Relevant bibliographies by topics / Social security – European Union countries

Academic literature on the topic 'Social security – European Union countries'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Social security – European Union countries"

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Guild, Elspeth. "Economic and Social Challenges of Member and Accession States: Social Security in the Europe Agreements." European Journal of Social Security 5, no. 1 (March 2003): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/138826270300500104.

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Since the December 2002 European Union Council Meeting in Copenhagen, most of the Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) are now virtually guaranteed accession to the European Union on 1 May 2004. As interest now turns to the terms of accession and the single accession treaty, the history of the Europe Agreements with these countries and the continuing interest in them has been eclipsed somewhat. This, however, does not mean that they lack importance or relevance. Indeed, the agreements and their provisions on workers and social rights will continue to regulate the position of nationals of the CEECs until accession. For Bulgarians and Romanians who have been left out of the first round of accession, the agreements will continue to have important consequences for their access to benefits.
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Nešković, Slobodan, and Lazar Šoškić. "Geopolitical context of South East Europe and the security concept of the European Union." Ekonomija: teorija i praksa 14, no. 2 (2021): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/etp2101054n.

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The authors discuss the complex issues of the geopolitical position of Southeast Europe and the application of the security concept of the European Union. Permanent anomalies are present in all spheres. The subject of the research is the geographical, political and security features of the countries of the observed area with the possibilities of implementing the concept of the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The hypotheses are: The geopolitical context of Southeast Europe is the scene of constant interests of great powers and conflicts in the countries of the region, where the adopted concept of security of the European Union is applied. The area of Southeast Europe as a link between the West and the East is of great international importance. The countries of the region are burdened with numerous contradictions and centuries-old confrontations. The European Union is promoting an indigenous security policy project in the process of integrating countries and strengthening its own position in the region. The aim of the research is a comprehensive overview of the complex topic of the geopolitical position of the countries of Southeast Europe and the security strategy of the European Union in the context of resolving the manifested anomalies. Methods of analysis, synthesis and others will be applied. The achieved results have cognitive features, they refer to the explained important aspects of the geopolitics of the given space and the security initiatives of the EU, and they also mark the real segments of the social development of the countries. We conclude that Southeast Europe is a territory of essential geopolitical significance and interest of world hegemons. The European Union is also promoting the security strategy contained in official documents in that area.
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Melin, Pauline. "Member States’ social security agreements with India." European Journal of Social Security 20, no. 2 (June 2018): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262718771786.

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In a 2012 Communication, the European Commission described the current approach to social security coordination with third countries as ‘patchy’. The European Commission proposed to address that patchiness by developing a common EU approach to social security coordination with third countries whereby the Member States would cooperate more with each other when concluding bilateral agreements with third countries. This article aims to explore the policy agenda of the European Commission in that field by conducting a comparative legal analysis of the Member States’ bilateral agreements with India. The idea behind the comparative legal analysis is to determine whether (1) there are common grounds between the Member States’ approaches, and (2) based on these common grounds, it is possible to suggest a common EU approach. India is taken as a third-country case study due to its labour migration and investment potential for the European Union. In addition, there are currently 12 Member State bilateral agreements with India and no instrument at the EU level on social security coordination with India. Therefore, there is a potential need for a common EU approach to social security coordination with India. Based on the comparative legal analysis of the Member States’ bilateral agreements with India, this article ends by outlining the content of a potential future common EU approach.
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Vukovic, Drenka. "Social implication of demographic changes in the European Union countries." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 121 (2006): 423–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0621423v.

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The process of demographic changes in European countries is characterized by greater and greater ageing of the population, as a result of the decline in the rate of natural increase and the rise in life expectancy. Europeans have less and less children, they live longer and face the problems how to ensure a safe old age. Noticed trends of change will be intensified till the middle of the new millennium (2050), when the following situation is expected: the decline in the number of children (0-14 years) for almost 20% and the active-working population (15-64), while there will be more "old persons" (65-79) for more than 44%, and "the oldest" persons (80 or more) for even 180%. Ageing of the population characterizes all regions, but is specially pronounced in the countries in the south and countries in transition. Faced with the challenges of the disturbances in the demographic structure, the members of the European Union (25) developed an entire spectrum of measures and activities to prevent the negative social-economic consequences. Creation of "the policy of ageing" at the Union level develops within the co-ordination (OMC) of the process of modernization of the social security system (old-age pension insurance, health insurance, social and child protection); it also implies the creation of conditions for "the active old age" (increase in employment and staying as long as possible on the job market), the development of "the new forms of solidarity" between generations (as a consequence of the increase of the coefficient of dependency between active working and supported population), preventing poverty and social exclusion, etc. Strategic documents, directions and national action-plans determined the concrete measures needed to face the demographic challenges.
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Hamzaoui, Djaouida. "European Neighborhood Policy." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.105.

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In 2004, the European Union proposed a project entitled the European Neighborhood Policy as a new strategic option. The project had been adopted by the European Council one year earlier in a proposal to the concerned states. The European Neighborhood Policy proposes the development of the scope of cooperation between the European Union and the southwestern Mediterranean countries through several political, economic, social, and cultural fields. Yet, the sphere of security is set at the top of its priorities. It is based on the principles of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, as well as on establishing security and stability between the countries on the two shores of the Mediterranean neighboring Europe. This would be based on a common framework and a larger volume of mutual cooperation that is embodied in a genuine partnership that would confront common challenges. The study explores and provides an answer to the following question: To what extent can the European Neighborhood Policy be considered a representation of regionalism and the embodiment of a genuine European desire through which it would be able to build a “security group” in the Mediterranean basin?
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Abdul Karim, Mohammad Zuhair. "Policies of European Union countries towards the issue of illegal immigration." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 19 (May 24, 2020): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i19.212.

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Migration is an inherent phenomenon of human societies. It is the movement of people from a place where it is difficult to live to a better place, for socio-political reasons. Migration is either internal within one country or international between countries, And the latter may be legitimate or illegal. The European continent has become a dream for immigrants to live better. But Europe, which has received large numbers of immigrants and has become part of its social, economic and political entity, is beginning to suffer from problems and reflections: security, economic, social and political, in light of the increasing number of immigrants in Europe, which has made European countries since the 1980s changed their policies, And start to legislate laws and procedures and conclude restrictive immigration agreements, leading to the events of September 11, 2001, which made European policies more stringent towards immigration, to develop those policies after the Arab Renaissance revolutions in 2011, And what that left, waves of displaced people headed to Europe, thousands of them were received, but as a result of economic difficulties and security and political conditions that some European countries were exposed to, Some European calls have emerged to curb immigration, In light of the differences between the EU countries and the absence of a unified European policy and vision towards immigration, Nevertheless, European countries have formed some partnerships and agreements to combat migration, as well as conducting a set of collective and unilateral restrictive immigration procedures which have led to a reduction in the number of refugees to Europe.
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PEŠEC, MOJCA. "CHINA, SECURITY CHALLENGE FOR THE EUROPEAN UNION." KONCEPT KREPITVE ODPORNOSTI DRUŽBE/THE CONCEPT OF STRENGHTENING THE RESILIENCE OF SOCIETY, VOLUME 22/ISSUE 4 (October 23, 2020): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.22.4.1.

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Povzetek Strateško tekmovanje Evropske unije s Kitajsko je postalo povsem resnično. Kitajski vpliv v Evropi je ekonomski in geopolitičen. Kitajska je postala gospodarski tekmec, ki si prizadeva prevzeti vodilno mesto na področju razvoja tehnologij, želi pa tudi uveljavljati svoj model družbene ureditve in vladanja. Močnejša kitajska ekonomska prisotnost, kulturne in medijske aktivnosti ter dejavnosti vojaške diplomacije so orodja, s katerimi Kitajska uveljavlja svoj vpliv v odnosih z državami v Evropski uniji in v tistih na njenem obrobju. Najpomembnejši izzivi v odnosih med Kitajsko in Evropo so neuravnoteženost naložb v korist Kitajske, prevzemanje evropskih podjetij, predvsem tistih, ki upravljajo strateško pomembno infrastrukturo, ter povečana dejavnost kitajskih oboroženih sil v mednarodnem okolju. Ključne besede Evropska unija, Kitajska, strateško tekmovanje, varnostni izzivi. Abstract The European Union's strategic competition with China has become a reality. China's influence in Europe is both economic and geopolitical. China has become an economic competitor striving to take the lead in technology development, but it also wants to assert its model of social order and governance. China's stronger economic presence, cultural and media activities, and military diplomacy activities are tools with which China is asserting its influence in relations with countries in and around the European Union. The most important challenges in China-Europe relations are the imbalance of investment in favour of China, the takeover of European companies, especially those that manage strategically important infrastructure, and the increased activity of the Chinese armed forces in the international environment. Key words European Union, China, strategic competition, security challenges.
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Çınar, Evrim. "The Readmission Agreement of Turkey." BORDER CROSSING 8, no. 2SI (December 11, 2018): 571–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v8i2si.655.

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The irregular migration flows in the last decade from countries, where there are social unrest, civil wars and economic turmoil, towards developed western countries are one of the most populated human movements since the WWII. Hence each immigration flow has its own characteristics, the current irregular flows reveal a new migration outcome; the balance between State Security and Migrant Security. Since the migration policies are control based in some destination countries, they take precaution in order to reduce the irregular immigration flows by signing bilateral readmission agreements with 3rd countries. In that respect, Turkey and European Union relations in terms of irregular migration flows play a crucial and critical role due to its condition of transit migration state. The European Union accession process brought Turkey heavy duties. Controlling and preventing irregular migration became an obligation to its membership and to achieve its goals Turkey signed a readmission agreement with European Union. However, as any method of preventing irregular migration flows, Readmission Agreement of Turkey effect the balance between destination country security and irregular migrant security, especially refugees and asylum seekers rights. The main goal of this article is to find an answer to this question: does the Readmission Agreement of Turkey provide a balance between State Security and Migrant Security? This article intends to analyze the adverse security conditions of irregular migrants and state security compulsions.
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Lourdelle, Henri. "Social protection and enlargement: challenges for the candidate countries and the European Union." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 9, no. 1 (February 2003): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890300900110.

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The central and eastern European countries have undergone radical change, both political and social, since the start of the 1990s. Social protection systems have not been immune to the upheavals. But how should these countries go about establishing pension and healthcare schemes which reconcile the need both for reform and solidarity? How can they resist the temptation to privatise their social security systems, while seeking to keep costs under control and rationalise resources? This article takes stock of the reforms undertaken by these countries in the field of both pensions and health systems, exploring the motivations behind them and their compatibility with the models currently existing within the European Union.
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Peeters, Bruno. "The Design of Covid-19 Recovery Contributions: Taxes or Social Security Contributions?" EC Tax Review 30, Issue 5/6 (December 1, 2021): 236–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ecta2021024.

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To cover the large financial spending caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, countries worldwide are forced to take substantial fiscal actions. This contribution takes a closer look at the extent to which EU law has an influence (restrictive or otherwise) on the freedom of Member States to opt for (additional) taxes and/or social contributions as a means to finance the (additional) deficits in their social security system. First, a brief numerical overview will be given of the various sources of financing and expenditures of social security in the European Union (II). Subsequently, the question will be addressed to which extent the concept of social security contributions under European Union law interferes with the national definition of taxes (III). The most relevant rulings of the European Court of Justice (CJEU) in this respect will be discussed (IV) followed by a number of final considerations (V). Covid-19 Recovery Contributions, Concept of tax, Social Security Contribution, Wealth Tax, Tax on (Real) Estate, Financing of Social Security, Regulation (EC) No 883/2004, Double Tax Convention, National (Tax) Sovereignty, Annual Tax on Securities Accounts
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social security – European Union countries"

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Grevi, Giovanni. "The common foreign, security and defence policy of the European Union: ever-closer cooperation, dynamics of regime deepening." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210673.

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“What is Europe's role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples?” These were two of the central questions put by the Laeken Declaration, adopted by the European Council in December 2001. The Declaration offered the beginning of an answer, pointing out the direction for future policy developments, and for the institutional reform underpinning them: “The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism, but which also does not turn a blind eye to the world's heartrending injustices. In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs…A power seeking to set globalisation within a moral framework.” At the same time, the Laeken Declaration pointed out some more specific questions concerning the institutional innovations required to enhance the coherence of European foreign policy and to reinforce the synergy between the High Representative for CFSP and the relevant Commissioners within the RELEX family. With a view to a better distribution of competences between the EU and Member States, on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity, the text mentioned the development of a European foreign and defence policy first, and referred more particularly to the scope for updating the ‘Petersberg’ tasks of crisis management, a policy domain that would take a pivotal place in the consolidation of ESDP and CFSP at large. This Declaration marks the beginning of the process of regime reform that covers the last three years of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union. This evolution, and the innovations that it has brought about in institutional and normative terms, are the subjects of this thesis.

The Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS).

Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP.

Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making.

On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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DARKO, PHIDELIA. "EU DEVELOPMENT POLICY FOR DEVELOPING COUNTRIES VS. THE NEW SECURITY AGENDA : A CASE STUDY ON GHANA." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23826.

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Development issues have been the centre of most international governmental organisations for quite a long time. Most developing countries tend to depend on Western foreign donors to assist them in their developmental ambitions. Ghana as a developing nation also depends on it foreign donors to finance most of it developmental projects. Even though the European Union is an international governmental organisation that is much known for assisting developing countries with their developmental projects it is anticipated that recent occurrence such as the global economic meltdown, climate change coupled with terrorist attacks on most developed nations will limit or perhaps even halt the flow of development aid to developing countries as they might be more concerned with securing their territory rather than thinking of other people somewhere else.This is because such occurrences have resulted in raising a new concern, thus the New Security Agenda or Human Security. The Human Security in respect to its economic sector is what this paper deals with. This paper takes a critical look on Ghana’s Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (GPRS), as pertaining to the aspect of these papers that received developmental aid from the European Development Fund (EDF). It is proved here that almost all aspect of Ghana’s developmental projects in one way or other received funding from the EDF. The New Security Agenda in terms of its economic sector was rather found out to be a positive influence for developing nations like Ghana as a result of the country’s stability. This is because it was found out that rather than limiting the flow of development aid to Ghana, it is during this time that the 10th EDF budget for Ghana received the highest funding. It was later found out that all these developmental projects conforms to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which is also an area of concern in the New Security Agenda. All this occurrences are much more explained along a theoretical framework (thus the notions of liberalism, critical theory and constructivism). However other academic works on the subject matter was also comprehensively acknowledged.
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Duez, Denis. "La sécurité intérieure européenne et la lutte contre l'immigration clandestine: contribution à l'analyse des modes de légitimation de l'ordre politique européen." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210681.

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La thèse est une étude du processus de sécurisation de l’immigration clandestine à l’œuvre dans l’Union européenne. Elle s’attache à expliquer la tension, voire la contradiction, existant entre l’ambition et la fermeté du discours européen sur le contrôle de l’immigration illégale, d’une part, et le risque politique intrinsèquement lié à ce choix, d’autre part. La prétention au contrôle des flux migratoires clandestins apparaît en effet largement illusoire tant en raison de l’ampleur et de la nature des flux concernés que de la faiblesse des moyens effectivement mis en œuvre par l’Union européenne.

Au départ d’une grille d’analyse s’appuyant sur une lecture critique des approches constructivistes de la sécurité, la politique européenne de lutte contre l’immigration clandestine est interprétée comme étant l’expression d’un « discours de sécurité » forgeant des représentations sociales insécurisantes des migrants clandestins. Cette production sociale du « péril migratoire » est examinée sous l’angle des enjeux de légitimité entourant la création de l’espace européen de liberté, de sécurité et de justice. Dans ce cadre, nous soulignons que la lutte contre l’immigration l’illégale ne peut se réduire à son objectif explicite – la maîtrise des flux – mais qu’elle participe également d’un mécanisme classique de légitimation du corps politique supposant la définition d’une figure menaçante de l’altérité. Le « clandestin » représente dans cette optique un « objet insécurisant » consensuel qui émerge dans le champ européen au terme d’un processus de formation d’une volonté politique fonctionnant sur le mode du plus petit dénominateur commun. Agrégeant les inquiétudes exprimées à l’égard du terrorisme et de la criminalité transnationales mais aussi les préoccupations pour la stabilité économique, sociale et culturelle des sociétés européennes, cette figure permet de rassembler les États membres autour d’un projet sécuritaire commun. Elle contribue de ce fait à l’émergence d’une dynamique de type ami-ennemi reposant sur une opposition croissante entre un « Autre » incarné par le clandestin et un « Nous » qui, à défaut d’être culturellement homogène, se trouve unifié par un sentiment d’insécurité collectivement partagé.


Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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S, Yeskov, Zaiets O, and Kononenko Yu. "Strategic analysis of information in ensuring economic security of European Union countries." Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/54274.

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The purpose of the article is to study the essence and stages of strategic analysis in ensuring economic security. Research methods: the use of system-structural method and the method of generalization allowed to analyze the general trends in the use of methods of strategic analysis. Using the dialectical method of scientific knowledge, as well as methods of analysis, synthesis and abstraction, the content and purpose of the research problem are clarified, its main features and structure, as well as the relationship with systems analysis are determined. Results: these methods of strategic analysis significantly increase the efficiency of forecasting the development of situations in the field of economic security due to the possibility of compiling a SWOT-analysis, PEST-analysis, etc. Discussion: in order to improve the system of strategic analysis, it is necessary to involve certain independent think tanks. Such think tanks should work closely with the authorities and be partially funded by the Government of Ukraine to obtain any necessary analytical information from them. Thus, the key issues of economic security are: the system of forecasting management activities; the process of research and analytical examinations; development of information and analytical products and their distribution; professional activity of specialists, professionals, analysts. Given the above, we conclude that the strategic analysis of public administration in the field of economic security is aimed at providing quality information to public authorities, and its improvement is impossible without studying the methodological principles of its formation. Analytical centers provide a link between government and civil society; represent and protect public interests; evaluate power and its decisions and formulate alternative policy proposals. Analytical centers are involved in the formation of European policy, promote better public understanding of EU regulations and decisions. The establishment of a domestic network of think tanks according to EU standards, which will be actively integrated into Euro-Atlantic networks of think tanks, will help find additional reserves to improve the mechanisms of strategic analysis in the field of economic security and state policy on effective forecasting and analytical support.
Мета статті полягає у дослідженні сутності та етапів стратегічного аналізу в забезпеченні економічної безпеки. Методи дослідження: використання системно-структурного методу та методу узагальнення дозволило проаналізувати загальні тенденції використання методів стратегічного аналізу. За допомогою діалектичного методу наукового пізнання, а також методів аналізу, синтезу та абстрагування з’ясовано зміст та призначення досліджуваної проблеми, визначено основні його ознаки та структуру, а також співвідношення із системним аналізом. Результати: зазначені методи стратегічного аналізу значно підвищують ефективність прогнозування розвитку ситуацій у сфері економічної безпеки завдяки можливості складання SWOTаналізу, PEST-аналізу тощо. Обговорення: для удосконалення системи стратегічного аналізу необхідно долучити певні незалежні аналітичні центри. Такі аналітичні центри повинні тісно співпрацювати з владою та частково фінансуватися урядом України, для отримання від них будь-якої необхідної аналітичної інформації. Таким чином, ключовими питаннями економічної безпеки є: система прогнозного забезпечення управлінської діяльності; процес досліджень та аналітичних експертиз; вироблення інформаційно-аналітичних продуктів та їх поширення; професійна діяльність фахівців, професіоналів, аналітиків. Враховуючи викладене, доходимо висновку, що стратегічний аналіз державного управління у сфері економічної безпеки спрямований на якісне забезпечення інформацією органів державної влади, а його удосконалення неможливе без дослідження методологічних засад його формування. Аналітичні центри забезпечують зв’язок влади і громадянського суспільства; представляють та захищають суспільні інтереси; оцінюють владу та її рішення і формулюють альтернативні політичні пропозиції. Аналітичні центри залучені до формування європейської політики, сприяють кращому розумінню громадськістю положень та рішень ЄС. Створення за стандартами ЄС вітчизняної мережі аналітичних центрів, яка буде активно інтегрована в євроатлантичні мережі аналітичних центрів, сприятиме пошуку додаткових резервів для вдосконалення механізмів стратегічного аналізу в сфері економічної безпеки та виробленню державної політики щодо ефективного прогнозно-аналітичного забезпечення органів державної влади.
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Mujivane, Andrew Agufana. "European Union." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613834/index.pdf.

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This thesis is to study the evolution of the EU - Africa relations, and how they have been shaped in the 21st Century. Bearing a historical perspective of the relations, the cornerstone of the study will cover the period between 2000 and 2010. It is at the turn of the century that the EU-Africa relations gained momentum with the adoption of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement and the first EU- Africa Summit in Cairo, 2000 that laid the foundation of the Joint Africa EU Strategy. This strategy epitomizes the desire of the EU and Africa to forge a close bond of relations towards achieving their shared interests based on a &lsquo
partnership of equals&rsquo
. EU-Africa relations have been characterized on the basis of clientelism inherent from its colonial legacy in Africa. Thus the main question is whether the strategy adopted guarantees a relationship based on a &lsquo
partnership of equals&rsquo
or is it pure rhetoric? The thesis concludes that, Africa&rsquo
s importance on the international arena has been increasing in the last decade with a proportionate increase in competition for its resources especially from emerging powers. This has threatened the EU&rsquo
s position in Africa and with the EU&rsquo
s quest to enhance its global actorness, there has been a need for the EU to restructure its relations with Africa. Though the strategy is based on a mutual partnership, it is skewed to the EU&rsquo
s favour due to its superior power both economically and politically.
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6

Vlachos-Dengler, Katia. "Carry that weight improving European strategic airlift capabilities /." Santa Monica, CA : RAND, 2007. http://www.rand.org/pubs/rgs_dissertations/RGSD219/.

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Kramer, Bryan K. "NATO and forward defense : an analysis of expeditionary capabilities and out-of-area-security /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FKramer.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Hans-Eberhard Peters, Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-119). Also available online.
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8

Zhang, Lu. "Is the EU a social union? :the function of common social policy for European integration." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554777.

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9

Hollis, Simon John. "Abridging the Tyranny of Distance: European Union and New Zealand Security Cultures in the Asia Pacific Region." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1958.

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The rise in prominence of transregional security threats has heightened an awareness for an interdependent outlook on security threats, often requiring regional solutions to insure stability. The Asia Pacific security environment is not exempt from these security threats. Strategic challenges such as terrorism, environmental security or nuclear proliferation pervade the region and transcend its countries’ borders. Amongst a myriad of regional security institutions and dialogues with a focus on the region, the sub-regional security dialogue between the European Union (EU) and New Zealand administers an effective contribution to stability in South East Asia and the Pacific. This thesis explores the volume of the EU and New Zealand security dialogue in the Asia Pacific region. The amount of interaction that takes place and the quality of dialogue produced is analysed through constructivist and regionalist tenants; the security-focused identities of each agency is investigated and compared, in order to elucidate the ‘reality’ of the securitybased consultation. It is argued that continual social and political interaction between the EU and New Zealand will formulate a specific security identity and encourage further stability and peace in the Asia Pacific region. Thus, the research question can be formulated as what volume and form of cooperation exist between the European Union and New Zealand on security issues pertaining to the Asia Pacific region, and what efforts have been made to maintain, deepen and improve the relationship since 1999?
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Li, Xin. "European identity, a case study." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.

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Books on the topic "Social security – European Union countries"

1

Wojciech, Bieńkowski, Brada Josef C. 1942-, and Radło Mariusz-Jan, eds. Growth versus security: Old and new EU members quest for a new economic and social model. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

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European Union security dynamics in the new national interest. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Kowalsky, Wolfgang. Europäische Sozialpolitik: Ausgangsbedingungen, Antriebskräfte und Entwicklungspotentiale. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1999.

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Multicultural citizenship of the European Union. Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Ashgate, 2000.

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Panos, Pashardes, Abela Anthony M. 1954-, Adaman Fikret, and Gesellschaft für Versicherungswissenschaft und -gestaltung e.V. Köln., eds. Social protection in the candidate countries: Country studies Cyprus, Malta, Turkey = Soziale sicherung in den Beitrittskandidatenländern : Länderstudie Zypern, Malta, Türkei. Berlin: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft, 2003.

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Ivanova, Noncheva Theodora, and Gesellschaft für Versicherungswissenschaft und -gestaltung e.V. Köln., eds. Social protection in the candidate countries: Country studies Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, Slovenia = Soziale Sicherung in den Beitrittskandidatenländern : Länderstudie : Bulgarien, Ungarn, Rumänien, Slowenien. Berlin: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft, 2003.

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Igor, Tomeš, and Gesellschaft für Versicherungswissenschaft und -gestaltung e.V. Köln., eds. Social protection in the candidate countries: Country studies Czech Republic, Slovak Republic, Poland = Soziale Sicherung in den Beitrittskandidatenländern : Länderstudie Tschechische Republik, Slowakische Republik, Polen. Berlin: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft, 2003.

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Kapuy, Klaus. The social security position of irregular migrant workers: New insights from national social security law and international law. Cambridge: Intersentia, 2011.

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Herman, Deleeck, Bosch Karel van den, and Lathouwer Lieve de, eds. Poverty and the adequacy of social security in the EC: A comparative analysis. Aldershot: Avebury, 1992.

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Lauri, Leppik, and Gesellschaft für Versicherungswissenschaft und -gestaltung e.V. Köln., eds. Social protection in the candidate countries: Country studies Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania = Soziale Sicherung in den Beitrittskandidatenländern : Länderstudie Estland, Lettland, Litauen. Berlin: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Social security – European Union countries"

1

Szeląg, Paulina. "Social Security of States with Limited Recognition: A Case Study of the Republic of Kosovo." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 137–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_9.

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AbstractThe Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) comprises 57 participating states, including almost all the countries of the Western Balkans. The only country which is not a participating state of the OSCE in this region is the Republic of Kosovo. Kosovo announced its independence from Serbia on 17 February 2008, and a number of OSCE participating states soon after recognized its statehood. However, some participating states, including Serbia, Russia, Spain, Slovakia, Romania, Cyprus, and Greece, did not. International organizations, such as the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), and the OSCE, have been engaged in post-conflict reconstruction of Kosovo since 1999. The aim of this article is to show the role of international community engagement in rebuilding the social security system in Kosovo since the end of the war of 1999. This analysis will enable the reader to understand not only the evolution of the social security system in Kosovo, but also the direct and indirect impact of international community on the social security of the states with limited recognition.
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Scaffardi, Lucia, and Giulia Formici. "Introduction: Feeding the Future Sustainably—What Role for Novel Foods and Edible Insects?" In Novel Foods and Edible Insects in the European Union, 1–11. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13494-4_1.

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AbstractFood systems all over the world are increasingly under pressure: according to the United Nations, in 2020, 2.37 billion people suffered hunger or were unable to eat a healthy balanced diet on a regular basis. This worrying scenario, mainly affecting developing countries in the Global South, has been exacerbated by different phenomena such as climate change, the global spread of Covid-19, and recent geopolitical tensions. In this context, innovation and technological progress have been considered important allies to promote environmental, social and economic sustainability in the food sector and provide solid answers to the urgent demand of accessible and safe food for present and future generations. So-called Novel Foods represent an interesting and relevant example of the potential role of innovation for the guaranteeing of food security. This introductive chapter aims to present the main issues affecting the food sector globally and offer some first insights on this Volume’s main topics: Novel Foods in the European Union and a particular category of ‘new’ foods, namely insects for human consumption. The structure of the book and the reasons behind the content selection are explored, highlighting the importance of an interdisciplinary approach to such a complex topic.
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Bertolini, Alessio, and Daniel Clegg. "Access to Social Protection by Immigrants, Emigrants and Resident Nationals in the UK." In IMISCOE Research Series, 419–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51237-8_26.

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AbstractImmigration policies and immigrants’ rights to social protection in the UK have evolved dramatically over the past few decades, due to changing immigration flows, the UK’s membership of the European Union (EU) and participation in the European Single Market, and increasing anti-immigration sentiment, which culminated with the decision to leave the EU in January 2020. In this chapter, we argue that, at present, access to social protection is hierarchically structured depending on the interplay of three key variables: benefit type, immigration status and residency status. British citizens residing in the UK and immigrants with a permanent leave to remain have access to full social protection. So do generally European Economic Area (EEA) immigrants with the right to reside, though the precise basis of the right to reside is important in determining the types of benefits the person is entitled to. Migrants with a temporary leave to remain are excluded from most non-contributory benefits, as generally are British citizens living abroad, though those residing in EEA countries and those residing in a country with which the UK has a social security agreement are still entitled to a limited range of benefits. Many changes in access to social protection, especially as regards EEA immigrants in the UK and British nationals living in the EEA, are likely to stem from the UK leaving the EU, though these changes are currently being negotiated and, at present, no definitive post-Brexit regulatory framework is available.
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Watson, Philippa. "Social Security." In Employment Policy in the European Union, 210–40. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10650-6_10.

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Wojtyńska, Anna, and Unnur Dís Skaptadóttir. "(Im)mobility Patterns among Polish Unemployed Migrants in Iceland Navigating Different Welfare Regimes." In IMISCOE Research Series, 161–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67615-5_10.

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AbstractBased on fieldwork among unemployed Polish migrants in Iceland, this chapter examines how they negotiate and adapt to the social risks and changing circumstances encountered in the countries of emigration and immigration as well as how they navigate the available ‘resource environments’ emerging in conjunction with different welfare regimes. We particularly look at the European Union (EU) regulations for social-security protection vis-à-vis national welfare-protection policies on unemployment in Iceland and Poland and their possible ramifications for the mobility and immobility of Polish workers. Furthermore, we highlight some problematic interactions between the internationalisation of the labour market and concomitant transnational livelihoods, EU social policy and the welfare-assistance environment of member states. In so doing, we apply a critical approach to the commonly assumed high flexibility and extensive geographical mobility of migrant workers that tends to overlook counterfactors that influence different forms of immobility.
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Anderson, Karen M. "Social Security and Pensions." In Social Policy in the European Union, 81–110. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-49515-0_4.

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Tryfonidou, Alina. "Article 48 [Social Security]." In Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union - A Commentary, 1021–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43511-0_49.

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Welfens, Paul J. J., and Claus Schnabel. "Towards Full Employment and Growth in the European Union." In Labor Markets and Social Security, 247–301. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-24780-7_11.

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Welfens, Paul J. J. "Towards Full Employment and Growth in the European Union." In Labor Markets and Social Security, 251–314. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-03599-3_9.

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Svedin, Lina M., Adam Luedtke, and Thad E. Hall. "Immigration, Security, and Social Risk Perception." In Risk Regulation in the United States and European Union, 69–88. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230109476_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Social security – European Union countries"

1

Luskova, Maria. "EUROPEN UNION SECURITY ENVIRONMENT AND ELECTRICITY SECURITY OF COUNTRIES." In 6th SWS International Scientific Conference on Social Sciences ISCSS 2019. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sws.iscss.2019.1/s01.003.

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Gümüş, Sevilay. "A Comparison of European Union and Turkey from the Perspective of Social Parafiscal Burden (1995-2008)." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00283.

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While the need for human to protect themselves againist dangers they may face all through their lifes has introduced the social security concept; reducing the harm caused to humans faced with dangers has conceived the social insurance concept. In time, the context of social security broadend and following World War II it has became an increasingly important issue around the world. The main area of the study regarding this issue is to make a comparison between the social security subsidies paid by EU member countries and Turkish Republic citizens between 1995-2008 in terms of social parafiscal burden on the citizens of that country. İn this context, the data of EuroStat, OECD, SPO and Turkish Republic Social Security Institution has been benefited from in order to make an assessement. In conclusion, the EU shows a more balanced profile in terms of social parafiscal burden and social expenditure compare to Turkey and even though the social parafiscal burden depending on the observed high informal economy, seems low in terms of numbers; it can be said that the social parafiscal burden on Turkish citizens quite heavy.
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3

Kot-Niewiadomska, Alicja, Krzysztof Galos, and Katarzyna Guzik. "SAFEGUARDING OF MINERAL DEPOSITS AS THE BASIS OF EUROPEAN UNION RAW MATERIALS SECURITY IN THE ERA OF UNSTABLE GEOPOLITICAL CONDITIONS." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/1.1/s03.046.

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The economic results of many dynamically developing European countries largely depend on the availability of mineral raw materials. For this reason, securing their supplies from import must be supported by a committed foreign policy as well as a sustainable raw materials policy in the field of their obtaining from domestic sources, both from mineral deposits, as well as secondary and waste sources. Raw material security must be based on the diversification of supply sources and minimizing supply risks. The results of analyses show that the European Union relies heavily on imported raw materials, especially in industries recognized as strategic (renewable Energy - wind & PV; grids, Li-ion batteries (LIB), electric vehicles (EVs), Robotics and defense). Moreover, most of the import sources are countries with high or very high risk of supply. Recently, these risks are higher due to unstable political situation in Eastern Europe. Taking into account above, the European Union should consider the possibility of further development of its own mining industry, based on its own resources. The raw material potential of European countries is significant, but recently problems related to the possibility of launching new mining projects have been increasing. Social, environmental and spatial conditions play a decisive role. In this context, particular attention should be paid to the properly implemented policy of mineral deposits safeguarding which provides access to primary sources of raw materials (deposits), thus reducing dependence from unstable import sources.
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Beder, Burak, and Sunay Çıralı. "The Relationship of Renewable Energy with Foreign Trade Balance and The Economic Growth: An Analysis in the Context of Turkey and The European Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c14.02680.

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Historically, most of the energy need is provided by carbon-intensive primary energy sources. Especially, since the 1970s, this circumstance has exposed two major issues. Firstly, primary energy sources are one of the most significant contributors to climate change since they significantly increase greenhouse gas emissions. Secondly, the fact that primary energy sources are non-renewable, and their limited reserves have recently caused unexpected price movements in energy prices. This situation creates conditions that cause crises, jeopardizes the security of energy supply, and threatens production and social living. In this context, the increased awareness of climate change and the energy shocks experienced put renewable energy sources instead of primary energy sources on the agenda. Renewable energy sources are particularly substantial for Turkey and the European Union (EU). Because Turkey and the EU meet most of their energy needs through imports. By being directly affected by rapid fluctuations in the pricing of energy resources, this circumstance can cause countries to experience issues such as foreign trade imbalance, energy supply security, inflation, and economic slowdown. In this scenario, it is crucial for Turkey and the EU to adopt renewable energy sources to continue economic growth. The purpose of this study is to determine the relationship between the installed renewable energy power capacity of electricity generation with foreign trade balance and the economic growth of Turkey and EU countries from 2000 to 2020. In this context, it is intended to conduct a Panel Granger Causality test using data gathered from the IRENA and World Bank databases.
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ZAWOJSKA, Aldona. "THE PROS AND CONS OF THE EU COMMON AGRICULTURAL POLICY." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.158.

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The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union has generated a great deal of attention and controversy among research community, practitioners and the wider population. The aim of this study is to overview and to discuss the thoughts and comments on the CAP which have been addressed by both its proponents and its opponents in the scientific publications, political commentaries, official reports, pubic opinion surveys and social-media-based public forums. While on the one hand, recent public opinion poll (Eurobarometer 2016) indicated broad support among EU citizens for the CAP; on the other hand, other sources give some strong arguments in favour of reducing or even scrapping the CAP. The CAP supporters (including European Commission itself) highlight, among others, the benefits of this policy (environmental; cultural; social vitality; food variety, quality and security; maintaining of rural employment, etc.) for all European citizens and not only for farmers, while CAP opponents stress its unfairness both to non-farmers (e.g. huge financial costs of its policy for taxpayers) and small farmers (large farmers benefit most), heavy administrative burden for farmers as well as the CAP’s destructing impact both on the EU states’ agriculture systems and developing countries’ agricultural markets. The CAP is basically the same for all EU member states but the EU countries differ considerably in terms of their rural development. According to some views, the CAP does not fit the Central and Eastern European countries. It represents a failure of the EU to adjust adequately from an exclusively Western European institution into a proper pan-European organization.
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Leon Bello, Jorge, and Emilio Gonzalez Viosca. "CARONTE project: Creating an Agenda for Research on Transportation Security." In CIT2016. Congreso de Ingeniería del Transporte. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cit2016.2016.3272.

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Europe’s prosperity relies on effective transport systems. Any attacks and disturbances to land freight and passenger transport would have significant impact on economic growth, territorial cohesion, social development and the environment. Unfortunately, there are weaknesses in the land transport security.The objective of CARONTE project is define a future research agenda for security in land transport that focuses on core gaps caused by emerging risks while avoiding any doubling-up of research elsewhere. Its research agenda will cover all threats, including cyber-crime, and security aspects across all modes of land transportation. At the same time, it will respect the fundamental human rights and privacy of European citizens. The step-by-step method of CARONTE’s consortium has analyzed the state of the art and emerging risks; has identified gaps, analyses and assessments of potential solutions; and has produced an overall research agenda for the future. CARONTE’s results will answer the following questions among others: Which existing research projects merit a follow up and extension?Where are the combinations or synergy effects to be attended?Which themes and topics should be elaborated in new research projects?Who should be involved and integrated in future research projects (stakeholders, authorities, etc.)? The CARONTE consortium includes universities and research institutes, companies, and end-users providing with experience in research and consultancy in transportation, logistics, infrastructure management, security and communications. ITENE - Instituto Tecnológico del Embalaje, Transporte y Logística- has been one of the Project partners among a total of 11 members from eight different countries in the European Union which have also been supported via a High Level Advisory Board.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/CIT2016.2016.3272
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Al Eassa, Lina. "THE DILEMMA OF RESILIENCE, AS A SECURITY STRATEGY, FOR THE DONORS AND THE HOSTS IN RESPONSE FOR THE SYRIAN CRISIS׃ IN THE CASE OF THE EURPOEAN UNION AND JORDAN." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b2/v4/28.

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Since 2015, both the donors (the European Union) and the hosts (Jordan) of the Syrian refugees have started to adopt resilience as a better security strategy. When dealing with crises, particularly those linked to prolonged wars with no foreseeable solutions in the near future, resilience has become a means and a goal. Yet, it may represent a dilemma for the EU and Jordan. Scholars like Giulia Sinatti and Rosanne Anholt argue that the EU, with its focus on resilience of the origin and transit countries of migrants and refugees, could jeopardize the stability of refugee-hosting states. These already burdened states with its own problems cannot handle more refugees. In addition, the refugees are facing many difficulties to find jobs and they are struggling to find their way to Europe. As a result, resilience may seem threatening rather than safeguarding the security of Europe. Thus, the paper’s main question is How are the donors and the hosts trying to resolve the dilemma of resilience, as a security strategy, in response for the Syrian crisis in the case of the EU and Jordan? Based on document analysis for the EU and Jordan׳s documents including their official bilateral and multilateral agreements, reports from their official websites and textual analysis of the current literature on building resilience, this paper argues that resilience may appear as a dilemma, however, the EU and Jordan are trying to resolve it by adopting resilience as a pragmatic approach, focusing on its bright side, and tackling the challenges, which appear as a result of adopting it. The EU׳s resilience building in Jordan aims to enhance the capacities of the refugees and the local communities and keep a balance between them. What's more, it aims to support those refugees’ self-reliance and Jordan׳s social cohesion. Thus, to keep the refugees in place and prevent them from flooding into Europe.
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Albu, Angela. "CORRELATION BETWEEN INNOVATION AND COMPETITIVENESS IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.3/s04.066.

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Bir iakova, Na a., Jana Stavkova, and Veronika Anto ova. "Income Poverty in Selected Countries of the European Union." In 2013 International Conference on the Modern Development of Humanities and Social Science. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mdhss-13.2013.124.

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Maj-Waśniowska, Katarzyna, Agnieszka Wałęga, and Grzegorz Wałęga. "SILVER ECONOMY, POVERTY AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In 10th Economics & Finance Conference, Rome. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/efc.2018.010.023.

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Reports on the topic "Social security – European Union countries"

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.

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The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.

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This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.
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Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.

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This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.
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Morsy, Ahmed. Towards a renewed local social and political covenant in Libya, Syria and Yemen. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/ofgn2229.

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This SIPRI Insights Paper examines the domestic and external factors at play in Libya, Syria and Yemen and their impact on negotiating post-war peaceful settlements and shaping prospective social contracts.The paper’s argument is two-fold. Firstly, policymaking must move beyond a static approach to understanding these conflicts. Despite apparent stalemates, the three countries should be approached as ever-evolving simmering conflicts. Secondly, policymakers have to move below the national level in order to achieve various forms of localized social peace. Given the nature of these conflicts and the varied sub-national segmentation, the analysis concludes that community-level social and political covenants may offer a first building block towards nationwide social contracts and sustainable conflict resolution.The role of external actors, particularly the European Union (EU), is critical in paving the way for these local-level dialogues and negotiations in Libya, Syria and Yemen. In short, external powers, including the EU, should adopt policies that push for long-term resolution to achieve post-conflict stabilization rather than the opportunistic taking of sides.
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Maletta, Giovanna, and Lauriane Héau. Funding Arms Transfers through the European Peace Facility: Preventing Risks of Diversion and Misuse. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/oelz9733.

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Since it was established in March 2021, the European Peace Facility (EPF) has become the main source of funding for European Union (EU) external actions in the field of crisis management and conflict prevention with defence and military implications. These include initiatives such as EU military missions, support to military peace operations led by other actors and assistance to strengthen third states’ military capacities. In addition, through the EPF, EU security assistance can also fund, for the first time, the supply of lethal military equipment and, thus, weapons. Arms transfers to countries that are affected by crises and conflict bear higher risks that the weapons provided may be misused or diverted to unauthorized end-users. Considering the contexts in which the EPF is already or will likely be funding the provision of weapons, these risks are particularly tangible. The EU and its member states have instruments and expertise at their disposal that they should use to minimize the potential negative consequences generated by using the EPF for addressing partners’ security needs. These include preventing overlaps in establishing relevant controls, including post-shipment controls, and coordinating EPF actions with assistance in the field of arms transfer and small arms and light weapons controls.
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Saalman, Lora. Navigating Chinese–Russian Nuclear and Space Convergence and Divergence. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rxgl6272.

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Following the release of a China–Russia joint statement in February 2022, analysts have argued that the two countries have become strategically aligned. While both share security concerns and even use similar terminology on ‘active defence’, the manner in which they address these concerns and operationalize these concepts is not the same—at least not yet. When applied to nuclear deterrence, the Chinese version of active defence suggests retaliatory action against a nuclear attack while the Russian version indicates pre-emption in the face of either non-nuclear or nuclear aggression. In terms of space, while both are jointly pursuing a treaty on non-weaponization, China’s defence white papers tend towards a brief and vague mention of challenges, as opposed to Russia’s pervasive concerns over an attack in its military doctrines. Thus, while there is similarity between the two countries, there remain notable differences. This paper explores China’s and Russia’s most recent official documents and statements on their respective nuclear and space postures, combined with some corresponding technological advances. It then makes recommendations to European Union member states on topics that could be addressed in future strategic stability talks that include either one or both countries.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC: Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC: Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Motel-Klingebiel, Andreas, and Gerhard Naegele. Exclusion and inequality in late working life in the political context of the EU. Linköping University Electronic Press, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/9789179293215.

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European societies need to increase the participation in work over the life course to support the provision of qualified labour and to meet the challenges for social security systems under the condition of their ageing populations. One of the key ambitions is to extend people’s working lives and to postpone labour market exit and retirement where possible. This requires informed policies, and the research programme EIWO – ‘Exclusion and Inequality in Late Working Life: Evidence for Policy Innovation towards Inclusive Extended Work and Sustainable Working Conditions in Sweden and Europe’ – aims to push the boundaries of knowledge about late working life and the potential of its inclusive and equal prolongation via a theoretically driven, gender-sensitive combination of multi-level perspectives. EIWO takes a life course approach on exclusion and inequality by security of tenure, quality of work, workplaces, and their consequences. It identifies life course policies, promoting lifelong learning processes and flexible adaptation to prolong working lives and to avoid increased exclusion and inequality. Moreover, it provides evidence for policies to ensure both individual, company and societal benefits from longer lives. To do so, EIWO orientates its analyses systematically to the macro-political contexts at the European Union level and to the policy goals expressed in the respective official statements, reports and plans. This report systematizes this ambitious approach. Relevant documents such as reports, green books and other publications of the European Commission (EC), the European Parliament (EP), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as well as those of social partners and research institutions, have been systematically scanned and evaluated. In addition, relevant decisions of European summits have been considered. The selection of documents claims completeness regarding relevant and generally available publication, while relevance is defined from the point of view of EIWO’s interests. It is the aim of this report to provide a sound knowledge base for EIWO’s analyses and impact strategies and to contribute to the emerging research on the connection between population ageing and the European policies towards productivity, inclusiveness, equity, resilience and sustainability. This report aims to answer the following questions: How are EIWO’s conceptual classification and programme objectives reflected in the European Union’s policy programming? How can EIWO’s analyses and impact benefit from a reference to current EU policy considerations, and how does this focus support the outline of policy options and the formulating of possible proposals to Swedish and European stakeholders? The present report was written during early 2022; analyses were finalized in February 2022 and represent the status until this date.
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml, and Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.

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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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