison, one of New Zealand’s oldest and largest penal institutions. Prisoners have been housed at the Paparua site since 1915 and when the prison buildings were completed in 1925, around 120 prisoners were incarcerated there. Still at the same location where the two original wings continue to accommodate inmates, Paparua has the capacity for nearly 1,000 low to high-security male prisoners. Despite being almost a century old, very little has been recorded about Paparua, which is symptomatic of the paucity of published material on New Zealand prisons. This thesis seeks to address this shortfall in the literature by, for the first time, documenting the events which have taken place at Paparua and giving insight into life for prisoners there over the last 100 years. These events and the changes to prison life have been driven by the social conditions of the day and their intersection with a complex range of factors at the inmate, community and administrative levels. Paparua’s evolution, therefore, has been the product of the changing socio-political climate and by contextualising the prison’s history I will show how these dynamics have contributed to the development of Paparua. The research undertaken to achieve such a task involved an historical analysis of 130 years of departmental reports, government reports, parliamentary debates and newspaper articles. This was accompanied by 13 comprehensive interviews with former and current staff and inmates of Paparua. The reconstruction of Paparua’s past is valuable not only in that it captures the details of an interesting feature of New Zealand history but because it offers insight into the complex range of forces that a are likely to influence its development in the future.

In the final decade of the nineteenth-century, when New Zealand women began riding the bicycle, they excited intense public debate about contemporary middle-class ideals of femininity. The research question posed is: "why did women's cycling provoke such a strong outcry?" Three nineteenth-century cycling magazines, the New Zealand Wheelman, the New Zealand Cyclist, and the New Zealand Cyclists' Touring Club Gazette, were examined, along with numerous New Zealand and British contemporary sources on women's sport and recreation, etiquette, femininity, and gender roles. The context of the late-nineteenth century signifies a high point in the modernisation of Western capitalist societies, which is characterised in part by significant and widespread change in the roles of middle-class women. The bicycle was a product of modern ideas, designs, and technology, and eventually came to symbolise freedom in diverse ways. The dual-purpose nature of the bicycle (i.e., as a mode of transport and as a recreational tool) enabled women to become more physically and geographically mobile, as well as to pursue new directions in leisure. It afforded, moreover, increasing opportunities to meet and socialise with a wider range of male acquaintances, free from the restrictions of etiquette and the requirements of chaperonage. As a symbol of the 'New Woman', the bicycle graphically represented a threat to the proprieties governing the behaviour and movements of respectable middle-class women in public. The debates which arose in response to women's cycling focused on their conduct, their appearance, and the effects of cycling on their physical and moral well-being. Ultimately, these debates highlighted competing definitions of nineteenth-century middle-class femininity. Cycling presented two dilemmas for respectable women: how could they cycle and retain their respectability? and, should a respectable woman risk damaging herself, physically and morally, for such a capricious activity as cycling? Cyclists aspired to reconcile the ignominy of their conspicuousness on the bicycle with the social imperative to maintain an impression of middleclass respectability in public. The conceptual framework of Erving Goffman's dramaturgical perspective is used to interpret the nature of heterosocial interactions between cyclists and their audiences. Nineteenth-century feminine propriety involved a set of performances, with both performers (cyclists) and audiences (onlookers) possessing shared understandings of how signals (impressions) ought to be given and received. Women on bicycles endeavoured to manage the impressions they gave off by carefully attending to their appearances and their behaviour, so that the audience would be persuaded to view them as respectable, despite the perception that riding a bicycle in public was risqué. In this way, women on bicycles attempted to redefine middle-class femininity. Women on bicycles became a highly visible, everyday symbol of the realities of modem life that challenged traditional gender roles and nineteenth-century formality. Cycling for New Zealand women in the 1890s thus played a key part in the transformation of nineteenth-century gender roles.

The Community Arts Service (CAS, 1946-1966), founded after World War Two, took tours of music, drama, opera, dance and art exhibitions to smaller centres and isolated rural areas throughout New Zealand, fostering the cultural activities undertaken by local groups. From the Auckland University College, where it originated as a branch of Adult Education, it spread to the other University College provinces and, beyond New Zealand, to Australia. As Adult Education, CAS programmes emphasised educational value and aimed to develop the tastes and level of culture in the participating communities. The Service operated through local CAS committees, encouraging rural centres to take increasing responsibility for the cultural life of their own communities. Following World War Two, themes of nationalism, decentralisation of culture and correcting the imbalances that existed between rural and urban life so as to create a more egalitarian society, were key issues in New Zealand. The CAS played a significant role in redressing these concerns but to date, have received little critical attention. This thesis, which examines the important role of the Service in the musical and artistic life of twentieth century New Zealand, is an original contribution to the cultural history of this country. Main documentary research sources consulted were regional histories, publications on New Zealand music, theatre, ballet, opera and journals on the arts from the period. Diaries, correspondence, local cultural societies' documentation and programmes of past concerts held in private collections have been valuable. The archival material for Arthur Owen Jensen and Ronald Graeme Dellow (Alexander Turnbull Library) and, the records of Auckland Adult Education (University of Auckland, Special Collections) have been a significant help. People who were involved with the CAS have generously contributed through interviews and correspondence. Newspaper cuttings in private collections and past issues of the Waikato Times held in the Hamilton Public Library have also been important sources.

The colonization of New Zealand led to the development of particular patterns of settlement. In some cases models were derived from contemporary British practice; in other cases they came from new world settlements elsewhere. But almost invariably any theoretical propositions which might have either consciously or unconsciously underpinned the form of the settlements and their ideological or other purposes were displaced by the pragmatic beliefs and constraints of those who developed them. These settlements arose at the same time as the belief that New Zealand was a natural paradise and that it offered the opportunity for the establishment of some kind of new and perhaps even utopian model for settlement. The Auckland suburb of Orakei as it developed in the first decades of the twentieth century provides fertile ground for the exploration of a number of themes which illuminate the New Zealand suburban experience: the role of the state in regulating and providing housing; the development of the discipline of planning; the evolution of the garden suburb in New Zealand; the choice of an architectural style for state housing; the integration of planning and housing; the contest for physical and ideological control of development; and the decisive role of individuals in creating the suburb. This thesis describes the political, social and ideological environments which led to the construction of the suburb of Orakei and the form which it took.

This thesis is written in the format of a three act play. The author has elected this structure to frame the ethnographic data and analysis because it seemed befitting for telling my own life story alongside the memories of three generations of my matrilateral and patrilateral Tongan family residing in Auckland New Zealand. Thus, actors and scenes play out the thesis storyline in three parts where each act is titled Prologue, Dialogue and Epilogue. The Prologue, part one of this three act play, is three chapters which sets in motion the main actors - the research participants, and the scenes - the ethnographic context in which data was collected. It represents an ethnographic mosaic of memory and meaning as co-constructed by actors in recounting how they make sense of their place, their time, in a transnational history, that is, a family of stories among three Tongan generations residing largely in Auckland New Zealand. The Dialogue, part two of this three act play, is four chapters which maps out the theoretical and ethnographic territory that actors and scenes border-cross to visit. By this, I mean that research participants are political actors subject to social factors which shape how their memories and ensuing meanings are selectively reproduced in certain contexts of retelling the past and its relevance to understanding the present. The Epilogue, part three of this three act play, is the curtain call for the closing chapter. It presents an ending in which a new 'identity' entry made by the youngest Tongan generation creates possibilities for social change not yet experienced by prior generations residing in Auckland New Zealand. This thesis is woven into an overarching argument. Here, three generations of my matrilateral and patrilateral Tongan family residing in Auckland New Zealand intersect through two modes of memory and meaning. First, family reconstruct collective memories of 'identity' and 'culture' to make sense of how their ancestral origin, their historical past, is meaningful in their transnational lives and lifestyles. Second, inter-generational change among Tongan family residing in Auckland New Zealand is a social-political product of the transnational condition experienced by ethnic-cultural groups categorised as 'minorities' in the developed world.

This thesis provides a social history of Four Avenues Alternative School in Christchurch, New Zealand, beginning with the school's establishment in the mid-1970s and ending with its closure in 1993. This thesis addresses the question of how Four Avenues maintained its place in the state education system for 18 years and how that place was threatened over time. Using microhistorical analysis, it discusses the school's history through the intensive study of three events in that history: 1) the opening of Four Avenues in May 1975; 2) the Department of Education's decision to close Four Avenues early in 1983; and 3) the Education Review Office (1993) audit that recommended Four Avenues' closure in 1993. These events are selected because they were points in Four Avenues' history where its survival was an open issue. This thesis argues three features of Four Avenues' history were important in helping it to remain open: the school's relationship to wider political events and circumstances, its relationship to Hagley High School / Hagley Community College, and the commitment of many within the school to the pedagogy they saw it as embodying. These three features helped Four Avenues to remain a part of the state education system; yet they also threatened its survival as a state school over time and eventually contributed to its closure.

This thesis examines health inequalities by area-level socioeconomic deprivation, and health in later life in New Zealand. It identifies whether expansion or compression of morbidity is occurring at the end of life. It asks if overall morbidity at a population level is likely to increase or decrease in future as life expectancy increases, and if the same trend is seen for more and less deprived areas. The focus of this research is the identification and dissemination of mortality and morbidity patterns present in two large datasets, using powerful but relatively simple techniques. Large administrative datasets on morbidity and public hospital discharges in New Zealand between 1974 and 2006 are used in the analyses. The thesis consists of three papers. Each paper uses the same datasets, but addresses separate research questions using different methods. The first paper is an exploratory analysis of age-specific and age-standardised mortality and hospital bed day rates, which are used as a proxy for morbidity. The second paper explores lifetime morbidity by using period-prevalence life table functions including Hospital Utilisation Expectancies: a variation of health expectancies. The third paper uses individual record linkage between the mortality and hospital datasets to examine hospital use in the last few months of life. Hospital bed day and mortality rates declined over the time period, and convergence was seen between more and less deprived areas. Individuals at the oldest ages (80 years and over) saw little variation in hospital or mortality rates by area deprivation. Strong evidence for compression of morbidity was observed, particularly at older ages. This was in the absence of evidence for rectangularisation of the survival curve, considered by some to be a prerequisite for compression of morbidity. Rectangularisation of the survival curve would be denoted by life expectancy increases slowing, indicating the nearing of a limit to life expectancy. Instead, compression of morbidity was achieved through a decline in the severity of morbidity in the months prior to death. No evidence of a change in the point at onset of morbidity prior to death was observed. There was however some evidence that the decline in hospital utilisation prior to death (particularly for deaths at older ages) may be partly artefactual. Further research using a different measure of morbidity is required to either support or disprove this theory.

This thesis is a micro-study of intermarriage at the small Kāi Tahu community of Maitapapa from 1830 to 1940. Maitapapa is located on the northern bank of the Taieri River, 25 kilometres south of Dunedin, in Otago. It was at Moturata Island, located at the mouth of the Taieri River, that a whaling station was established in 1839. The establishment of this station initiated changes to the economy and settlement patterns, and saw the beginning of intermarriage between 'full-blood' women and Pākehā men. From 1848, Otago was colonized by British settlers and in the process ushered in a new phase of intermarriage where single white men married the 'half-caste' and 'quarter-caste' daughters of whalers. In short, in the early years of settlement intermarriage was a gendered 'contact zone' from which a mixed descent population developed at Taieri. The thesis traces the history of the mixed descent families and the Maitpapapa community throughout the nineteenth century until the kāika physically disintegrated in the 1920s. It argues that the creation of a largely 'quarter-caste' population at Maitapapa by 1891 illustrates the high rate of intermarriage at this settlement in contrast to other Kāi Tahu kāika in the South Island. While the population was 'quarter-caste' in 'blood', the families articulated an identity that was both Kāi Tahu and mixed descent. From 1916, the community underwent both physical and cultural disintegration. This disintegration was rapid and complete by 1926. The thesis demonstrates that while land alienation, poverty, poor health and a subsistence economy characterized the lives of the mixed descent families at Maitapapa in the nineteenth century, it was a long history of intermarriage begun in the 1830s and continued throughout the nineteenth century which was the decisive factor in wholesale migrations post World War One. Education, dress and physical appearance alongside social achievements assisted in the integration of persons of mixed descent into mainstream society. While Kāi Tahu initially welcomed intermarriage as a way of integrating newcomers of a different culture such as whalers into a community, the sustained pattern of intermarriage at Maitapapa brought with it social and cultural change in the form of outward migration and eventual cultural loss by 1940.

Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.

The primary objective of this thesis is to review literature written about poi in order to construct an historical overview of poi from pre-contact Maori society until the 1920s. The mythological and Polynesian origins of poi, traditional and contemporary materials and methods used to make poi, early travellers, explorers, and settlers accounts of poi and two case studies on the use of poi in the Taranaki and Te Arawa areas will be included in this thesis. The information will be used to show the changes in poi that have occured since Maori and European arrival to New Zealand until the 1920s.

Australia and New Zealand, as English-speaking nations with dominant white populations, present an ethnic anomaly not only in South East Asia, but also in the Southern Hemisphere. Colonised by predominantly workingclass British immigrants from the late eighteenth century, an ethnic and cultural connection grew between these two countries even though their indigenous populations and ecological environments were otherwise very different. Building a new life in Australia and New Zealand, the colonists shared similar historic perceptions of poverty – perceptions from their homelands that they did not want to see replicated in their new adopted countries. Dreams of a better life shaped their aspirations, self-identity and nationalistic outlook. By the twentieth century, national independence and self-government had replaced British colonial rule. The inveterate occurrence of poverty in Australia and New Zealand had created new local perspectives and different perceptions of, and about, poverty. This study analyses what relationship existed between the political directions adopted by the twentieth-century prime ministers of Australia and New Zealand and their perceptions of poverty. Using the existential phenomenological theory and methodology of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, the study adds to the body of knowledge about poverty in Australia and New Zealand by revealing the structure and origin of the poverty perceptions of the twentieth-century prime ministers.

This thesis investigates how Pakeha-Māori have been represented in New Zealand non-fiction writing during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The chronological and textual boundaries range from Arthur Thomson's seminal history The Story of New Zealand (1859) to James Belich's Making Peoples (1996). It examines the discursive inventions and reinventions of Pakeha-Māori from the stereotypical images of the Victorian era to modern times when the contact zone has become a subject of critical investigation and a sign of changing intellectual dynamics in New Zealand and elsewhere. This thesis is about the history of attitudes to culture-crossers in New Zealand, the use of the term 'Pakeha-Māori', and the images that underlie the thinking of Britons and Pakeha about them. It explores the motives and backgrounds of specific authors and the ways in which they frame New Zealand history. It elucidates the ambiguous and contradictory perspectives of Pakeha-Māori in the literature and analyses its impact on changing public perceptions about them. The study critiques the literature with emphasis on theoretically informed research, historical analysis, and literary insights. Discussion is confined to published texts, with the aim of exploring the multiplicity of Pakeha-Māori images and the processes that gave rise to them. This study is essentially an investigation into how and why historians and other scholars try to draw boundaries between cultures in order to create a satisfactory metanarrative or myth of the 'settlement' of New Zealand and thus to forge a sense of New Zealandness. The cultural and racial categories of 'Māori' and 'Pakeha' are very unstable, however, and a consideration of the 'in-between' or 'culture-crossing' category of 'Pakeha-Māori' can reveal the way in which 'Māori' and 'Pakeha' and a sense of New Zealand and New Zealanders have been constructed. More particularly, consideration of representations of those culture-crossers or race-crossers called Pakeha-Māori can reveal the hopes and fears of Pakeha writers regarding Pakeha, Māori and New Zealand and how Pakeha-Māori have frequently been a barometer or litmus test of public perceptions of relations between Māori and Pakeha in different historical periods.

Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.

The Well Child/Tamariki Ora Health Book (the Plunket book) is a small booklet given to New Zealand mothers on the birth of a child. It has been used by nurses as a tool to record growth and development from birth to five years since the 1920s. Although use of the book decreases over time, it is frequently kept within the family and handed on from mother to child. Utilising an oral history approach, this study has traced the development of the Plunket book over time and explored the experiences of a group of 34 women and one man who have reflected on their ownership of, or involvement with, Plunket books. The study found that the Plunket book remains an effective clinical tool for mothers and nurses. Mothers have used the book as a tool to link past with present, to maintain kinship ties across generations, to deal with change intergenerationally, and in a manner that contributes to their self-identity as woman and mother. Although mothers were able to use the book to affirm their own knowledge and that of their mothers, a medically dominated discourse persists in the book. The book has also played a role in facilitating the interaction between mother and nurse, providing an opportunity to explore the relationship in detail. The study found that the most successful relationships at any time were those that bordered the division between a professional relationship and a personal one: it was not the information that nurses offered but the interaction and resulting care they provided that was important to the mothers in the study. The study recommends that nurses and other health professionals continue to use the Plunket book as a clinical tool mindful of the fact that the book remains in use beyond the health professional’s immediate involvement with the mother and child, playing an important role in the context of the New Zealand family across generations. Future versions of the book should contain written reference to the strengths and abilities the mother holds as she cares for her child, reaffirming her role and identity as mother not only when her children are younger but as they grow and become parents themselves.

Agencification-the creation of autonomous agencies within the public service-has been occurring in many jurisdictions. It has usually had a rationale of improving the way in which government works. Generally, agencies are expected to provide more flexible, performance-oriented, responsive public services. The purpose of this work is to examine a particular example of agencification in the Australian Public Service (APS) and to compare it analytically with similar occurrences elsewhere. Specifically, it will examine the splitting of the former Department of Social Security (DSS) into two separate organisations, a policy department and a service delivery agency operating under a purchaser-provider arrangement, Centrelink. It will do this in the context of theories of agencification and of practical experience of agencification elsewhere. It will analyse why agencification has happened in this case and what the experience has shown, focusing on the role, governance, accountability and prospects for the new arrangements. This, the most prominent and substantial case of agencification in the Australian government, will be compared with the agencification experience reported in other jurisdictions-the United Kingdom and New Zealand. It will address why Centrelink came about, what the outcome has been of the change in institutional arrangements, and what the likely future is of the Centrelink arrangements. It will show that, when examined closely, the mechanisms bringing about agencification have been diverse. However, there are parallels in the experience. This leads to a conclusion that the current Centrelink arrangements are not stable in the long term, and some aspects-such as the purchaser-provider arrangement - should be set aside.

Te Ora Ē noho anā nō i te koko ko Ōhiwa, kia whakarongo rua, Aku taringa ki te Tai o tuarā e o Kanawa, E āki ana mai ki uta r o Ōhakana. Ki te whānau a Tairongo, Kai Tāuwhare rā ko te kopua-o-te ururoa, Ko te kai rāria noa mai te raweketia e te ringaringa, Me whakarangi-pūkohu e au ki Tītītangi ao ki te Te Aitanga-ā-Wheturoa, Kia whītikiria taku hope ki te maurea whiritoi, Kia noho au ki Puhi-nui tonu ki Te Maungarongo a Te Rangiāniwaniwa, Ka mawhiti tonu rā taku haere ki ngā tihi tapu ki Maungapōhatu kia Taiturakina; Kia titiro iho au ki Ruatāhuna ki Manawarū ē ko Te Aitanga-ā-Tūhoe.... Ko te hua o te wānanga o a Tūhoe kōrero tuku iho hāngai ki ana waiata tawhito te pūtake o tēnei tuhinga roa kia auhi noa mai te wairua o ngā tūtakinga kōrero kia riro ko ēnei kōrero tuku iho hei matua hikihiki, whakataratara i te hinengaro, i te wairua, e mau ai tēnei o ngā whare whakairo kōrero o te hua o te wānanga a Tūhoe. Kia kaiaohia aua kōrero ki te ura mai o te motu ki runga i ngā pae maunga o Huiarau tau iho ki a tātau e pōkai kaha nei, e tau awhi nei ki runga i te mata o tēnei whenua ātaahua. Ka paenga rā ngā tau ka kitea, ka rangona tēnā pu kōrero, tēnā whare whakairo kōrero, whakairo waiata. Mea rawa ake kua whakangaro atu ki te tira e tauwhare mai rā. Hika rawa ake, kua mawhiti kē te haere ki te mākau nui o te iwi e tīraha mai rā, tē whakaaratia! Kia rangona, kia kitea noa e tātau te mata kōrero kia eke rā ki runga, taihoa rawa ēnei taonga e ngaro, taihoa rawa nei taonga e haukotia. Ka huri whakauta ki te hua o te wānanga, ko te waiata tawhito tēnā, ko te momo rerenga kōrero i hua mai ai i roto i ngā noho tahitanga a te tangata. He kupu ēnei hei whakaata i te hinengaro, wairua, te taiao, ngā rākau, te wai, te moana, ngā whetu, te whenua, ngā pakanga, te kawa o te marae, te noho tahitanga a ngā tūākana\tāina\tuāhine. Te reo o mātua, o kuia, koroua, ngā kaipupuri i te ahi kā roa o te wā kāinga. Inā hoki ko nga āhuatanga o te tangata tēnā tōna hanga, tōna whakatipu, ōna whakaaro, tōna ngākau, tōna wairua, me ngā momo hāhi i tipu ake ai te pono, ka titiro iho te tika i te rangi ka oti nei he waiata e tipuria ai te hua o te wānanga ki roto i a tātau katoa. Waihoki ko aua waiata nei te ahi whakakā roa o te ngākau,kei kona ōna timatatanga, engari kāore nei ōna whakamutunga. Ka pikitia ake te toi huarewa kia kite noa atu i te kaha o te whakaaro. Ko te wāhanga nui ia kia hapaina tēnei tuhinga roa, hei whakaoho, hei tuku, hei tātari i ngā whiriwhiringa kōrero ā-tuhi, ā-wāha kei roto i te whare kōrero o te whānau, hapū, iwi e timata ai, e mau ai te hua o te wānanga o te whaitua whenua. Tae atu ki ngā takahanga whakaewa ka oti nei he waiata tawhito hei kaiarataki ki ngā tihi maunga o te whakaaro. Ko te kapunga whakaaro ko te whātoro, i te tātari i te kupu, ki te whakamārama i te hua o te wānanga hei tumu whakarae kōhikohi mōhiotanga ki runga, ki raro ki ngā tai timu o te hua o te wānanga. I roto i tēnei tuhinga roa ka takea mai te wānanga i te kore, i te pō, i te ao mārama e tohea ai ngā kete e toru o te wānanga hei anga tohutohu, piki tūranga whakaakoranga ki hea mai nei! Mai i roto i aua kete ka nanahu te hinengaro kōkoi o tātau tīpuna mai anō i te ao Māori. Ko te ao mārama tēnā, ko te ao whenua tēnā, ko ngā pakanga tēnā, ko ngā tinihanga ēnā, ko te apakura, ko te hakamomori ka hua nei te wānanga. Nō reira he mahi, he kaupapa nui tā tēnei tuhinga roa ki te whakakao mai i ngā waiata e mohio ana tātau hei papa kōrero, hei wānanga mā te hunga kei te piki ake i ngā takutai moana o te whakaaro, o tēnei ao e wehi mai nei ki a tātau. Kāre e mihi kei te hopo te iwi, te hunga mau i ēnei waiata ki runga i o tātau marae kei ngaro memeha noa ēnei taonga a tātau. Ae! Kei te tika tā rātau hopo. Inā hoki kua riro kē te reo whakaarorangi i te oro o te waiata i ngā tai nenehawa, whakapōrearea e hukahuka mai nei. Ahakoa tēnei kei te whakaara ake ēnei waiata i runga tonu i te kaha o tēna, o tēna ki te whakaara. Kei te tahuri nui mai te hunga rangatahi, taiohi ki ēnei waiata koia tēnei te tūmatanui o tēnei tuhinga roa, hei tāhu whakaea mo te hinengaro, mo te ngākau o aua whakatipuranga e hiahia nei rātau ki ēnei taonga. Mā te karakia hei waere te whenua, mā te taki i ngā kōrero mo ngā atuā te whakataukī, te whakapepeha ka pupuke mai te hihiri o te mahara i ō tātau tipuna kōkoi e whakakitea nei tātau i ēnei rā ki aua tohu. Ka huia rnai aua pitopito kōrero katoa hei kākahu maeneene ki roto i te kupu o te waiata tawhito, kā mau. He whakaatu tēnei tuhinga roa kei te ora tēnei o ngā momo whare pupuri kōrero i te pū; i te more, te weu me ngā pātaka iringa kōrero o te ao ō Tūhoe ō neherā, tae noa mai ki ēnei rā. Kāti he wā anō i roto i taua ora ka tōia te whakaaro ō Tūhoe, ō te Māori e tauiwi hei tinihanga māna. Engari e kitea ai i roto i tēnei tuhinga roa, ko te toki hei kaupare atu i taua tinihanga ko te kōrero i tuarātia rā: 'Hokia ki o maunga kia purea koe e ngā hau o Tāwhirimātea' Koia tēnā te kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa he tātari i te hānuitanga, te taiwhakatū o taua kōrero: Hokia ki o maunga... Ma taua kōrero Hokia ki o maunga ... ka rangona te mātaotao o te hua o te wānanga o te pakanga o te whenua, o ngā pikikōtuku i tukitukia, kātahi ka kōrero ai ki roto i tā Tūhoe whakatau i ana whakaaro, e taea ai te ruruku ka puea ake. Koia tēnei ko te mana i roto i ngā whakatakotoranga kōrero e mau ai te kurataininihi, te kurataiwawana o te whakaaro. He hua wānanga tēnei e whakaatungia ai e te hinengaro ngā takahanga motuhake, me te hāngai o ā rātau kupu mo ngā whakaaro e tau nei ki tēnei Ao Hurihuri. Nā ngā mahi a ō tātau tīpuna, te para i te huarahi kia takahuritia ai ngā mahi kikino o te riri Pākehā i tū ake ai ngā poropiti o aua tau kikino i rnurua ai ngā whenua, i tukua ai te iwi ki raro. I tū ake ai rātau te hunga poropiti ki te rapu i te ora i te kaupapa tōrangapū mo ngā whenua i hahanitia. Mai i ēnei kaupapa ka hau te rongo o te waiata tawhito hei tūāpapa whakaohooho, whakanekeneke i a tātau katoa, ahakoa ko wai. Whā tekau katoa ngā waiata o tēnei tuhinga roa rnai i tēnā kokona o Tūhoe, rnai i tēnā kokona o Tūhoe e kawe ana i te hua wānanga hei whakaata, hei kōwhiri i te hunga i kaha i rnau tonu te ngangahau i ngā totohe kōrero, totohe tangata, totohe whenua. I kona ka hua te wānanga ka tohea te riri ka mau, i ea ai tētahi wāhi o te mamae. Koia tēnei ko te whakaatu i te kaha o te tohe i te pō, i te awatea. Ko te kawa o te marae te ātamira whakatāhu, tuku i aua hua wānanga i nei rā e rangona ai te kōrero ā-iwi, te hī o te mita o te reo waiata hei hokinga atu ki te nohoanga o te kupu. Ko tētahi anō kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa he whakahoki mai anō i te rnatapihi o Matariki, kia meinga ai ki te kairangi o te kawa o te marae, ka tau ki te whenua i maringi ai te toto. Ko ēnei hua wānanga te oro o te ngākau o Te Ūrewera, te whītiki o te kī mo te tuakiri mo tēnā whakatipuranga, rno tēnā whakatipuranga. Ae! Mā te hua wānanga a Tūhoe e whakaea te mamae e puta ai te pātai. Ko wai rā au? I ahu mai taku wānanga i whea? E ahu ana au ki whea? No te rā nei kua riro mā tēnei tuhinga roa e whakaatu ētahi o ngā hau kikino i whakawhiua kirunga i te iwi e te kāwanatanga i a ia e āki mai ana mo ngā rawa a te iwi, hei tuku he tangatakē. Nō reira i tikina ai te tauparapara a Te Kapo o te Rangi hei whakatauira i te takenga mai ongā kōrero mai i te koko ki Ōhiwa ki te pō, ki te pouri, ki te ao mārama. 'Hokia ki maunga' ko te tangata, ko te iwi, ko te hapū, ko te whānau te tīmatanga o te hua o te wānanga. Koia tēnei tētahi anō kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa, he āhuru i aua pukenga tautōhito kōrero kia mau te rangi, kia mau te hā, kia rangona te hua wānanga, oho ake ki te ao ka oti nei he waiata tawhito hei hoa haere whakamua. Ko te kōpae o te whare tēnā e tautokona ana hoki te ahu whakamuatanga o ngā mōrehu kōrero e arohatia nei e tātau. He huarahi atu tēnei hei āwhina, hei tohu i te kei o te waka ki ngā ngaru kokoti e pukepuke rnai nei. Ko te whakapae o tēnei tuhinga roa e titikaha ai ki te hinengaro o Tūhoe me mau ana momo kōrero ki ngā momo hangarau o tēnei ao hurihuri kā tika. Kua roa ēnei taonga e ārikarika ana hei whakarei i te kupu kōrero ki te hunga mate, ki te tira e tatari rnai rā i te waharoa o te marae ki te whakaeke. Kei roto i te wairua o tēnei mahi ka tukua āianei ēnei taonga kia kore ai tātau e taka ki roto i te korekore o te hinengaro, hei whakamahi mā te tamaiti o Tūhoe e hiki ake nei i ngā pae tata, i ngā pae tawhiti. Ko tēnei tuhinga roa te kura kimihia o te ura rnai o te motu i tua atu o Huiarau. Kia hau ai te rongo o a tāitau kōrero ki mua i a tātau hei homai i te aroha kia au ai te matatū tonu, ka maranga kei runga. Kia taria te roanga o te kōrero. Ae! Me hoki rā kā tika: Kā hoki nei au ki te mauri o taku waka a Mātaatua Ko Pūtauaki ki a Ngāti Awa Ko Tāwhiuau, ko Tangiharuru Ko te rae rā o Kohi ki a Awatope Ko Mānuka tūtahi ki Whakatāne, kia Apanui Ko te mauri haria mai nei hei whakaoho i taku moe Ē kō kō ia e ara ē!

The content of this thesis is premised on a reflexive examination of some historical juxtapositions culminating in critical aspects of being Māori in the twenty first century and how such aspects have informed contemporary indigenous identity. That is, the continuing acknowledgement and exponential public recognition of critical concepts which inextricably link indigenous and civic identity. The theoretical sources for this research are, in the main, derived from anthropological and religious studies, particularly on the significance of mythologies and oral histories, as well as from the oral theorising of elders in Aotearoa New Zealand. A very significant contribution from one such elder, a senior Māori woman academic, has been included in the form of the transcript of an interview. She herself had collected the views of a number of elders on myth, creating a rare and valuable resource. In the interview she married her reflections on these with her own experiences and her cogent analyses. From the outset, it was necessary to be discerning so as to ensure the thesis workload was manageable and realistic. For this reason the selected critical aspects that have been used to frame this research are (1) a developing Western validation (that is, acknowledgement and respect) of Māori, Māori culture and their mythology; (2) oral history (genealogy) and traditions that have remained constant despite the influences of modernity; and (3) notions of fluidity, negotiation and pragmatism regarding kinship legacies and cultural heritage. The thesis is comprised of six chapters starting from a subjective narrative leading through increasingly objective discourses that culminate in a conclusion which supports a belief that modern Māori require a balancing of critical aspects of cultural heritage, with a broad understanding of the world of the 'other', in order to realise and develop their contemporary indigenous identity. Ultimately, indigenous ideologies, practices and knowledge recorded and examined in the world of academia today, become potential resources for tomorrow. The intention of this research is to aggregate and discuss intrinsic aspects of the Māori past as well as developing aspects of the present, in order to better understand the significance of the future, and to add to the growing corpus of indigenous worldviews.

Both in the present and the past, horses have a strong presence in New Zealand society and culture. The country’s temperate climate and colonial environment allowed horses to flourish and accordingly became accessible to a wide range of people. Horses acted as an agent of colonisation for their role in shaping the landscape and fostering relationships between coloniser and colonised. Imported horses and the traditions associated with them, served to maintain a cultural link between Great Britain and her colony, a characteristic that continued well into the twentieth century. Not all of these transplanted readily to the colonial frontier and so they were modified to suit the land and its people. There are a number of horses that have meaning to this country. The journey horse, sport horse, work horse, warhorse, wild horse, pony and Maori horse have all contributed to the creation of ideas about community and nationhood. How these horses are represented in history, literature and imagery reveal much of the attitudes, values, aspirations and anxieties of the times. Yet despite the clear significance of horses to this country, no one breed of horse has emerged to represent the country as a whole. Unlike many other modern nations, New Zealand has not identified a national horse. Close allegiance to the British heritage as well as a strong sense of local and regional identity has meant that there is no New Zealand Horse to take its place beside the Australian Stockhorse, the Canadian Horse or any of the other national horses.

This study explores the forms and understandings of family that prevailed among British professionals who migrated to Australasia in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. As children of the mid-Victorian age, their attempts to establish and define family in a colonial suburban environment contribute to our understanding of how the public and private dichotomy posed in the notion of separate spheres was modified in practice. The term 'experiment' employed in the title is borrowed from William Pember Reeves's influential State Experiments in Australia and New Zealand (1902). It is used here to suggest that, in different ways, the five families of this study sought to establish, in colonial circumstances, the conditions that would promote social progress more speedily than the old world seemed capable of doing. The attitudes and assumptions that shaped these family experiments, this study argues, may be placed on a continuum that extends from John Ruskin's concept of evangelical motherhood to John Stuart Mill's rational secularism, which sought a pooling of talent in the quest for the reproduction of the useful and cultured citizen. Central to the thinking of all families was a belief in the power of education to produce civilised and humane individuals, who would individually and in concert nurture a better society. A defining characteristic of this shared conviction was an emphasis upon the education of daughters. This preoccupation produced changes in maternal and paternal roles within the family. Contemporaneous with the emergence of what colonial newspaper editorialists dubbed 'the woman question', the middle-class pursuit of higher education for daughters merged with and, in some respects, defined first-wave colonial feminism. As pioneering families in the quest for university education for women, they became the first generation of colonial middle-class parents to grapple with the problem of what graduate daughters might do next. This dilemma highlighted the ambiguities and hesitations of their class and generation: how might the conception of the family as an instrument of social progress embrace occupational relationships within marriage? The quest for the civilised and cultured individual produced, in the education of their sons, the phenomenon of the colonial student at a British university. Variously seen by historians as part of a process of recolonisation or evidence of a persistent colonial cringe, within the professional middle-class examined here it emerged as part of a natural evolution of an educational ideal. In pursuit of this ideal, the colonials drew upon the resources of such an extended British family as remained available to them. In this, as in much else, they were venturing into experimental territory largely uncharted, unpredictable in its outcome and as much a part of the embryonic history of the transnational family as it is of colonialism.

Transparencies: New Zealand from 1953 to 1974 through the Slide Photography of Gladys Cunningham This thesis focuses on the amateur slide photography of Gladys Cunningham, formerly of Onehunga, Auckland. Viewed collectively, these slides provide a visual autobiography of a New Zealand woman’s life, as well as a larger social narrative. As Gladys’s granddaughter, I argue that Gladys’s 35mm colour transparencies, nostalgic fragments that memorialise a family history, are informed by the social history of European New Zealanders between the early 1950s and early 1970s. Gladys’s slides reflect stabilities and changes for the photographer herself, her family and New Zealand society. While the term “transparency” suggests that the meaning of a slide can be understood by all, in reality further contextual information is necessary to appreciate the family and public histories from which these scenes have been separated. To situate Gladys’s slides, I refer to popular magazines and tourist texts from this period, including The Weekly News, National Geographic and New Zealand Holiday, and to commercial slides, postcards and travel marketing texts. I analyse the near absence of Maori within Gladys’s slides and travel journalism, suggesting that their omissions represent a lack of dialogue between Pakeha and Maori. In New Zealand and overseas, slide photography was the popular medium for recording extraordinary family events during the 1950 and 1960s. Through an analysis of memory, leisure and photography, this study examines how Gladys’s photography documents family and community membership and celebration. I explore how aesthetically pleasing representations of family leisure also contain partly concealed clues to less positive memories and to secrets that were not unique to this family. I discuss the impact of private and public transport on Gladys’s slide photography, noting how car travel facilitated spatial and temporal freedoms, and how slide photography strengthened connections to extended family and distant communities. In contrast, Gladys and Jim’s later dependence on coach transport enhanced their ability to take slides and expanded the “family” gaze of their camera, but limited their photographic opportunities.

Between World War Two and the 1970s, the danger of TB disappeared for most New Zealanders. Conducted against a background of rising living standards, the anti-TB campaign saw dramatic declines in TB mortality and incidence. But tuberculosis proved far more opportunistic than expected. Its continued entrenchment at low levels among New Zealand’s poor frustrated the campaign’s ultimate goal of eradication.In the 1940s, the Health Department’s total commitment to the anti-TB campaign indicated the danger TB represented across society. The nationwide mass X-ray programme reflected the confidence in technology and medical science of the day. It operated for nearly 30 years but its value was largely symbolic. It was a costly means of identifying cases and a more targeted scheme may well have sufficed. BCG vaccination was introduced as the final block in a wall of anti-TB measures and the mass vaccination of school children sought to protect an entire at-risk age group. The timeframe of the anti-TB campaign witnessed the final years of sanatorium treatment. In spite of the isolation and uncertain outcome, these institutions offered many patients a positive experience, safe from the stigmatising attitudes common in society. The drug revolution allowed treatment at home and a reliable cure that, nevertheless, brought its own problems of compliance.The decline in TB was not shared equally. High Maori TB rates fell, but still lagged European rates and, from the 1960s, a growing Pacific Island immigrant population also challenged the goal of eradication. Attempts to control TB at the border reflected racist attitudes of the time. The Health Department grappled with the ethnic diversity of TB incidence and different cultural attitudes to the disease. Now curable, TB’s potential for stigmatisation faded, yet also persisted for those high-risk groups exposed to poverty. By the late 1970s, mainstream society was beginning to stigmatise ethnic minorities and immigrants as ‘responsible’ for TB.This thesis contributes to the history of tuberculosis and public health in New Zealand and internationally. It reveals the shifting ground beneath a public health campaign, not just in medical developments, but in the diversity of the targeted population. The thesis highlights the need for a dynamic and layered approach to public health that anticipates change and diversity and continually adjusts its activities and messages to meet them.

Southern Celts, a practise-led narrative inquiry (Arnold, 2007; Gray, 1997; Stewart, 2001), explores how people with Scottish and Irish backgrounds live out their cultural connections to the northern hemisphere homelands, while living in Aotearoa New Zealand. Using narrative as method and text (Clandinin, 2007; Clandinin & Connelly, 2000; De Fina & Georgakopoulou, 2012; Reissman, 2008), the inquiry combines journalistic (Jeppesen & Hansen, 2011), autoethnographic (Bochner & Riggs, 2014; Chang, 2008; Ellis & Bochner, 2000; Holman-Jones, Adams & Ellis, 2013), and arts-based methods (Butler-Kisber, 2010; Chilton & Leavy, 2014; Leavy, 2009), with ethnographic and phenomenological insights (Maddison, 2008; Tedlock, 2000; Van Manen, 1990) to represent 25 of 40 interviews in an artefact, a book of interview narratives, intended to engage and inform a wide audience of general readers. These “lived and told stories” (Pinnegar & Danes, 2007) are situated in a visual metaphor from traditional Celtic art, that of spirals which envisage life moving across time and place. This movement is paralleled in the exegesis by the use of Clandinin and Connelly’s (2000) three frames of narrative inquiry: time (past, present and future), place, and the intersection of the personal and the social, to view the narratives which record the lives of individuals, multi-generational families, communities geographic and cultural, past and present, and illustrate the discursive construction of culture/s and identity/ies (Fong & Chang, 2004; Norton, 1995, 2000, 2010; Weedon 1997, 2004).

This thesis examines how cultural perceptions of Wellington’s environment changed from the 1870s to the early 1900s. The historical material shows how clearing the New Zealand landscape of its forest cover in the early settler years reflected a particular cultural perception of the New Zealand bush. By 1900, this cultural perception had changed indicating that not only was the New Zealand landscape different, but New Zealand society had changed. These changes can be seen in the geographic historical accounts of clearing New Zealand’s bush and the parliamentary debates of the 1875 Forest Act, 1885 State Forest Act and the 1903 Scenery Protection Act. The anthropological theories of dwelling, taskscape, phenomenology of landscape and the hybridity of nature are used as a contemporary synthesis of ideas to examine cultural perceptions of the Wellington bush. An anthropological approach is also used to bring together diverse historical material in a way that allows these ideas to be applied. Cultural perceptions of the Wellington landscape can be understood in the way the bush was cleared for pasture, how the landscape was depicted in paintings and photography and in the case study of the establishment of Otari-Wilton’s Bush. The thesis argues that cultural perceptions can be appreciated historically by understanding how people lived within the Wellington landscape, and how this was reflected in attitudes towards the New Zealand bush. Cultural perceptions of New Zealand’s bush were a combination of existing cultural attitudes, the practicalities of living within the New Zealand environment and a direct perception of the bush itself. It is the shifting influence of all three of these aspects that determines overall cultural perceptions of the bush in any particular period in New Zealand’s history. The establishment of Otari-Wilton’s Bush shows how the cultural perception of Wellington’s bush had changed from seeing it as an obstruction covering potential farmland to having a defined place and purpose within the Wellington landscape.

"December 2004"
Bibliography: leaves 390-420.
vii, 420 leaves : ill., maps, photos. (col.) ; 30 cm.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of History, 2005

"December 2004"
Bibliography: leaves 390-420.
vii, 420 leaves : ill., maps, photos. (col.) ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of History, 2005