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Dorman, Sara Rich. "Inclusion and exclusion : NGOs and politics in Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:99281b24-8104-4699-8e4c-0cdc2a2c716e.
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The thesis explores the changing relations between the Zimbabwean state and local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) after independence. It focuses on debates over the role of NGOs in democratization in developing countries, using Zimbabwe as an example. The thesis argues that the study of democratization is best accomplished through detailed empirical case studies, relying on historical narratives and participant-observation research. Such research reinforces our understanding of democratization as a complex and dynamic process. The thesis proposes a framework for understanding state and society relations in Zimbabwe, emphasizing the ruling party’s use of coercive and consent-generating mechanisms to establish hegemony over the new nation. It examines the changing relationship between NGOs and the state after independence, when the ruling party’s efforts to include most groups within its nationalist coalition extend to NGOs. Case studies of NGO coalitions show how activist NGOs fail to mobilize others owing to the unwillingness of many NGOs to challenge the ruling party’s control over policy-making. The establishment of the National Constitutional Assembly by some NGOs, churches and trade unionists set the stage for an increasingly tense engagement between NGOs and the state after 1997. The constitutional debate opened up the public sphere in new ways. As the ruling party attempted to retain control over the political sphere and the constitutional debate, NGO politics became increasingly polarized. The emergence of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, and the prominence of NGO activists within its leadership, led to further conflict. After losing the February 2000 constitutional referendum, the regime sanctioned violent attacks on white farmers, businesspeople, and NGOs. While the ruling party attempted to shore up its support through nationalist rhetoric and financial incentives, groups perceived to oppose the state were excluded and vilified.
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Brulin, Rémi. "Le discours américain sur le terrorisme : Constitution, évolution et contextes d'énonciation (1972-1992)." Phd thesis, Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris III, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00764900.
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Depuis les attaques du 11 septembre 2001 contre New York et Washington, D.C. le terme de " terrorisme " a pris une place prépondérante dans le discours politique américain. Profondément péjoratif et s'accompagnant indéfectiblement d'une forte condamnation morale, il a été utilisé afin d'expliquer et justifier le recours à la force armée dans de multiples régions de monde et l'imposition de limites aux libertés civiles des citoyens américains, et ce malgré l'absence de définition claire de ce concept au niveau américain comme au niveau international. Le discours américain sur le terrorisme fit son apparition sur la scène politique durant la dernière décennie de la Guerre froide, l'Union Soviétique et ses alliés " totalitaires " étant décrits par Ronald Reagan comme recourant au " terroriste international " afin d'assouvir leurs velléités hégémoniques et de mener une véritable guerre contre l'ensemble du monde civilisé, d'abord en Amérique centrale puis, de plus en plus souvent, au Moyen-Orient. Le président américain, s'exprimant dans un contexte d'énonciation protégé, n'eut jamais à proposer de définition explicite de ce terme. Les débats devant le Congrès, l'Assemblée Générale et le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies révèlent eux par contre que ce concept était à l'époque fortement contesté au sein du pouvoir américain tout comme au niveau international, et que les représentants du gouvernement américain défendirent non pas un mais de multiples discours très différents les uns des autres et adaptés aux contextes d'énonciation propre à chacun de ces forums. Grâce à cette compartimentation rendue possible par l'absence d'une définition claire et acceptée par tous du " terrorisme ", mais aussi au rôle joué par les experts et les médias, le discours américain put ainsi s'imposer malgré ses contradictions flagrantes, et après l'interlude des années 1990, faire son retour triomphant après le 11 septembre 2001.
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Hill, Mark J. "Founding and re-founding : a problem in Rousseau's political thought and action." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b41e1417-05c9-4c46-bcad-f0f0bdc83dde.
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protein chemistry, unnatural amino acids, chemical biology, proteomicsThe foundation of political societies is a central theme in Rousseau's work. This is no surprise coming from a man who was born into a people who had their own celebrated founder and foundations, and immersed himself in the writings of classical republicans and the quasi-mythical histories of ancient city-states where the heroic lawgiver played an important and legitimate role in political foundations. However, Rousseau's propositional political writings (those written for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland) have been accused of being unsystematic and running the spectrum from conservative and prudent to radical and utopian. It is this seeming incongruence which is the subject of this thesis. In particular, it is argued that this confusion is born out the failure to recognize a systematic distinction between "founding" and "re-founding" political societies in both the history of political thought, and Rousseau's own work (a distinction in Rousseau which has rarely been noted, let alone treated to a study of its own). By recognizing this distinction one can identify two Rousseaus; the conservative and prudent thinker who is wary of making changes to established political systems and constitutional foundations (the re-founder), and the radical democrat fighting for equality, and claiming that no state is legitimate without popular sovereignty (the founder). In demonstrating this distinction, this thesis examines the ancient concept of the lawgiver, the growth and expansion of the idea leading up to the eighteenth century, Rousseau's own philosophic writings on the topic, and the differing political proposals he wrote for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland. The thesis argues that although there is a clear separation between these two types of political proposals, they remain systematically Rousseauvian.
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Teuteberg, Salome Marjanne. "The endurance of Lebanese consociational democracy." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6577.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The small Middle Eastern country of Lebanon was once recognised as the exemplar of power-sharing democracy, upholding a system that promoted peace and coexistence between Christians and Muslims. Power was divided proportionally amongst confessional groups, granting each sect power according to their demographic proportion. This division of power was aimed at promoting national unity, but changes in the Lebanese demography made the division undemocratic, and the constitution no longer accurately represented Lebanese society. The 1926 constitution, supplemented by the National Pact in 1943, which had upheld this division of power, baulked under the pressure of a 15-year civil war, to the surprise of many scholars who had praised the Lebanese system. While many place the blame on the outside influences, it has been determined that the problem lay within the system. The static characteristic of the system did not sufficiently provide for changing demographics, or a change in interest groups. The problem lay in the fixed nature of the proportionality of the consociational system. The prolonged civil war, sometimes referred to as a proxy war between Israel and Syria, came to an end with the signing of the Taif Accord in 1990. Though none were satisfied with its provision, the Accord brought an end to the escalating violence. The Accord paved the way for the rebuilding of state institutions, enabling parliamentary elections in 1992 and 1996; general municipal elections in 1998; the peaceful transfer of power between presidents; as well as the reconstruction of the Lebanese economy. The main objective of this study of Lebanon is to determine whether the amended Lebanese constitution of 1990 adheres to the principles provided in the theoretical framework regarding constitutional endurance. This study is in the form of a qualitative case study. It aims to describe, at length, and to form an in-depth understanding of the actors and events leading up to the Taif Accord, as well as the formation and implementation thereof. The research questions include: What factors relating to flexibility, specificity and inclusion contributed to the breakdown of the 1943 National Pact?; What steps were taken leading to the Taif Accord?; and Have the changes made in the Lebanese constitution by means of the 1990 Taif Accord facilitated the endurance of the constitution? The study aims to contribute through its application of the theoretical framework to a particular case study, namely that of Lebanon. By 'testing' this theoretical framework, this study also provides an in-depth analysis of the happenings in Lebanon over the past 80 years. It remains in question whether the Taif Accord‟s amendments to the constitution have sufficiently provided for the resilience of thereof. Twenty years of relative peace have not convinced Lebanese citizens of the legitimacy and efficacy of the Accord. While the over-centralisation of power within the system was curbed by shifting power away from the president to a cabinet equally divided between Christian and Muslims, the Accord failed to effectively deal with the preset nature of the proportionality within the system. 20 years of relative peace may be enough to ensure the endurance of the constitution, but regional factors as well as the presence of radicalised groups play an important role in destabilising the fragile balance within the country. Should the Lebanese state continue to be inclusive and flexible in the wake of a constantly changing environment, it may endure. However, the tumultuous nature of the region in which Lebanon finds itself may eventually provide external shocks that the Lebanese system fails to weather. The hope is that the system builds on sound, systemic foundations in order to be able to endure regional conflict.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die klein Midde-Oosterse land Lebanon, was vroeër 'n voorbeeld van 'n magsdelende demokrasie wat 'n stelsel gehandhaaf het wat vrede en naasbestaan tussen Christene en Moslems bevorder het. Mag is proporsioneel onder geloofsgroepe verdeel volgens hul demografiese verhouding tot die ander groepe. Hierdie verdeling van mag was gemik op die bevordering van nasionale eenheid, maar veranderinge in die Lebanese demografie het veroorsaak dat die grondwet nie meer verteenwoordigend was van die Lebanese samelewing nie. Die Lebanese Grondwet van 1926, tesame met die Nasionale Verdrag van 1943, wat hierdie verdeling gehandhaaf het, het onder die druk van 'n 15-jare Burgeroorlog inmekaar gestort, ten spyte van die vertroue wat in die stelsel was. Alhoewel die skuld soms op eksterne invloede geplaas is, is dit egter bepaal dat die probleem in die Lebanese stelsel self lê. Die statiese kenmerk van die stelsel het nie voldoende voorsiening gemaak vir 'n verandering in die demografie of belangegroepe nie. Die probleem lê in die statiese en onwrikbare aard van die konsosiatiewe stelsel. Die uitgerekte Burgeroorlog, soms gesien as 'n oorlog tussen Israel en Sirië op Lebanese grond, is tot 'n einde gebring met die ondertekening van die Taif Verdrag in 1990. Alhoewel geen betrokke party ten volle tevrede was met die bepalinge van die Verdrag nie, het dit 'n einde gebring aan die toenemende geweld. Die Verdrag het die weg gebaan vir die heropbou van staatsinstellings; parlementêre verkiesings in 1992 en 1996; algemene munisipale verkiesings in 1998; die vreedsame oordrag van mag tussen presidente; sowel as die heropbou van die Lebanese ekonomie. Die hoof doel van hierdie studie van Lebanon is om te bepaal of die gewysigde grondwet van 1990 voldoen aan die beginsels van die teoretiese raamwerk rakende grondwetlike uithouvermoë. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe gevallestudie. Dit het ten doel om te beskryf en 'n in-diepte begrip van die akteurs en die gebeure wat gelei het tot die Taif Accord, asook die vorming en implementering daarvan te vorm. Die navorsing vrae sluit in: Watter faktore met betrekking tot buigsaamheid, spesifisiteit en insluiting het bygedra tot die verval van die 1943 National Pact?; Watter stappe is geneem wat gelei tot die Taif Verdrag?; en Het die veranderinge in die Lebanese grondwet deur middel van die 1990 Taif Verdrag die langdurigheid van die grandwet gefasiliteer? studie het ten doel om by te dra deur middel van sy toepassing van die teoretiese raamwerk om 'n bepaalde gevallestudie, naamlik dat van die Lebanon. Hierdie studie verskaf ook 'n in-diepte analise van die gebeure in Lebanon oor die afgelope 80 jaar. Die vraag bly staan of die Taif Verdrag se wysigings aan die grondwet voldoende voorsiening gemaak het vir die oorlewing van die grondwet. Twintig jaar van relatiewe vrede het nog nie Lebanese burgers oortuig van die legitimiteit en doeltreffendheid van die Verdrag nie. Alhoewel die oor-sentralisering van mag binne die stelsel ingeperk is deur die verskuiwing van mag weg van die President, na 'n kabinet wat gelykop tussen Christene en Moslems verdeel is, het die Verdrag versuim om effektief met die proporsionele aard van die grondwet te handel. Dit is egter belangrik om op die uniekheid van die Lebanese geval te let, ten spyte van die vele faktore rondom die saak. Hoewel 20 jaar van vrede genoegsaam kan wees om die langdurigheid van 'n grondwet te verseker, speel streeksfaktore, sowel as die teenwoordigheid van radikale groepe 'n belangrike rol in die destabilisering van die fyn balans wat in die land voorkom. Indien die Lebanese staat voortgaan om inklusief en buigsaam te wees in die nasleep van 'n voortdurende, veranderende omgewing, sal dit kan voortleef. Maar die onstuimige aard van die streek waarin Lebanon homself bevind mag eksterne negatiewe faktore na vore bring wat die Lebanese stelsel nie kan hanteer nie. Die hoop is dat hierdie stelsel sal voortbou op sterk, sistemiese fondasies om in staat te wees om eksterne, sowel as interne, konflik te hanteer.
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Givens, John Wagner. "Suing dragons? : taking the Chinese state to court." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a016f84a-3df8-4df7-88bb-4475372022f0.
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This dissertation analyses the ability of Chinese lawyers to use administrative litigation to protect individuals and groups from an authoritarian state that frequently infringes on their rights. These plaintiffs fill administrative courts in China, opposing the overzealous tactics of police, challenging the expropriation of their land, and disputing the seizure and demolition of their homes. Empirically, it relies on several unique data sources in a mixed-methodological approach. Qualitative and small-n quantitative data from 126 interviews with a random sample of Chinese lawyers and 52 additional interviews are supplemented by documentary sources. These findings are then tested against official data and a large survey of Chinese lawyers. This research demonstrates that administrative litigation is part of a polycentric authoritarian system that helps the Chinese state to monitor its agents, allows limited political participation, and facilitates economic development (Chapter One). By giving ordinary Chinese a chance to hold their local governments accountable in court, administrative litigation represents a significant step towards rule of law, but its limited scope means that it has not been accompanied by dramatic liberalisation (Chapter Three). In part, this is because the most prolific and successful administrative litigators are politically embedded lawyers, insiders who challenge the state in court but eschew the most radical cases and tactics (Chapter Four). The tactics that allow politically embedded lawyers to successfully litigate administrative cases rely on and contribute to China’s polycentric authoritarianism by drawing in other state, quasi-state, and non-state actors (Chapter Five). Multinationals in China are largely failing to contribute to the development of China’s legal system because they readily accept preferential treatment from the Chinese state as an alternative to litigation (Chapter Six). While administrative litigation bolsters China’s polycentric authoritarianism in the short term, it offers tremendous potential for rationalisation, liberalisation, and even democratisation in the long term.
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Stephens, Otis H. Jr, John M. II Scheb, and Colin Glennon. "American Constitutional Law, Volume I and II: Civil Rights and Liberties." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. http://amzn.com/1285736923.
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AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, Volumes I and II, combines cases, decisions, and authorial commentary to maximize your learning and understanding in this course. These comprehensive volumes cover the entire range of topics in constitutional law. Volume I examines the institutional aspects of constitutional law; Volume II deals with civil rights and liberties. Each of the chapters includes an introductory essay providing the legal, historical, political, and cultural context of Supreme Court jurisprudence in a particular area of constitutional interpretation. Each chapter also contains several boxed features (labeled "Case in Point" and "Sidebar") to provide additional perspective and context for the set of edited decisions from the United States Supreme Court cases that follow. In selecting, editing, and updating the materials, the authors emphasize recent trends in major areas of constitutional interpretation, as well as many landmark decisions, some of which retain importance as precedents while others illustrate the transient nature of constitutional interpretation. Because the book provides a good balance of decisions and authorial commentary, this text appeals to instructors of law as well as instructors of political science.https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1021/thumbnail.jpg
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Taylor, Kristie A. "Constitutional alcohol Prohibition in the United States: Power, profit and politics." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289817.
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Why was national alcohol Prohibition repealed in the United States? Prohibition's repeal is unique in several respects. Alcohol Prohibition is the only American drug prohibition to ever be repealed, and the only constitutional amendment to ever be repealed. Furthermore, the volatility of Prohibition policy serves as a useful case for political sociology, which tends to focus on stable policies and government agencies. Prohibition's repeal is important substantively because it is the only American drug prohibition to be repealed. The question of repeal requires examination of several theoretical issues. First, is the process of creating a new policy fundamentally different from the process of dismantling an existing policy? Second, what effect does an exogenous crisis (like World War I or the Great Depression) have on state actor's response to the demands of a social movement? Third, what is the role of elites in a social movement? Fourth, what effect does the implementation of a policy have on those constituencies supporting it? I examine the substantive and theoretical issues of Prohibition's repeal using a variety of primary and secondary sources. National Prohibition resulted from the combined effects of crisis and elite social movement activity. Both were necessary for passage of the 18th Amendment. Implementation of the amendment proved difficult and had a destabilizing effect on Prohibition's supporters. Repeal of Prohibition resulted from the combined effects of implementation and crisis. The passage and repeal of Prohibition were the result of very different processes, suggesting that dismantling a policy is a different kind of political project than creating a policy.
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Lilyblad, Christopher Marc. "The constitution of illicit orders." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b384b742-f218-4e10-8674-647d4cbb59d5.
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Within the context of a modern globalizing world, this thesis investigates governance in fragile areas where unconsolidated territorial-sovereign statehood offers niches for 'illicit' forms of social order to develop. Through recursive theoretical and empirical research rooted in the 'abductive' method of Pragmatism, the analysis has three overarching objectives: First, it offers a different conceptual approach by moving away from negative categorization of the phenomena, e.g. failed states, ungoverned spaces, limited statehood etc., towards a positive conceptualization, i.e. illicit orders. By casting off the legal-rational, sovereign-territorial lens, the pursuant conceptual reconfiguration of territory, authority, and institutions recognizes and more directly conveys the existence of local social organization apart from the modern state via the agency of social groups acting in violation of domestic and/or international legal norms, rules, and institutions. Second, it seeks to explain the constitution of 'illicit orders' by offering a sociologically-cognizant analytical framework capable of elucidating the 'micro' processes inherent to governance in territories where state institutions remain nominal and ineffective. Based on insights from theoretically-informed empirical fieldwork in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil's favelas, I maintain that inter-subjective relations of authority can be produced when a given actor asserts predominance in three co-constitutive domains; namely, organized violence, socioeconomic security, and social legitimacy. Resultant authority then gives rise to the 'structuration' of norms, rules, and institutions, which also recursively reinforces the institutionalization of authority - a process inherent to the constitution of social order in these circumscribed territories. Third, it provides an understanding of how inherently local 'illicit orders' at once form part of a diffuse mosaic of social, political, and economic structures that collectively constitute 'global society', while simultaneously existing in dramatic juxtaposition to the Western-led 'international order' of states within it. Such an understanding purports to further challenge 'neoutilitarian' and 'macro-structural' theoretical approaches predominant in contemporary International Relations discourses.
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Pachon, Buitrago Monica. "Cross-avenue politics the case of Colombia and Brazil /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3320554.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 23, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 166-174).
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Monyane, Chelete. "The kingdom of Lesotho : an assessment of problems in democratic consolidation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1136.
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Thesis (DPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main problem investigated in this study is why a homogeneous nation with a high literacy rate such as Lesotho has had so many breakdowns of democracy since independence in 1966. Lesotho is completely surrounded and economically dependent on South Africa and depends mostly on the external sources of income (migrant remittances, customs revenues and foreign aid). Why has this democracy not consolidated? For the assessment of the consolidation of Lesotho’s democracy, this study adopted the multivariate model of Bratton and Van de Walle. This model uses institutional as well as socio-economic variables. In the application of this model various other authors were used as well. Schedler dealt with the concept of breakdowns, whereas Linz and Stepan emphasised institutions and Przeworski et. al and Leftwich also utilised multivariate models, including socio-economic factors. Upon the attainment of independence, the King became a constitutional monarch within a parliamentary system. The monarchy was from the beginning of independence uncomfortable with this status that granted him limited powers. The democratic regime inaugurated with the 1965 elections lasted only till 1970, when the ruling party under Chief Leabua Jonathan which did not support the monarchy, declared the election results invalid and suspended the constitution after his ruling party lost to the opposition. But Chief Leabua Jonathan was toppled from state power in 1986 by the military. The military ruled for eight years. It was clear that the monarchy (eager for executive powers) and the military became factors in the survival of democracy in Lesotho. Democratic rule was relaunched in 1993. The 1993 and 1998 elections were followed by violent power struggles. This time the constituency-based electoral system served as catalyst for the political crises and was blamed. This is because seats did not reflect electoral support as opposition parties were not adequately represented in parliament. Constitutional reforms followed and in 2002 democratic rule was reintroduced. The 2002 and 2007 elections were conducted under the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system, which is a hybrid between constituencyiv based and proportional representation. Despite the electoral reforms, uncertainties still remained as the result of escalating socio-economic problems. This study addresses the ways in which the monarchy, the military, the electoral system and the socio-economic factors contributed to the breakdown of democracy in Lesotho. The original aspect of this study lies in the novel set of questions that have not been asked before. It fills the gap in the literature on the 2007 elections and the workings of the new electoral system by comparing the 2002 and the 2007 elections. Despite the constitutional reforms in 2002, the 2007 elections resulted in the new set of problems. The problem of the Lesotho MMP system is how it has to be operationalised and the lack of understanding among the politicians and electorates on how it works. This situation is exacerbated by the absence of legal and clear guidelines on how the translation of votes into seats– especially for candidates under proportional representation (PR) – has to be undertaken in cases where there are coalitions between parties. This institutional reform of the electoral system has not added any value for the development of democracy as losing parties have refused to adhere to the rules. Apart from the electoral system, some of the other core problems are older and institutional. The monarchy has over the years been at the root of some of the country’s democratic breakdowns. It also had influence in the military. The military instituted a period of authoritarianism and managed the transition to democratic rule in the early 1990s.The monarchy and the military continued to destabilise the post- 1993 democratic governments until 1998, after which the electoral system was reformed. But the problems are not only institutional. Lesotho is a democracy with low per capita income. It also has high levels of inequalities as well as high unemployment. Lesotho also has one of the highest HIV/Aids rates in Southern Africa. The country performs poorly when measured against aspects of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) such as life expectancy, mortality rates and standard of living. It is the poorest country, with the lowest HDI of Southern Africa’s “free nations”, according to Freedom House. These socio-economic problems have impacted negatively on the prospects of democratic consolidation. One positive aspect is the high literacy rate of over 80%. But this has not benefited Lesotho’s democracy in any meaningful way as most of its educated people are working in South Africa. The country does not have a sizeable middle class, while civil society, except for churches, is also weak. While the monarchy and military have been successfully depoliticised, Lesotho’s democracy remains unconsolidated because of weaknesses in the electoral system (lack of understanding of its operationalisation) and continuing problems of socio-economic development. Its ethnic homogeneity is not an asset either as other divisions have recurred all the time. The overall conclusion is therefore that although most institutional factors responsible for democratic breakdowns in the past have been overcome, the socioeconomic variables such as poverty, weak civil society, small middle class and socio-economic inequality will hinder consolidation for a long time to come.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofprobleem wat in hierdie studie ondersoek word, is hoekom ’n homogene nasie met ’n hoë geletterdheidsyfer soos Lesotho, soveel onderbrekings (“breakdowns”) van die demokrasie sedert onafhanklikwording beleef het. Vir die beoordeling van konsolidasie van Lesotho se demokrasie is van ’n model van multivariëteit gebruik gemaak. Dit is gebaseer op die denke van Bratton en Van de Walle wat van sowel institusionele as sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes gebruik maak. Die konsep van afbreuk (“breakdown”) is van Schedler afkomstig. Linz en Stepan maak uitsluitlik van institusionele veranderlikes gebruik, terwyl Przeworski et. al en Leftwich ook van multi-veranderlikes gebruik maak. Hulle denke het die teoretiese raamwerk van hierdie studie gevorm. Heeltemal omring deur, en afhanklik van Suid-Afrika, word die Koninkryk van Lesotho geteister deur politieke onstabiliteit. Die koning het ’n grondwetlike monargie binne ’n parlementêre stelsel geword. Die monargie was egter sedert die begin van onafhank-likheid ongemaklik hiermee. Die demokratiese regime het in 1965 met verkiesings tot stand gekom. Maar dit het slegs tot 1970 geduur toe die regerende party van Hoofman Leabua Jonathan die verkiesing verloor het, en die grondwet opgeskort het. Hyself is in 1986 in ’n staatsgreep deur die weermag omvergewerp. Dit was toe reeds duidelik dat die monargie en die militêre faktore in die oorlewing van demokrasie in Lesotho geword het. Demokratiese regering is in 1993 heringestel. Die 1993 en 1998 verkiesings het egter weer geweld opgelewer. Nou was die kiesafdeling-gebaseerde kiesstelsel geblameer omdat setels nie met steun vir partye gekorreleer het nie. Grondwetlike hervormings is ingestel waarna demokrasie weer in 2002 heringestel is. Die verkiesings van 2002 en 2007 het onder reëls van ’n hibriede stelsel van proposionele verteenwoordiging sowel as kiesafdelings plaasgevind. Daar was stabiliteit, maar onsekerhede was as gevolg van ingewikkeldhede van die stelsel wat nie opgelos is nie. Die studie ontleed die rol van die monargie, die weermag, die kiesstelsel en vlak van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in die opeenvolgende demokratiese ineenstortings in Lesotho. Die oorspronklikheid van hierdie studie is dat vrae gestel word wat nog nie voorheen met betrekking tot Lesotho gedoen is nie. Dit vul dus ’n gaping in die literatuur, ook wat die onlangse verkiesings van 2007 betref. Ten spyte van die grondwetlike hervormings van 2002, het die 2007 verkiesings nuwe probleme opgelewer. Die probleem is dat sowel die kiesers as die politici nie altyd verstaan hoe die formules van die hibriede stelsel werk nie. Daar is ook ’n afwesigheid van riglyne oor hoe om stemme in setels om te sit waar kaolisies deelgeneem het. Afgesien van die verkiesingstelsel, is van die ander probleme ouer, maar ook institusioneel van aard. Die monargie soos hierbo gestel, is deel van hierdie probleme. Dit het soos aangedui ook ’n invloed op die militêre gehad. Beide het die demokrasie gedestabiliseer tot ná 1993 en 1998, waarna die nuwe verkiesingstelsel nuwe probleme opgelewer het. Die probleme in Lesotho is egter nie net van ’n institusionele aard nie. Lesotho is ’n arm demokrasie met lae per capita inkome, hoë ongelykhede en werkloosheid, asook van die hoogste HIV/Vigs syfers in Suider Afrika. Lesotho vaar ook swak op die Verenigde Nasies se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks. Dit is ook die armste van Freedom House se nasies wat as “vry” geklassifiseer word. ’n Positiewe aspek is die hoë geletterdheidsyfer van 80%. Maar dit het Lesotho oënskynlik nie gehelp om die demokrasie volhoubaar te maak nie. Die land het byvoorbeeld nie ’n beduidende middelklas nie, terwyl die burgerlike samelewing met uitsondering van die kerke, ook swak is. Terwyl die monargie en die militêre deesdae gedepolitiseer is, is die demokrasie nog nie gekonsolideer nie. Die redes hiervoor is die probleme met die kiesstelsel en voortgesette lae ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Etniese homogeniteit is ook skynbaar nie ’n bate nie, want ander verdelings ontstaan deurentyd. Die hoofkonklusie van hierdie studie is dus dat alhoewel Lesotho die institusionele faktore wat vir demokratiese afbreuk in die verlede verantwoordelik was oorkom het, die sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes soos armoede, swak burgerlike samelewing, klein middelklas en ongelykheid steeds konsolidasie nog vir ’n lang tyd sal belemmer.
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Harell, Allison. "The micro-story of multiculturalism: diverse social networks and the socialization of tolerance." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19294.
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Does political tolerance have any limits? What must people "put up with" to be considered politically tolerant? In political science, tolerance has been conceived and measured as an absolute democratic value. The politically tolerant are willing to put up with everything and any objection to public expression is branded intolerant by empirical political science. This dissertation challenges this approach to the concept of tolerance. It demonstrates that civil liberties decisions in contemporary, multicultural democracies are increasingly complicated by values other than freedom of expression, such as social inclusion and non-discrimination. A more nuanced view of political tolerance is necessary. Drawing from comparative and critical race legal studies' of free speech, a theoretical distinction is developed between exclusionary expression and other types of objectionable speech. Exclusionary speech is defined as a form of public expression with the intent to exclude minorities from full participation in society. The focus is on rights denial, and such speech typically comes from more privileged social groups. This speech is argued to be fundamentally different from other types of speech. This theoretical distinction is examined empirically using the Comparative Youth Study, a survey conducted with 10th and 11th grade students in Belgium and Canada (n=9599). Results suggest that many young people in these countries do distinguish between exclusionary and other forms of speech when making civil liberties judgments. Young people who express tolerance for some forms of speech, but draw the line at exclusionary speech are considered to endorse a multicultural form of political tolerance. Multicultural tolerance is shown to be empiriY a-t-il des limites à la tolérance politique? Faut-il que les gens supportent tous genres d'expression pour être considérés comme tolérants? En science politique, la tolérance a été conçue et mesurée comme une valeur démocratique absolue. Les personnes politiquement tolérantes doivent tout supporter et ne jamais restreindre l'expression publique d'aucune manière. Cette thèse remet en question cette approche de la tolérance. Elle démontre que dans les démocraties multiculturelles, les jugements sur les libertés civiques sont fortement compliqués par des valeurs autres que la liberté d'expression, comme l'inclusion sociale et la non-discrimination. Une perspective plus nuancée est nécessaire. En utilisant les perspectives comparatives et les études de critical race theory, une distinction théorique se développe entre les expressions d'exclusion et d'autres types d'expressions publiques. Les propos d'exclusion sont définis par l'expression publique d'idées qui ont pour but d'exclure les minorités de la pleine participation sociétale. Ces propos tendent à bafouer les droits et proviennent d'habitude de groupes sociaux plus privilégiés. Cette forme d'expression publique est considérée comme fondamentalement différente d'autres types d'expression. Cette distinction théorique est examinée avec l'Étude Comparative de la Jeunesse, une enquête présentée aux étudiants de IVème et Vème années de Secondaire, en Belgique et au Canada (n=9599). Les résultats suggèrent que dans ces deux pays, beaucoup de jeunes font la distinction entre les propos d'exclusion et d'autres formes d'expression lorsqu'ils portent des jugements sur les libertés civiques. Les jeunes qui sont capables de tolérer cert
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Souza, Menezes Aline Maria. "Essays on empirical political economy." Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/20066/.
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This thesis studies three channels through which elections and, ultimately, public policy may be interrelated: new media, electoral systems and vote motivation. The media has the fundamental role of providing political information to voters. New media such as the Internet brought about an enormous shift in the availability of political information during elections. Exploiting the timing and geographic variation in the introduction of Internet in Brazil, in the first chapter, I show that municipalities with higher Internet penetration voted more often in candidates who faced legal restrictions for advertising in traditional media. Electoral systems, in turn, have specific features that, in theory, may allow voters to select better politicians by providing more information about candidates and other voters' preferences. In the second chapter, using the discontinuous allocation of single- and dual-ballot electoral rules across mayoral elections in Brazil, I compare the quality of politicians fielded and elected in these systems. In general, dual-ballot candidates from major parties are more politically experienced. This experience may be translated into unobserved political skills that are required to deal with the more competitive electoral process, that, by itself, punishes female candidates, to the extent to which women's participation in politics has been historically low. No differences in performance are observed, except in the attraction of discretionary resources by dual-ballot mayors eligible for reelection, but only in election years. Finally, in the third chapter, I use a quasi-naturally generated group of voters with differential political information and voting motivations to show that politicians extract more rents in municipalities where they know a number of voters is not directly interested in public goods and do not have readily access to local sources of information.
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Pylkkänen, Elisa Maaria. "Words that carry meaning: issue definition and affirmative action." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18203.
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This paper presents a comparative study of affirmative action policies in effect in seven countries: Australia, Canada, India, the Netherlands, South Africa, United Kingdom, and the United States. Drawing on a wide range of literature, the paper discusses several analytical frameworks that help in describing and accounting for differences between the policies, including the distinction between soft and hard affirmative action, ideological differences, and the social actors expected to adapt to affirmative action legislation. Ultimately, however, it is argued that the greatest insights can be gained by applying the issue definition perspective into the study of affirmative action, in particular by examining the language associated with these policies. Based on the analysis, a typology of affirmative action policies is developed, bringing together the findings of the different analytical perspectives presented in the paper.Le présent mémoire est une étude comparée de politiques d’action positive en vigueur dans sept pays : l’Australie, le Canada, l’Inde, les Pays-Bas, l’Afrique du Sud, le Royaume-Uni, et les États-Unis. Se basant sur une variété d’études universitaires, le mémoire aborde trois approches analytiques qui ajoutent à notre compréhension des différences entre les politiques : la distinction entre les mesures antidiscriminatoires dites douces et dures, les différences idéologiques, et les acteurs sociaux dont le comportement est visé par la législation. L’argument principal s’appuie sur la perspective théorique de définition de problèmes et soutient que la langue associée avec les politiques d’action positive nous aide à comprendre les différences observées entre ces politiques. Enfin, une typologie de programmes d’action positive est développée à partir des cadres analytiques présentés tout au long de l’étude. fr
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Goodyear-Grant, Elizabeth. "Politicians, journalists, and their audiences: gendered aspects of televised election news in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18410.
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This dissertation is an analysis of the gendered aspects of televised election news in Canada. My theoretical framework is the 'gendered mediation thesis', and its central claim is that news is a predominantly masculine narrative that privileges men and masculinity in politics. The theory relies primarily on two causal factors to account for this pattern. First, news is a reflection of our gendered society. Thus, the frames used to report politics are replete with masculine symbols and metaphors and give primacy to masculine traits. Second, the structure and operation of the news system itself – particularly the political economic constraints imposed by competition for audience share and advertising revenues – encourage news formats that enforce, rather than challenge, established gender norms in the society.My empirical analyses focus on four components of the news media system: 1) news content, 2) news production, 3) media effects, and 4) elites' approaches to media. The first two themes analyze production and content, and the latter two themes focus on the consequences of gendered news. I use a combination of quantitative and qualitative data to demonstrate that aspects of televised news coverage present men and women candidates differently, and I find evidence that women are seriously underrepresented in Canadian newsrooms, particularly in positions of power. I also present evidence that gendered news has harmful effects on both audience perceptions of women candidates, as well as women politicians' own perceptions of their treatment by newsworkers as well as in news coverage. My analyses suggest that gendered news coverage can present distorted information about women politicians, harm women politicans' electoral prospects, and also possibly discourage women from entering politics as a profession, thereby contributing to a serious problem in the supply of women candidates.Cette dissertation analyse la représentation biaisée des femmes dans les nouvelles télévisées des élections au Canada. J'emploie le cadre théorique de la « gendered mediation thesis », selon lequel les nouvelles constituent un narratif essentiellement masculin qui privilégie les hommes et la masculinité dans la politique. Cette théorie s'appuie sur deux facteurs causaux pour expliquer ce phénomène. Premièrement, les nouvelles reflètent les préjugés contre les femmes dans notre société. Ainsi, les cadres employés pour reporter les événements politiques regorgent de symboles et de métaphores masculins et accordent la primauté aux traits masculins. Deuxièmement, la structure et l'opération du système de nouvelles lui-même —particulièrement les contraintes politico-économiques imposées par la compétition pour capturer leur part du public et les revenus générés par la publicité— encouragent des formats de nouvelles qui renforcent plutôt que de défier les normes sociales établies biaisées contre les femmes.Mon analyse empirique porte sur quatre composantes du système médiatique de nouvelles : 1) le contenu des nouvelles, 2) la production de nouvelles, 3) les effets médiatiques, et 4) l'approche des élites aux médias. Les premiers deux thèmes analysent la production et le contenu, tandis que les deux autres se concentrent sur les conséquences de la représentation biaisée des femmes dans les nouvelles. J'emploie une combinaison de données quantitatives et qualitatives pour démontrer que les nouvelles télévisées présentent les femmes et les hommes différemment, et ma recherche démontre que les femmes sont sérieusement sous-représentées dans les salles de nouvelles canadiennes, particulièrement dans les positions de pouvoir. Je présente aussi des preuves empiriques que les nouvelles biaisées contre les femmes ont des effets néfastes sur la perception des femmes candidates par le public, ainsi que sur la
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Stretch, Kenneth. "Active labour market programs and attitudes towards globalization." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18420.
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This article examines the relationship between spending on active labour market welfare programs (ALPMs) and attitudes towards two decomposed aspects of globalization: immigration and trade liberalization. Two empirical analyses related to this topic are carried out using cross-national survey data. The result is that ALMP spending has a positive impact on attitudes towards globalization. This finding suggests that governments can use targeted ALMP spending to counteract negative attitudes towards globalization and therefore ensure continuing economic benefits from trade liberalization and immigration.Cet article se penche sur la corrélation entre les dépenses effectuées pour des programmes sociaux ciblés sur le marché du travail et les attitudes envers deux aspects de la mondialisation, soit l'immigration et la libéralisation de l'échange international. Deux analyses empiriques ont été effectuées sous la base de sondages multinationaux. Les résultats obtenus suggèrent que les gouvernements peuvent instaurer des programmes sociaux ciblés sur le marché du travail afin de contrebalancer les attitudes négatives soulevées par la globalisation et, par conséquence, préserver les avantages de la libéralisation de l'échange international et l'immigration.
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Bercuson, Jeffrey. "Patriotism, self-respect and the limits of cosmopolitanism: the moral and political philosophy of Rousseau and Rawls." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18422.
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In contrast to the common depiction of Rawls's political theory as atomistic, his work is instead deeply connected to some of the fundamentally republican themes of Rousseau's political and philosophical oeuvre: these themes include our natural sympathy with other persons; our innate susceptibility to the pleasures of fellow feeling; the duty of political participation, as well as the importance of civic virtue; and, perhaps most importantly, an emphasis on properly designed political institutions as a necessary source of freedom. What we shall ultimately find in both Rousseau and Rawls, then, is a repudiation of cosmopolitan values in light of their mutual recognition of the emotional impact of shared domestic institutions. Indeed, one way to account for Rawls's rather surprising resistance to a cosmopolitan scheme of global redistribution is to highlight his intellectual affinity to Rousseau, a political theorist committed to both the equality of all persons – in a political sense, at least – and to a strict brand of national self-determination.Contrairement à la description populaire de la théorie politique de Rawls comme atomistique, son travail est profondément relié aux thèmes républicains de Rousseau : ces thèmes incluent notre sympathie normale avec d'autres personnes ; notre susceptibilité innée aux plaisirs du sentiment de camarade ; le devoir de la participation politique, aussi bien que l'importance de la vertu civique ; et, le plus important, une emphase sur les établissements politiques correctement conçus comme source nécessaire de liberté. Rousseau et Rawls nient des valeurs cosmopolites en raison de leur reconnaissance mutuelle de l'impact émotif de partager les établissements domestiques. En fait, nous pouvons expliquer la résistance de Rawls à un arrangement cosmopolite de la redistribution globale en accentuant son affinité intellectuelle à Rousseau, un philosophe qui croit en égalité de toutes les personnes - dans un sens politique, au moins - et à une version stricte d'autonomie nationale. fr
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Hutchings, John David. "The state, development, and persistent authoritarianism." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18487.
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This thesis helps explain persistent authoritarianism in Egypt and theMiddle East. It does so with two arguments: one about development and anotherabout the state. As economic reform ended Arab socialism, members of theprivate sector found their economic interests in collusion with the authoritarianstate. The character of this state-sponsored development trajectory maintainedbusiness support for authoritarian persistence. Egypt implemented a slow reformprocess that ruptured the Nasserite populist-authoritarian social contract but builtnew business support for the regime. In so doing, it abandoned the popular sectorand fractured state-society relations. Zones of informality developed, with civilsociety stepping in to provide services. This associational vigour has a perverseeffect on political engagement. State-society rupture feeds depoliticization andapathy, helping people survive while contributing to regime stability.Comparative perspective from Thailand, Ghana and Zambia supports theseconclusions.Cette thèse contribue à l'explication de l'autoritarisme égyptien et moyen-oriental. Elle avance deux arguments : un sur le développement, et un sur l'État.Quand la libéralisation économique mit terme au socialisme arabe, les membresdu secteur privé réalisèrent leurs intérêts économiques en collusion avec l'Étatautoritaire. Ce trajet de développement étatique maintint le soutien du patronat àl'autoritarisme persistant. L'Égypte exécuta un programme de libéralisation lentequi fractura le contrat social populiste-autoritaire nassériste tout en créant unenouvelle base d'appui pour le régime. De cette façon, elle abandonna le secteurpopulaire et fractura les relations étatiques-sociales. Des zones d'informalité sedéveloppèrent, et la société civile intervint pour fournir des services. Cettevigueur associationnelle a un effet pervers sur l'engagement politique. La ruptureétatique-sociale nourrit la dépoliticisation et l'apathie, aidant la survie du peupletout en stabilisant le régime. Les expériences de la Thaïlande, le Ghana, et laZambie soutiennent ces conclusions.
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Hendricks, Christina. "Prophets in exile : a diagnosis of Michel Foucault's political intellectual /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p9992813.
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Byrne, Michael J. "An exploratory analysis of free will in the social sciences." Ashland University Ashbrook Undergraduate Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auashbrook1304710552.
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Reichenbach, Randall D. "The use of social science knowledge in administrative policy in the state of Ohio." Connect to resource, 1986. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1263046408.
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Highkin, Emily. "Delegate Voting at the 1787 Constitutional Convention: The Entanglement of Economic Interests and the Great Compromise." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1582396815051673.
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Markham, Timothy. "Bourdieusian political theory and social science : the field of war correspondence 1990-2003." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:af02a3e5-3853-4f67-afe3-4e94c8369788.
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This thesis examines the cogency of Bourdieusian political theory and social science on phenomenological, empirical and normative grounds. It investigates whether Bourdieu's philosophy of science leads logically to the political content of Bourdieusian theory, and concludes that the originary determinism which characterises Bourdieu's work is a normative commitment. Rather than characterising that which is bracketed out of Bourdieu's neo-Marxist phenomenology - that is, the level of determination accessible neither to the consciousness of the social agent nor the social scientist - as inherently coercive, the thesis argues that the Bourdieusian modeal can be defended on deontological grounds. Specifically, this entails a deontological acceptance of the cultural value of autonomy and accountability. The tension between these two in turn raises the problem of acceptable levels of exclusion and decontestation, and the thesis concludes that a qualified elitism is defensible and compatible with Boudieusian principles. The thesis incorporates a case study which serves two functions. First, it puts into empirical practice the principles of Bourdieusian philosophy of social science to ascertain what implications and normative commitments are built into Bourdieusian methodology. In this regard it concludes that while it is possible to produce constructive analysis of systematically misrecognised economies, it becomes necessary to delineate the point beyond which positing further levels of coercive determination is counter-productive - and this can only be done according to deontological criteria. Second, it assesses the merit of Bourdieusian sociologies relative to existing accounts of the journalistic field. It concludes that while Bourdieu is excessively dismissive of individual awareness of the conditions of their field, Bourdieusian field analysis produces significant insights into the processes of naturalisation, self-identification, esotericisation and disinterestedness.
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Arnold, Robert V. "Theory, Method, and Democracy in the Social Sciences." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1212757204.
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Pettersson, Joanna. "Rättigheter och skyldigheter i grundlagarna : I ljuset av den politiska filosofin." Thesis, University of Gävle, Ämnesavdelningen för filmvetenskap, historia, litteraturvetenskap, medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap och statsvetenskap, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-5770.
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The purpose of this essay has been to compare different constitutions, and their outlook on citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty. This has been done in the light of the political philosophy, in order to give the answer to four questions. These questions are: Which rights and obligations can be seen in the constitutions, and how can it be interpreted. Can there be signs of any political philosophy in the constitutions? Are there any differences between the constitutions regarding citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty? If so, what are the differences? Can the rights be seen in a further extent than the obligations in the constitutions?
I have conducted a qualitative comparision study and analyzed the political philosophers and made a classification scheme of their views. Further I made a comparison between the constitutions of the countries, and their view on citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty. This was later inflicted in to the classification scheme, to see if the countries could fit in to the political philosophers views, and also to find out if there would be any differences in values between the countries constitutions.
To bind together the outlook on citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty between the citizen and the state, I have used a social contract theory, to get better understanding regarding the relationship between the legal system and the citizen.
My conclusions of this essay is that the political philosophers views of citizenship, rights, obligations and natural duty was sometimes similar, but the differences were clear in the light of the classification scheme. The countries constitutions were also similar, but I found that the constitutions could fit in different places in the classification scheme, giving the result that citizenship and rights, were important in all of the constitutions, but obligations and natural duty was not.
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Wilkes, Robert Jr. "A case study analysis of the attitudes of elected officials regarding quality of life ordinances that impact the street homeless in Atlanta, Georgia, and San Francisco, California." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2001. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/107.
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This study examines the attitudes of local elected officials regarding quality of life ordinances that impact the street homeless in Atlanta, Georgia, and San Francisco, California. The case study approach was employed. A closed and opened-ended questionnaire was employed to obtain data. Content and aggregate data analysis was also performed. Although the data indicates that there is political representation for the homeless in Atlanta and San Francisco, it is not substantive. That is, even though local government in Atlanta and San Francisco acknowledges the need and its willingness to build additional affordable housing, more energy, time, and resources must be utilized for the creation of affordable housing if governmental figures realistically expect to assist the homeless in securing permanent affordable housing. The data shows, however, that in addition to creating affordable housing, local government in Atlanta and San Francisco has devoted a significant amount of energy, time, and resources to control the behavior of the street homeless. The data analysis also shows that it is the residential and business communities leading the charge for enactment and strong enforcement of quality of life ordinances in both cities. This finding is consistent with Robert DeLeon’s study of local governance in San Francisco. DeLeon argues that San Francisco politics is best understood within the context of pluralism. My study basically shows that pluralism is at work regarding quality of life ordinances in San Francisco. On the other hand, this finding comes in opposition to what Clarence Stone found in his study of Atlanta: Stone concluded that Atlanta governance is best understood within a regime. Even though my study does not confirm that regime theory is inadequate in explaining governance in Atlanta, it does highlight that the residential and rank and file have a strong and significant voice in ensuring the creation and enforcement of quality of life ordinances in Atlanta. The data analysis also suggests that a relationship exists among council members who believe that the primary cause of homelessness in Atlanta and San Francisco, respectively, stems from personal defects and those who support quality of life ordinances. This finding is consistent when analyzing the attitudes of San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown regarding quality of life ordinances. Of respondents supporting quality of life ordinances, all indicated that the primary cause of homelessness in their respective cities falls within the personal perspective. At the other end of the spectrum, respondents who stated that the primary cause of homelessness is structural indicated opposition to quality of life ordinances.
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Foreman, Sean Daniel. "The politics of professional sports facility subsidies in Florida." FIU Digital Commons, 2003. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3338.
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Political leaders in urban settings regularly confront difficult decisions over how to distribute public funds. Those decisions may be even more controversial when they involve public subsidies of professional sports facilities. Yet, state and local governments in the United States have granted billions of dollars in financial and land-based subsidies for professional sports facilities over the past two decades, raising questions about how these types of corporate welfare decisions are made by local leaders. Scholarship on urban politics and community power suggests a number of theories to explain political influence. They include elitism, pluralism, political economy and growth machines, urban regimes, coalition theory, and minority empowerment. My hypothesis is that coalition theory, a theory that argues that public policy decisions are made by shifting, ad hoc alliances within a community, best describes these subsidy decisions.
To test this hypothesis I employ a public policy process model and develop a framework of variables that is used to methodically examine four sports facilities funding decisions in two Florida counties between 1977 and 1998: Joe Robbie Stadium and the American Airlines Arena in Miami-Dade, and the Ice Palace Arena and the Raymond James Stadium in Hillsborough County. The framework includes six variables that permit a rigorous examination of the actors involved in the decision, their interactions, and the political environment within which they operate. The variables are formal political structure, informal sector, subsidy proponents, subsidy opponents, public policy options, and public opinion.
This research rests on qualitative data gathered from interviews of public and private officials involved in subsidy decisions, public records, and media reports Employing a case study analysis, I offer a rich description of the decision making process to publicly fond sports stadiums and arenas in Florida. My findings confirm that the best theory to explain decisions to subsidize sports facilities is one in which short term, temporary coalitions are formed to accomplish policy goals.
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Azu, Arteen, and Mari-ann Khedher. "Integrationspolitiken i Sverige : -Socialdemokraterna och Sverigedemokraterna synsätt på integration utifrån två idealtyper." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-48740.
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Hector, Martin. "Måste Fånga Fler : En jämförelse mellan Socialdemokraternas och Sverigedemokraternas skattepolitik över tid." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-79092.
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Olivares-Blanco, Jellen. "How the other people think : Internalisation of neoliberalist logics in voters and governments and the global rise in populism." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43267.
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The internalisation of neoliberalist logics has led us as societies to tolerate and even prefer unequal conditions based on the belief that our privileged position is deserved, or temporary. It encourages individuality and perceives the state as a burden. It has shaped societies based on the needs of the markets, reducing employment protections and welfare infrastructures that once served as levellers and vehicles of social mobility. It has convinced political parties, governments, and people to create structures that shifted their power away from them. The question: Are neoliberalist logics behind the global rise in populism? is answered by measuring neoliberalist logics in governments and voters and identifying the incidence of populism for these. This process highlighted experiences of instability, a crisis of representation, backlash, and internalisation of neoliberalist logics. The findings suggest that high neoliberalist logics in government show a positive relationship with the rise of populism and that low neoliberalist logics in voters have a less pronounced but opposite effect.
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Ayshat, Mutalipova. "The Consolidation of Democracy in South Africa: A study of South Africa's Democratic Consolidation Between the years 2005-2015." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-64917.
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Tekin, Bilbil Ebru. "The Politics of Uncertainty in a Global Market| The Hazelnut Exchange and its Production." Thesis, Bogazici Universitesi (Turkey), 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10630511.
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The purpose of this dissertation is to examine how the market works on the ground. It analyzes the hazelnut market in Turkey and explores the interaction between the market agents. It reveals how this interaction relates to the presence, production and circulation of forms of uncertainty. It also ascertains what uncertainty means in market settings and what role production, representation, dissemination and limiting of uncertainty play in market relations.
In market relations, intentionally or unintentionally, individuals try to forecast, value, prevent and qualify (as risk or loss) uncertainties. They assume that they can perceive, measure and avoid uncertainties on the basis of probabilities, level of knowledge about unknowns or ability to overcome. As such, uncertainty is assumed to be given yet with inadequate attention into its constitutive dynamics, actors of its making and its role in the market creation. The dissertation examines how uncertainties are constructed and what role this construction plays in constituting the market exchange and relations. The conclusions reached are that economizing uncertainty becomes a market device in production, exchange, circulation, pricing and policy making.
The dissertation starts with an analysis of the market reform policies and agricultural transformation in Turkey. Next, it traces the processes of the production and calculation of hazelnuts, examining how hazelnuts are produced and measured under uncertainty, and how uncertainty is created in the calculation of hazelnuts. It then explains exchange relations and price politics created at different spheres and with different expectations. After that, it explores the struggles and controversies among market groups over the production, calculation, exchange and pricing of hazelnuts and policy making. Subsequently, it analyzes what the politics of uncertainty means and how it is produced in the market setting.
Following uncertainties and observing their making in markets require a research program that draws on literatures concerning economics, political science and sociology. The research program includes the discussion of material things, individuals, formal and informal institutions and prices as well as their interactions. The research was based primarily on qualitative interviews, participant observations, case studies and document analysis conducted between 2006 and 2009.
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Horning-Kossler, William. "A Critique of Ronald Inglehart's Theory of Cultural Shift." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625904.
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Tapia, Mosqueda Ricardo. "Perceptions of Effectiveness of Interpretation Services in the Washington County Court System." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/69.
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In the United States, court interpretation services are as old as the country’s history. The cultural and rich ethnic diversity of the U.S. has continued to provide a need for interpretation services. However, it was not until 1978 under the Federal Court Interpreters Act that the federal government would institute a framework for the federal courts to follow (Public Law 95-539, 1978). State courts were left to establish their own methodologies for addressing the way in which court interpreters are used. As the U.S. continues to become more linguistically diverse, such services need to be made easily accessible whenever necessary.
In the court of law, one of the most critical elements is communication. The interaction taking place amongst the attorneys, defendants, plaintiffs, judges, and so forth must be effectively communicated in order to ensure that no person’s rights are infringed upon. Without this vital element, plaintiffs and defendants cannot be equally protected and justice cannot be served. There are measures taken to ensure that those who are not proficient in the English language have the opportunity to be represented, but the fact that they need somebody else to be their voice in the courtroom poses various issues that will be addressed in this research.
The following research presents the results of a case study of the Washington County Court System (hereafter referred to as WCCS) in East Tennessee. The purpose of the case study is to explore how court interpretation services are being addressed in this area. Study participants were asked about the relationship between Limited English Proficiency (LEP) Spanish speaking individuals and the courts, and their answers consistently suggested that the WCCS is going beyond the expectations set forth by the Administrative Office of the Courts of Tennessee.
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Heine, Sophie. "Les résistances à l'intégration européenne en France et en Allemagne: une analyse des idéologies sous-tendant les critiques de gauche contre le Traité constitutionnel européen." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210553.
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Cette thèse constitue une analyse de contenu des critiques contre l'Union européenne exprimées par plusieurs acteurs politiques et sociaux de gauche en France et en Allemagne, au cours des débats sur le projet de Constitution européenne. Elle s'intéresse plus particulièrement aux idéologies sous-jacentes à ces critiques. Pour comprendre le sens de ces arguments, les comparer entre eux et les classer, certains idéaux-types ont été élaborés sur quatre dimensions (politique, socio-économique, identitaire et stratégique). Cette recherche a permis de combler une lacune importante dans l'analyse des acteurs dits "eurosceptiques", à savoir, l'étude des idéologies animant ces courants. L'essentiel de la littérature se concentre en effet surtout sur l'explication de l'euroscepticisme et, lorsqu'elle aborde leur idéologie, c'est pour construire des taxinomies excessivement globales. La thèse explore aussi en conclusion certaines pistes d'explications de ces résistances à l'UE en essayant d'aller au-delà des visions stratégiques, culturalistes et institutionnalistes, dominantes dans ce domaine, et en insistant davantage sur les dimensions idéelles et structurelles.//
This doctoral dissertation analyses the content of the critiques made by some left-wing social and political actors in France and Germany against the current EU. The study focuses on the debates that surrounded the project of European Constitution and more specifically on the more general ideologies underlying these arguments. In order to understand, compare and classify these critiques, idealtypes have been elaborated on four dimensions (socio-economic, political, identity-related and strategic). This research fills a gap in the literature analysing so-called "eurosceptic" actors by concentrating on the ideas conveyed by these currents. Indeed, most of this literature mostly tries to explain this phenomenon. And when it addresses the issue of ideology, it is only to build too far-reaching categories. The conclusion also aims at exploring possible explanations of theses resistances to the EU beyond the traditional theories, based on strategic agency, culturalism and institutionalism, and insisting more on the role of ideas and material structures.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Swerhun, Bryce. "Social and natural reality : prospects for a consilient theory of nationalism." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3107.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.Nationalism is quite easy to understand, but somewhat difficult to explain. In terms of understanding nationalism, we do not need to know anything more about society and sentiment than what is taken for granted in everyday life. An individual who ‘drops’ into a foreign culture may know absolutely nothing about its people’s songs, rituals, amusements and traditions: why some customs evoke tears, and others, bravado. This person would feel no sense of collective awe or inspiration when touring historic battlefields and monuments of an unfamiliar country. Nevertheless, he or she would likely understand and appreciate that all of these things are steeped in meaning and identity. These instances of meaning and identity may not be felt, shared or even fully known, but their role as expressions of nationalism can be readily appreciated. The global spread of nations entails an array of mutually unfamiliar national identities, but the actual phenomenon nationalism is rarely foreign to anyone. From an outsider’s perspective we do not know how certain expressions are significant to a particular group, but we do understand that they are expressions of national belonging. Explaining nationalism is more difficult for the simple reason that experiencing and recognizing a phenomenon is not sufficient to account for its existence. Customs and rituals are two suggested properties of nationalism, but what is the causal relationship between such properties and the end phenomenon (how does custom actually lead to nationalism, if at all)? The answers to these questions are still a matter of debate. The situation is only made worse by the fact that most theories explaining nationalism seem to rest on a tower of abstractions. For instance, it may seem uncontroversial for some to argue that nationalism is an outgrowth of ethnic identity. However, this just begs the question. What is ethnicity? The potential for regress to abstraction is a major impediment to theory. This thesis will examine the problem of explanation: the reasons why theories of nationalism have struggled with explaining nationalism, and a discussion on how to overcome these difficulties. Specifically, this thesis will show that: 1) The problem of explaining nationalism is due in part to the ‘classical’ problem found in the literature: whether nationalism is an ‘ancient’ social phenomenon, or a ‘modern’ phenomenon which can be dated (roughly) to the late eighteenth century. 2) Debates regarding the classical problem are closely affected by philosophical issues in the social sciences. 3) The incorporation of a consilient methodology (i.e. a research program that unifies theories of social science with theories of natural science) can provide a new strategy for future theories of nationalism and work to solve the classical problem.
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Yakinthou, Christalla. "Between Scylla and Charybdis : Cyprus and the problem of engineering political settlements for divided societies." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0113.
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Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.
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Vaccari, Federico. "The political economy of strategic communication." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22362/.
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This thesis contains three chapters exploring the implications of strategically biased information on political outcomes. The first chapter studies how a politically motivated media outlet misreports information in order to endorse its preferred candidate during an election. The task of identifying the reporting strategy through which an interested outlet can influence the decision of voters is non-trivial as there are many ways in which this can be done. I show that there is only one plausible equilibrium, where the media outlet ``pools'' information in a way that sways the decision of the median voter -- and therefore of a majority of electors. The second chapter investigates how media bias skews electoral competition and produces distortions in the process of policy formation. I develop a model of communication with endogenous policy-making. Candidates running for office know that information passes through the lens of an interested media outlet before reaching the electorate. This generates tension between pandering to the voter with a populist policy, or pleasing the outlet with a biased policy. I show that the implications of media bias are not confined to distortions of the voters' choice at the ballot box, but they propagate back to the process of policy-making. In the third chapter, I study to what extent competing forces in the market for news are beneficial for voters. I explore a model where (i) media outlets compete for influence by providing alternative views of the same stories, and (ii) relevant information spreads quickly, and eventually voters listen to all viewpoints. In equilibrium, both media outlets reveal their private information with positive probability, and misreport otherwise. I find that even though competition triggers more news distortions, it always outperforms monopoly: ``diversity of opinion'' has a value independently of the additional media outlet's bias -- even if it is extremely biased.
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Calloway, Jonathan. "Ending Structural Violence: A Rawlsian Approach to Liberation Theology." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/11.
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Liberation theology has played an important role for overcoming structural violence. Originating in Latin America, the movement continues to expand throughout the developed and developing world. Marxism and liberation theology share similar philosophies – showing preferential option to the poor. While many Marxists may believe that a solution to structural violence is alienating violence through justified revolution, the chance of success is limited. Liberation is a process, not an event. This essay identifies an alternative to liberation: applying the teachings of John Rawls and applying the Suffering Servant model of Jesus Christ. When we apply the Veil of Ignorance and the Difference Principle to liberation theology, we can realistically implement a system of equity in juxtaposition to the goals of a Marxist.
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La, Cava Edward. "Mining for a Gilded Age: Social Media and Social Phenomena." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/253.
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Scuderi, Grazia. "I poteri locali in Sicilia dalla costituzione del 1812 alla costituzione del 1848." Doctoral thesis, Università di Catania, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/923.
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Säflund, Amanda. "#Metoo i svenska riksdagen : En frameanalys av svenska riksdagspartiers reaktion på #Metoo." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352166.
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The purpose of this study is to investigate how the eight largest political parties in Sweden have reacted to the social movement #Metoo. With theories regarding agenda setting and institutional change in mind, this study contributes with an approach on how political parties react to social movements and therefore how movements can gain political access. By using Josefina Erikson’s dynamic frame analysis to create analysis tools the study aims to investigate how the political parties have highlighted the movement through their description of the problem, cause of the problem, negative versus positive framing and suggestions to solve it. In addition to this, the analysis tools also include a comparison between the parties results regarding causes and solutions and the movement's own suggestions to causes and solutions, to identify if the movement have gained different results regarding its impact on different parties. By studying posts on the websites of each party, together with a debate regarding #Metoo, the studies highlights the differences in how parties frame #Metoo. The results show that there is a difference in the framing of #Metoo in the material between different parties, where right-wing parties are generally focusing less on the movement than left-wing parties and also have less propositions of solutions for #Metoo that are in agreement to the movements own solutions. It is also more common for left-wing parties to propose specific solutions to #Metoo in the institutional arena such as the debate, compared to right-wing parties. As a conclusion, this study helps us understand how different political parties in Sweden have given attention and framed #Metoo and possibly how they will frame other movements as well. Although according to previous research (e.g. Vliegenthart and Walgrave, 2010) the movements attention could also depend on what kind of question it raises and how this question is applicable to the party’s general politics.
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Cahill, Damien Connolly. "The radical neo-liberal movement as a hegemonic force in Australia 1976-1996 /." Access electronically, 2004. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20041217.152455/index.html.
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Taylor, Francis. "Who are the dissidents? : analysing changes in the sociological profile of violent dissident republicans in Northern Ireland." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2016. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1017/.
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This thesis presents an empirical analysis of a unique data set of 427 men and women who have been charged with criminal offences as a result of suspected involvement in dissident republican activity in Northern Ireland between 1998 and 2014. The charges result from involvement in the four main dissident groups currently active in armed struggle in Ireland namely Continuity IRA (CIRA), Real IRA (RIRA), Oglaigh Na h’Eireann (ONH) and most recently the New IRA (NIRA). Both official Government publications and open source dissident news material was used to create a violent dissident republican personnel database. This database was then used to compare the dissidents with the Old IRA of the Irish Revolution between the years 1916-1923. This study is primarily comparing and contrasting the IRA and how it has changed in 100 years. Conclusions are made on gender and religion, age and marriage and status and class. It contains policy implications for both practitioners and academics on how to counter the contemporary violence of dissidents in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.
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Matti, Simon. "Exploring public policy legitimacy a study of belief-system correspondence in Swedish environmental policy /." Doctoral thesis, Luleå : Political Science Unit, Luleå University of Technology, 2009. http://pure.ltu.se/ws/fbspretrieve/3012491.
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Miettunen, Juuso V. M. "Prefigurative politics : perils and promise." Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/50228/.
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Many recent social movements have been characterised by their commitment to direct democratic decision-making procedures and leaderless, non-hierarchic organizational structures. This political tendency also implies the search for autonomy from existing political institutions and practises. Movements seek instead to embody in the political action itself the social relations, ways of collective decision-making and values that are ultimately desired for the whole society. This prefigurative approach to social change is often criticized for being naiive or marginal. This thesis argues first that this is not the case, but that prefigurative politics is misunderstood due to its differing view on questions of strategy, organisation and ultimately the possibility of fundamental societal change. The dissertation first outlines the often implicit strategy or vision of change underpinning prefigurative politics. It then identifies as the key challenge for prefigurative movements their ability to avoid reproducing oppressive forms of power, ‘power-over.’ This understudied aspect is investigated through extensive ethnographic field research with the unemployed workers movement, MTD Lanús in Buenos Aires, and the Zapatista movement in Mexico. The thesis concludes that it seems impossible to completely avoid reproducing old forms of power. Often key individuals in the movements end up in a paradoxical position whereby, in an effort to ensure the group’s prefigurative nature, these individuals enjoy non-prefigurative influence. The findings imply that the state and corresponding political forms and practise are not the only source of hierarchic pressures. As such, it would be more useful to view prefigurative political action as desirable, yet impossible.
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Gabay, Nadav. "The political origins of social science the cultural transformation of the British parliament and the emergence of scientific policymaking, 1803-1857 /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3274830.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 9, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 449-472).
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Urselmans, Linda. "Agent-based modelling of complex systems in political science : social norms and tolerance in immigrant societies." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22040/.
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Migration is a political issue that has received more attention in recent years. Many questions remain as to how Western societies can successfully absorb migrants- economic arguments have largely been in favour of migration, but the social impact of diversity in previously homogeneous societies has been subject to ongoing debates in social science. Migrant societies are complex social systems with many interacting moving parts. How do rapid migration-changes in society affect the hosts? How do norms of tolerance towards minorities hold up when intergroup con icts emerge? Can segregating behaviour of different population groups be reduced by encouraging different settlement locations for new migrants? The questions address both the physical aspect of migrants entering an already populated space, and the social dimension in which the hosts are adapting their attitudes. I develop a Schelling model using Agent-based modelling to address these questions. I introduce the concept of external migration into an existing society and test how, by varying the kind of migration, introducing diversity affects local tolerance. In the second chapter, I show that large-scale migration results in short-term shocks to the populace, but that these effects are heavily dependent on the population density and how large the native majority is. In Chapter 3 I implement a version of the `contact hypothesis' which stipulates that contact with out-group members increases tolerance and I show that the adaptability increases the importance of native majorities further. In the fourth chapter, I move on to the social norms of tolerance, introducing an ABM in which agents can deceive others by signalling false information about their true attitudes. I show that the emergent pattern of these behaviours can lead to a false consensus effect in which the perceived majority public opinion is unstable. The thesis is able to generate societies that bear many similarities with the Western countries of today and can suggest explanations for the mechanisms that lead to changes in public opinion more negative towards migration, as well as reasons for growing separation of different population groups.
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Cobb, Shane Kent. "Consociational democracy : the model and its relevance to conflict regulation in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15831.
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Bibliography: pages 180-190.The purpose of this paper is to survey the literature of consociational theory, assess its validity as a conceptual model, and to analyse both its relevance and utility as a potential framework of conflict regulation in South Africa. The paper is divided into five chapters: an overview of consociational theory as it is presented by its leading exponents; a critique of the theory's methodology and major suppositions; a modified model of consociational democracy in light of the theoretical criticisms; an application and evaluation of the modified model to South Africa; and, finally, some observations about consociational democracy's possible viability as a transitory mechanism between the present system and black majority-rule in a unitary system. The objective is to illustrate that consociational government is, normatively, an inadequate constitutional system for South Africa and, more broadly, for polities characterised by extreme ethnic or economic conflict.
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Halldorsson, Jon Ormur. "State, class and regime in Indonesia structural impediments to democratisation /." Thesis, University of Kent, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/38734269.html.
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Arikan, Pinar. "Uneasy Coexistence:." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12607892/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
UNEASY COEXISTENCE: &ldquoISLAMISM VS. REPUBLICANISM&rdquo
DEBATE IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN Arikan, Pinar M. Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Meliha AltuniSik December 2006, 170 pages The objective of this thesis is to analyze the Islamist and republican features of the political regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It aims to identify the relationship between Islamism and republicanism in terms of institutional and practical means throughout the period since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. It seeks an answer to the question of how the Islamist and republican orientations that built up the political regime and the system of governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran have affected the domestic political and ideological developments. For this aim, firstly, the history of ulama-state relations as well as the history of constitutional tradition in Iran is discussed. Then, the impact of Islamism and republicanism in the process of establishment of the new regime in Iran is examined. Afterwards, the emergence of Islamism and republicanism as indigenous ideological currents and the political groups that appealed to these two orientations are analyzed with special emphasis to the role of Khomeini in this process. In the remaining part, the institutional and practical implications of the coexistence of Islamist and republican orientations are scrutinized during the presidencies of Rafsanjani and Khatami respectively. Finally, this thesis is concluded with an overall assessment of Islamism vs. republicanism debate with reference to the 2005 presidential elections.